Friday, May 9, 2025

I Was Detained for My Beliefs. Who Will Be Next? by Mohsen Mahdawi + Masha Gessen & Jason Stanley: Is it Doomsday for U.S. Democracy?

 
I Was Detained for My Beliefs. Who Will Be Next?
May 2, 2025
New York Times


 

Credit: Ben Salesse for The New York Times


Listen to this article · 6:47 minutes

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by Mohsen Mahdawi
May 2, 2025
New York


[Mr. Mahdawi is a Palestinian human rights advocate and Columbia University student.]

On April 14, 2025, I was detained during what should have been my citizenship naturalization interview. After more than two weeks of unjust imprisonment, a federal judge ruled in favor of releasing me. In a major victory for democracy, I may be the first of the many student activists who have been detained by the Trump administration to be freed from detention.

The Department of Homeland Security had effectively orchestrated a trap. It dangled the prospect of becoming an American citizen, only for masked agents to apprehend me after I finished the interview and signed a document saying I was willing to take an oath of allegiance. Government agents separated me from my lawyer, who had gone to the appointment with me. They planned to whisk me from my home state, Vermont, to a detention facility in Louisiana.

The trap was not a complete surprise to me. It came after other arrests of students for exercising their right to free speech in opposing Israel’s relentless killing and destruction in Gaza. I had prepared by contacting lawyers, my Vermont senators and my House representative, the media and a group of community members. The Department of Homeland Security’s plan did not go smoothly, as we missed the flight to Louisiana by minutes. Those few minutes changed the course of my legal case and, ultimately, led to my freedom from detention because I was able to fight for my rights on fair ground. Unlike other students who continue to languish in Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody, I’ve been afforded the “privilege” to seek justice while not in prison.

Despite spending 16 nights in a jail cell, I never lost hope in the inevitability of justice and the principles of democracy. I wanted to become a citizen of this country because I believe in the principles that it enshrines. When Judge Geoffrey W. Crawford ruled in my favor, he reassured me, along with the American people, that there is still reason to hope in those principles. But the road to justice is long. My freedom is intertwined with the freedom of the other students, who exercised the same free speech rights as I did yet languish in jail, and is intertwined with that of the Palestinians, who are fighting for their right to life and justice, too.

The American government accuses me of undermining U.S. foreign policy, a patently absurd pretext for deportation for political speech that the Trump administration dislikes. The government is scraping the bottom of the barrel in its attempts to smear me. My only “crime” is refusing to accept the slaughter of Palestinians, opposing war and promoting peace. I have simply insisted that international law must be respected. I believe the way to a just and long-lasting peace for Palestinians and Israelis is through diplomacy and restorative justice.

By seeking to deport me, the Trump administration is sending a clear message: There is no room for dissent, free speech be damned. It seems willing to shield an extremist Israeli government from criticism at the expense of constitutional rights, all while suppressing the possibility of a peaceful future for both Palestinians and Israelis, a future free of trauma and fear.

I dream of justice and peace, a dream shaped by the nightmarish memories of my childhood. I was born a third-generation refugee in Al-Far’a camp in the West Bank under Israel’s apartheid system. When I was 8 years old, I buried my brother when he died a few years after an Israeli military siege blocked his access to medical care, ultimately resulting in fatal health issues. Instead of celebrating my 11th birthday, I walked in my uncle’s funeral procession after he was killed by the Israeli military. I witnessed an Israeli soldier kill my best childhood friend when I was 11.

When the Department of Homeland Security took me into custody, the agent apologized in advance but then handcuffed me, chained my hands to my waist and shackled my feet. I jokingly said, while taking short steps, “This is how I do walking meditation,” to distract myself from thinking about helpless Palestinians in Israeli jails who were shackled just like me, some of them sexually abused and killed. “Breathe in love, breathe out love,” I told myself as we drove away.

In Cell No. C38, where I spent my first night, I saw a flashlight peeking through the darkness as the night guard did his routine check. At that moment I became aware that I was now connected to my grandfather, father, uncles and cousins, who were all also unjustly imprisoned. I prayed that my future children would not suffer the same injustice. As I fell asleep, I thought of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous quote: “Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that.”

Before moving to the United States in 2014, freedom was an abstract concept for me, something I could barely imagine while living under Israeli military occupation. I sang for freedom, wrote poems about it and dreamed of living it but had never experienced it. I longed for physical freedom — the ability to travel without encountering a military checkpoint — and for the right to free speech, both of which I found in America.

Ultimately, I sought American citizenship not only because I did not want to lose the freedom I enjoyed as a permanent resident but even more so because I believe in the principles and values of democracy, which this country stipulates in its founding documents. While America has not always lived up to those values, like Dr. King, I believe they serve as a promise of what’s possible.

These very freedoms are under attack today, both for me and for others like me. The Trump administration is hewing to Israel’s playbook: Under the thinly veiled guise of security, rights are being denied and due process eliminated. The administration is silencing its critics by deploying Immigration and Customs Enforcement to detain noncitizen dissidents and is compromising the integrity of the immigration system.

Once the repression of dissent, in the name of security, becomes a key objective of a government, authoritarian rule and even martial law are not far off. When they look at my case, all Americans should ask themselves: What is left of our democracy, and who will be targeted next?

Israel’s actions in Gaza have resulted in the deaths of more than 52,000 Palestinians since Oct. 7, 2023, according to the Gazan Health Ministry. A majority of the dead are women and children, and a recent study suggests the number is likely a vast undercount. This is a war of madness and revenge that relies on American weapons, funded by U.S. taxpayer dollars and justified by American politicians.

My case reveals how the struggles for justice for Americans and Palestinians are connected. Americans must decide whether to support war or peace, oppression or democracy. If we cannot speak up against the killing of children and what human rights experts have called a genocide in Gaza, what can we speak out against?

More on Trump and free speech:

Opinion | Edward J. Markey, Jim McGovern and Ayanna Pressley

We Visited Rumeysa Ozturk in Detention. What We Saw Was a Warning to Us All.

April 25, 2025

Opinion | David French

Don’t Fool Yourself Into Thinking It Will Stop With Columbia

March 16, 2025


Opinion | Michelle Goldberg

This Is the Greatest Threat to Free Speech Since the Red Scare

March 10, 2025


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 

Mohsen Mahdawi is a Palestinian human rights advocate based in Vermont. He was born and raised in a refugee camp in the West Bank, and is studying philosophy at Columbia University.
 

Masha Gessen & Jason Stanley: Is it Doomsday for U.S. Democracy?

Laura Flanders & Friends
 

 
May 2, 2025

VIDEO:
  

What will it take to reject fascism, before it’s too late? Masha Gessen and Jason Stanley are two leading experts on autocracy, and they’re sounding the alarm. They and their families have escaped totalitarian regimes and oppressive governments; today Gessen and Stanley are pulling back the curtain on the attacks against DEI, trans bodies, civil rights, higher education and more. Is authoritarianism here? Masha Gessen is an acclaimed Russian-American journalist, a Polk Award winning opinion writer for the New York Times and the author of "Surviving Autocracy" and “The Future is History: How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia.” Forced to leave Russia twice, in 2024, a Moscow court convicted them, in absentia to eight years in prison for their reporting on the war in Ukraine. Jason Stanley is a best-selling author and professor whose books include “Erasing History” and "How Fascism Works". He recently left his teaching position at Yale University to relocate to Canada with his family; noting that he is a child of Jewish refugees who fled Nazi Germany. In this historic conversation — the first interview between Gessen and Stanley — the two explore how to be bold in our movements and envision a multi-ethnic democracy. Plus, a commentary from Laura. “Trump has proposed a revived empire, a return to an imaginary past. The Democrats have proposed the way things are now, which are deeply unsatisfying and horribly anxiety provoking for a very large number of people. So we need a vision of a future that is more appealing than the imaginary past.” - Masha Gessen “What I see now is this regime shifting the self understanding of America, from having these democratic ideals . . . God knows they've been imperfect, to a self identity as loving the United States because we've had these great men in our past, and we've conquered the West, and we can punch you in the nose. And that's not a democratic project. That's like what Putin is doing in Russia.” - Jason Stanley


GUESTS: Masha Gessen: Opinion Columnist, The New York Times; Author, Surviving Autocracy; Distinguished Professor, Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism, CUNY

Jason Stanley: Author, Erasing History & How Fascism Works; Professor, Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto


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The Trump Regime's Ongoing and Relentless Fascist/White Supremacist Attack On The Human, Civil, and Constitutional Rights of U.S. Voters in General, and African American Voters in Particular


 
Trump’s DOJ to Focus on Voter Fraud, Not Voting Rights
by Matt Cohen
April 30, 2025
Democracy Docket 
 
Harmeet Dhillon was confirmed by the Senate as the DOJ’s assistant attorney general for civil rights. (AP Photo/Jae C. Hong)

The U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) is quietly dismantling its voting section and refocusing it to target voter fraud.

The new direction is alarming those familiar with the department’s history of protecting voting rights.

“What is going to happen when they start bringing voting fraud suits right in the middle of an election?” asked Joseph Rich, a longtime former attorney in the DOJ’s civil rights division, who served as chief of the voting section from 1999 to 2005.

The Guardian reported Monday that appointees of President Donald Trump reassigned the managers of the voting section to other arms of DOJ, and directed all attorneys to dismiss active voting rights cases.
As Democracy Docket has been tracking, DOJ has been withdrawing from Biden-era voting rights cases piecemeal since Trump returned to the White House — including challenges to voter suppression measures in Georgia and Virginia, among others.

Still, according to Democracy Docket’s litigation tracker, DOJ remains involved in at least 29 voting rights or redistricting cases across 18 states. If the department formally withdraws from all those cases, it could further weaken enforcement of voter protections nationwide.

These drastic changes to the voting section come amid a larger shake up in the civil rights division, with multiple outlets reporting that more than 100 attorneys and staff in the civil rights division are expected to resign in the coming week.

Shortly after she was confirmed by the U.S. Senate as assistant attorney general leading the civil rights division, the anti-voting lawyer Harmeet Dhillon reportedly issued new internal mission statements to each section of the division, refocusing priorities away from its longtime goal of enforcing civil rights laws and protecting the rights of marginalized groups.

“The mission of the Voting Rights Section of the DOJ Civil Rights Division is to ensure free, fair, and honest elections unmarred by fraud, errors, or suspicion,” the new mission statement reads, according to reporting from The Guardian. “The Section will work to ensure that only American citizens vote in US federal elections and do so securely. Other section priorities include preventing illegal voting, fraud, and other forms of malfeasance and error. All attorneys within the Voting Section will advocate with zeal on behalf of the United States of America in furtherance of all objectives as tasked.”

The voting section has historically been the federal government’s chief enforcer of voting rights, bringing cases under the Voting Rights Act and other voter protections.

The DOJ declined to comment to Democracy Docket on the voting section’s new mission statement and reassignments.

For the civil rights division to investigate and bring claims of voter fraud is a major shift for the DOJ, according to Rich.

“Voting fraud was enforced by the criminal division,” he told Democracy Docket. “There was a special unit that did voting fraud cases, and there were very few of them.”
Rich said he’s worried about how the voting section’s new mission might impact the next election — especially given how hard Trump is trying to disenfranchise voters.

“What does that mean for the elections coming up?” Rich said. “What is going to happen when they start bringing voting fraud suits right in the middle of an election, or even close to an election? The policy of the department is to never take steps before an election.”

There’s some recent precedent for the effort to use the Justice Department to target fraud. Under President George W. Bush, the White House pressured DOJ to fire several U.S. attorneys, in part for failing to pursue voter fraud cases. After a congressional probe revealed details of the scheme, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales (R) resigned.

Cumulatively, Rich believes the current shakeups at the DOJ amount to a coordinated effort to destroy the civil rights division — which has historically been the “crown jewel” of the department.

“It just seems to me, right now, it’s being wiped out,” he said. “And I expect that they’ll be hiring an awful lot of new attorneys that are not interested in enforcing the traditional civil rights laws. You may someday get rid of this administration, but how do you put it back together?”

IMPORTANT NEW BOOKS

Copaganda: How Police and the Media Manipulate Our News
by Alec Karakatsanis
The New Press, 2025


[Publication date: May 6, 2025]
From a prizewinning civil rights lawyer comes a powerful warning about how the media manipulates public perception, fueling fear and inequality, while distracting us from what truly matters

“Alec Karakatsanis exposes our criminal injustice system for what it is: a bureaucracy of punishment, propped up by a biased media machine that feeds mass incarceration. After Copaganda, you’ll never read the news the same way again.” —Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow

In this groundbreaking expose, essential for understanding the rising authoritarian mindset, award-winning civil rights lawyer Alec Karakatsanis introduces the concept of “Copaganda.” He defines Copaganda as a special kind of propaganda employed by police, prosecutors, and news media that stokes fear of police-recorded crime and distorts society’s responses to it. Every day, mass media manipulates our perception of what keeps us safe and contributes to a culture fearful of poor people, strangers, immigrants, unhoused people, and people of color. The result is more and more authoritarian state repression, more inequality, and huge profits for the massive public and private punishment bureaucracy.

For readers of Naomi Klein and Noam Chomsky, Copaganda documents how modern news coverage fuels insecurity against these groups and shifts our focus away from the policies that would help us improve people’s lives—things like affordable housing, adequate healthcare, early childhood education, and climate-friendly city planning.

These false narratives in turn fuel surveillance, punishment, inequality, injustice, and mass incarceration. Copaganda is often hidden in plain sight, such as:

When your local TV station obsessively focuses on shoplifting by poor people while ignoring crimes of wage theft, tax evasion, and environmental pollution


When you hear on your daily podcast that there is a “shortage” of prison guards rather than too many people in prison


When your newspaper quotes an “expert” saying that more money for police and prisons is the answer to violence despite scientific evidence to the contrary

Recognized by Teen Vogue as “one of the most prominent voices” on the criminal legal system, Karakatsanis brings his sharp legal expertise, trenchant political analysis, and humorous storytelling to drastically alter the way we consume information, while offering a hopeful path forward. One towards a healed humanity—and media system—with a vested interest in public safety and equality.

REVIEWS:

Praise for Copaganda:

“An instructive, often enraging look at how elite publications mounted a sustained defense of the status quo after the police murder of George Floyd touched off the largest political mass movement in U.S. history.”
—The New Republic

“Karakatsanis’s close readings of news articles from major outlets show that journalists habitually regurgitate pro-police narratives—many of which revolve around how more funding for law enforcement is needed to bring down crime rates—and omit the perspectives of non-police experts and studies showing that law enforcement has no correlation with crime rates. . . . Readers will be aghast.”
—Publishers Weekly (starred review)

"Alec Karakatsanis exposes our criminal injustice system for what it is: a bureaucracy of punishment, propped up by a biased media machine that feeds mass incarceration. After Copaganda, you’ll never read the news the same way again."
—Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow


"Alec Karakatsanis is a gifted civil rights lawyer and a fearless guide to the urgent project of calling out the many failures of modern coverage of crime and justice. Only by really understanding those failures—why, for instance, news outlets tend to ignore ubiquitous crimes like wage theft but spill endless ink on certain street crimes—can we hope to heal our communities."
—Sarah Stillman, Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist and staff writer, The New Yorker


"Karakatsanis cuts to the heart of the rancid politics of crime, and the ways in which journalists and academics reproduce inequality and immiseration by legitimating America’s massive punishment bureaucracy. Copaganda is a masterful analysis, a call to action, and a blueprint for change."
—Alex S. Vitale, author of The End of Policing


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 

A former public defender, Alec Karakatsanis is the founder of the Civil Rights Corps, an organization designed to advocate for racial justice and bring systemic civil rights cases on behalf of impoverished people. He was named the 2016 Trial Lawyer of the Year by Public Justice and was awarded the Stephen B. Bright Award for contributions to indigent defense in the South by Gideon’s Promise. The author of Usual Cruelty: The Complicity of Lawyers in the Criminal Injustice System and Copaganda (The New Press), he lives in Washington, DC.



A Continuous Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Martin Sostre
by Garrett Felber
AK Press, 2025


[Publication date: May 6, 2025]

The first biography of the revolutionary political prisoner who laid the foundation for contemporary abolitionist struggles and Black anarchism.

A Continuous Struggle is a political biography of one of the most important—if since forgotten—revolutionary figures of the twentieth century in the United States. Martin Sostre (1923–2015) was a Black Puerto Rican from East Harlem who became a politicized prisoner and jailhouse lawyer, winning cases in the early 1960s that helped secure the constitutional rights of incarcerated people. He opened one of the country’s first radical Black bookstores and was scapegoated and framed by police and the FBI following the Buffalo rebellion of 1967. He was sentenced by an all-white jury to thirty-one to forty-one years.

Throughout his nine-year imprisonment, Sostre transformed himself and the revolutionary movements he was a part of, eventually identifying as a revolutionary anarchist and laying the foundation for contemporary Black anarchism. During that time, he engaged in principled resistance to strip frisks for which he was beaten eleven times, raising awareness about the routinized sexual assault of imprisoned people. The decade-long Free Martin Sostre movement was one of the greatest and most improbable defense campaign victories of the Black Power era, alongside those to liberate Angela Davis and Huey Newton. Although Sostre receded from public view after his release in 1976, he lived another four decades of committed struggle as a tenant organizer and youth mentor in New York and New Jersey. Throughout his long life, Martin Sostre was a jailhouse lawyer, revolutionary bookseller, yogi, mentor and teacher, anti-rape organizer, housing justice activist, and original political thinker. The variety of strategies he used and terrains on which he struggled emphasize the necessity and possibility of multi-faceted and continuous struggle against all forms of oppression in pursuit of an egalitarian society founded on the principles of “maximum human freedom, spirituality, and love.”
Review

“Vibrant…This brings the revolutionary spirit of the ’60s and ’70s alive in fascinating detail.” —Publisher's Weekly

“I’ve been waiting for years for a biography of Martin Sostre worthy of its subject. This is it. Garrett Felber tells an engrossing story of a complex and committed man who dedicated his life to the struggle for liberation of the oppressed with depth and revolutionary love. A new generation will now get to know someone whose contributions have made all our lives more possible. A Continuous Struggle will be a mainstay on my shelf and my book recommendations.” —Mariame Kaba, coauthor of Let this Radicalize You

“Now that Garrett Felber has given us such a deeply researched and compelling biography of Martin Sostre, Sostre’s pivotal and far-reaching contributions to the movement against prisons and the broader abolitionist movement can no longer be ignored. This book is more than a biography of a single individual—it charts the collective work that guides us today.” —Angela Y. Davis, is a political activist and author of numerous books, including Freedom is a Constant Struggle

“A Continuous Struggle is urgent reading for organizers everywhere. Martin Sostre’s project-oriented revolutionary vision gifts us with insights. Garrett Felber vividly shows how Sostre understood the consciousness-expanding power of frequently modest ‘objective examples.’ As a result, the man’s life and this book encourage us to notice the many unsung people who work towards a new society in militantly practical ways.” —Ruth Wilson Gilmore, author of Abolition Geography

“A rigorous examination of Sostre's revolutionary life that offers vital lessons for those seeking to carry on the struggle.” —Orisanmi Burton, author of Tip of the Spear

“The radical, indeed revolutionary life of Martin Sostre, a Black Puerto Rican political prisoner, is a remarkable one. He entered prison thinking himself nonpolitical, but learned, through hard-fought struggles and experience, that every time we wrestle with the State (Leviathan) we are engaged with politics. . . . His bio tells the tale of a man who transformed when faced with new challenges, becoming more radical with each transformation. Those students of the '60s, the Black nationalist and the prisoners’ rights movement would do well by reading his work.” —Mumia Abu-Jamal, political prisoner and coeditor of Beneath the Mountain 
 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:



Garrett Felber is an educator, writer, and organizer. They are the author of Those Who Know Don’t Say: The Nation of Islam, the Black Freedom Movement, and the Carceral State, and coauthor of The Portable Malcolm X Reader, with Manning Marable. Felber is a cofounder of the abolitionist collective Study and Struggle and is currently building a radical mobile library, the Free Society People's Library, in Portland, Oregon.


ABOUT THE FORWARD AUTHOR:
 

Robin D. G. Kelley is author or coeditor of numerous award-winning books including Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination, Thelonious Monk: The Life and Times of an American Original, and Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class, among others. 


A Genocide Foretold: Reporting on Survival and Resistance in Occupied Palestine
by Chris Hedges
Seven Stories Press, 2025
 
[Publication Date:  April 8, 2025]
With intimate and harrowing portraits of the human consequences of oppression, occupation, and violence experienced in Palestine today, Pulitzer-prize-winning journalist Chris Hedges issues a call to action urging us to bear witness and engage with the ongoing humanitarian crisis.

Hedges wrote the first section of the book when he was in Ramallah in July 2024, and he draws from his experience doing extensive reporting from the Middle East, including Gaza, for the New York Times.

A Genocide Foretold confronts the stark realities of life under siege in Gaza and the heroic effort ordinary Palestinians are waging to resist and survive. Weaving together personal stories, historical context, and unflinching journalism, Chris Hedges provides an intimate portrait of systemic oppression, occupation, and violence. 
 
The book includes chapters on:

What life is like in Gaza City and Ramallah in the midst of approaching bombs and gunfire.

The history of the dispossession of Palestinians of their land in relation to the ideology of Zionism.

A portrait of Amr, a 17-year-old highschool student who is forced to evacuate his village with his family.

Psychoanalysis of the state of permanent war that has led to the destruction of hospitals, telecommunications centers, governmental buildings, roads, homes universities, schools, and libraries and archaeological and heritage sites in Gaza.

The ways in which the collective retribution against innocents is a familiar tactic employed by colonial rulers.

A heartbreaking final chapter called “Letter to the Children of Gaza.”

Hedges, the Pulitzer Prize–winning former Middle East Bureau Chief for The New York Times, is an Arabic speaker who spent seven years covering the conflict. He wrote the first section of the book when he was in Ramallah in July 2024. A Pulitzer-Prize winning journalist, he is also the author of two bestselling books, War is a Force that Gives us Meaning and The Greatest Evil is War. In A Genocide Foretold he writes with an emotional depth that can only be achieved from spending many years on the ground in Gaza and the West Bank. A Genocide Foretold is a call to action, urging us to bear witness and engage with the ongoing humanitarian crisis.

REVIEWS:

"An authoritative argument against the singularity of the conflict and an indictment of Western media narratives that present it as exceptional and beyond critique." —Publishers Weekly, starred review

"Chris Hedges writes with heart and extraordinary moral clarity about a genocide that has unfurled in front of our eyes. A Genocide Foretold indicts not only the racist bloodlust that has overtaken Israeli society, but the full complicity of the U.S. government and media, and the hypocrisies at the heart of the West’s most cherished illusions.” —Beh Ehrenreich, author of The Way to the Spring: Life and Death in Palestine

"With a searing urgency, Chris Hedges brings readers face to face with Israel’s devastation of Gaza. A Genocide Foretold is a scathing denunciation of the long violence of the Zionist project and its U.S. and European backers. The writing reflects his deep experience as a correspondent from Central America to Bosnia and his passionate moral outrage against both war and the hypocrisy that justifies it. Fast-paced and dazzling, the book gives first-hand accounts of the horrors of war and the courage of those resisting it."
—Aviva Chomsky, coeditor of Organizing for Power and author of Central America's Forgotten History

"Chris Hedges profoundly describes exactly what is happening in Palestine and talks on behalf of the victims. In his painful writings, he makes their voices heard. This is genocide as I lived it in Gaza for three months. The book is full of stories, information, and shocking realities. This is not just reporting from there or about them, it is a courageous challenge to all attempts to misinform us about what life looks like in Gaza. Profound, honest, painful, moving and real…the book takes us through history, geography, politics, and news and helps us better understand the Zionist occupation. We cannot escape after learning about it! Chris is telling us: now you know."—Atef Abu Saif, Minister of Culture of Palestine and author of Don't Look Left: A Diary of Genocide


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


Chris Hedges is the former Pulitzer Prize–winning Middle East Bureau Chief for The New York Times. An Arabic speaker, he spent seven years covering the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, much of that time in Gaza. Author of 14 books, his most recent are The Greatest Evil Is War and A Genocide Foretold. He has taught at Columbia University, New York University, Princeton University, and the University of Toronto. He has also taught for over a decade in the college degree program offered by Rutgers University in the New Jersey prison system. He holds a B.A. from Colgate University in English Literature and a Master of Divinity from Harvard University. He lives in Princeton, New Jersey.

Elie Mystal On The Law Enforcement and Judicial Dimensions of Trump's Fascist Regime and its Openly Corrupt, Militaristic, illegal, Oppressive, and Unconstitutional Uses and Objectives by the Lawless American Government (With the Shameless Complicity and Cowardly Capitulation of the Democratic Party)

https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/trump-executive-order-police-martial-law/

 
Trump’s Newest Executive Order “Unleashes” the Cops—and Flirts With Martial Law

The new order effectively allows police to get away with murder. And that’s just the beginning.

by Elie Mystal
April 30, 2025
The Nation


 
Donald Trump displays a signed executive order in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC. (Samuel Corum / Sipa / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Holding police officers accountable when they commit crimes or violate the constitutional rights of those they’re allegedly here to “serve and protect” is one of the most difficult things to do in law. The police are protected by powerful, well-funded, and well-lawyered unions. They are protected by the judicial doctrine of qualified immunity, which prevents them from being personally sued for monetary damages when they damage or destroy property or lives. They’re protected by prosecutors and district attorneys who work alongside them and are often reluctant to charge them with crimes. And then, even when police officers are charged with crimes, they are often protected by sympathetic (white) juries who give the cops a pass when they brutalize or harass unarmed citizens. The entire system is designed to help cops get away with crime.

Now, Donald Trump has issued an executive order that will make it even harder to hold cops accountable—and flirts blatantly with martial law. Named the dystopian “Strengthening and Unleashing America’s Law Enforcement to Pursue Criminals and Protect Innocent Citizens,” this new order purports to “unleash high-impact local police forces; protect and defend law enforcement officers wrongly accused and abused by State or local officials; and surge resources to officers in need.”

The aggressive language in the order could be cribbed from any military police state in the annals of history, and that’s clearly the kind of polity that Trump would like to create and lead. The order instructs the secretary of defense to put down the bottle long enough to “determine how military and national security assets, training, non-lethal capabilities, and personnel can most effectively be utilized to prevent crime.” It also instructs the Department of Homeland Security to “advance the objectives of this order.”

Careful readers will note that this sounds an awful lot like the prelude to martial law, a framework where national military assets are deployed in American cities to enforce the president’s priorities. That would, of course, be a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act, which prevents the president from using the American military as a domestic police force. But I think it’s well established that Trump has never watched The West Wing and doesn’t respect the rule of law in this country anyway.

The most charitable view of this provision is that it will merely enable the federal government to make unused military equipment available to local law enforcement (then again, presidents already have the power to do this and it’s the reason why police often look like they’re heading into Fallujah every time a SWAT team shows up). The most dangerous read is that it will lead to army divisions patrolling our streets to quash dissent and, ultimately, “protect” Donald Trump’s reelection to a third term in office.

If they weren’t dripping hypocrites, conservative “states’ rights” aficionados would be rending their garments over this unconstitutional nationalization of the local police power. But I think most people reading already know that the states’ rights people only care about the concept when it comes to owning slaves and forcing pregnant people to give birth against their will. Apparently, all Abraham Lincoln needed to say was that he was sending Union troops to the South to “fight crime,” and then they would have been welcomed with open arms by the Confederacy. I wonder why he didn’t think of that.
 
Current Issue of The Nation
May 2025 Issue

Still, while the martial law concerns are significant, we are probably two or three unconstitutional executive orders away from that. The more immediate thrust of this order is to make it nearly impossible to hold cops accountable for crimes. Toward that end, it calls for officers to be indemnified by the federal government when they “unjustly incur expenses and liabilities for actions taken during the performance of their official duties to enforce the law.” This essentially extends the concept of qualified immunity to the criminal sphere. Now, even a cop who is held criminally liable can have their expenses paid for.

Cops will also get free lawyers, and not the kind of overworked, underpaid, noble attorneys who work for legal aid. Trump has been bullying law firms to provide pro bono services for conservative causes, but he didn’t really define exactly what those causes were supposed to be. This executive order closes that loop: “This mechanism shall include the use of private-sector pro bono assistance for such law enforcement officers.” As if cops didn’t already have access to the lawyers provided to them by their labor unions, now apparently they can make Wall Street lawyers work on their behalf for free.

No pro bono lawyers will be made available for the people the cops murder, beat up, or otherwise harass.

The order also directs the Department of Justice to go after state and local officials who “willfully and unlawfully direct the obstruction of criminal law, including by directly and unlawfully prohibiting law enforcement officers from carrying out duties necessary for public safety and law enforcement.” I can’t say for sure what this provision means, given that it is already a crime to “obstruct justice,” but I bet Hannah Dugan knows what Trump is talking about. Dugan is the Milwaukee judge who was illegally arrested in her own courtroom for refusing to let ICE arrest a defendant in that very courtroom. I can only assume that we’ll see more of that because of this executive order.

Finally, the EO instructs the attorney general to “review all ongoing Federal consent decrees, out-of-court agreements, and post-judgment orders to which a State or local law enforcement agency is a party and modify, rescind, or move to conclude such measures.” This is a provision straight out of Project 2025. It means that the Trump administration can and will remove any ongoing accountability or restrictions currently faced by police forces arising out of their prior bad behavior.

I cannot help but understand this order through its potential impacts on my lived experience. Let’s say a cop pulls me over for driving-while-Black. After he hops out of his M1-Abrams tank, he uses a military grade stun-gun on me because I gave him the side-eye while searching for my vehicle registration. I “resist” by saying things such as “Ow!” or “What the hell!” and he proceeds to beat me to within an inch of my life.

I’d want him to face criminal charges, but the prosecutor doesn’t want to take the risk. Even though I have a good case, they’re worried that if they press charges against the officer, they will face charges from the Department of Justice. Even if I can marshal considerable public pressure to get the prosecutor to file charges, the cop is now being defended, for free, by Brad Karp at Paul, Weiss or some other wealthy Biglaw attorney who has decided to be complicit with fascism. The trial proceeds, but let’s say I win (because corporate attorneys are not necessarily the best courtroom litigators). Even then, any damages I receive for being Tiananmen Square’d by the racist cop are covered by the government. The cop returns to the force soon after, because any accountability measure like a consent decree is also no longer available during the Trump administration.

Like all of Trump’s executive orders, this one can be rescinded by the next president (if we are allowed to have one). But unlike some of the others, I don’t necessarily trust that a future Democratic president will go back and rescind this particular order. Democrats, at least in my lifetime, have been almost as deeply committed to brutal police practices as the Republicans. It would take a Democrat uniquely committed to criminal justice reform to go back in and take away the indemnification Trump has provided, and one can only imagine the stink the police unions will make if such a Democrat takes it away.

During the campaign, Trump promised to give police officers immunity when they commit crimes. This executive order doesn’t do that, but it’s close enough. If you want to commit crimes in this country, the single best thing you can do for your criminal career is join the police. Trump is making it easier for police to get away with murder than ever before.

Pretty soon, we might not even be able to distinguish between an American police force and a hostile occupying army.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

 
Elie Mystal


Elie Mystal is The Nation’s justice correspondent and a columnist. He is also an Alfred Knobler Fellow at the Type Media Center. His first book is the New York Times bestseller Allow Me to Retort: A Black Guy’s Guide to the Constitution, published by The New Press. You can subscribe to his Nation newsletter “Elie v. U.S.” here.
 


https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/trump-judicial-appointment-whitney-hermandorfer/

Politics

Trump Has Made His First Round of Judicial Picks—and They’re Terrifying

The appointments—which include an attorney who helped steer a major anti-trans case—are about the failures of the Democrats as much as the ruthlessness of Republicans.

by Elie Mystal
May 8, 2025
The Nation



Donald Trump speaks during a swearing-in ceremony in the Oval Office of the White House on Tuesday, May 6, 2025. (Francis Chung / Politico / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Donald Trump unleashed his first round of judicial nominees over the past week: four district court appointments and one appellate judge. Trump made 234 judicial appointments during his first term. He’ll now have the opportunity to make hundreds more, and we can be sure that the worst is yet to come.

The district court appointments are all from Missouri, and they’ll serve as trial judges there. They’re all reliable Republicans, all litigators, and two of them have been working for the Republican Missouri attorney general. I’m sure they’ll do horrible things to the rights of anybody who winds up in their courtrooms who isn’t white, male, and straight. The fact that they’re practicing litigators, instead of law professors created in a Federalist Society lab experiment, is at least notable. Whether Trump continues down this track or falls back on standard-issue Leonard Leo acolytes is an issue that bears watching.

The nominee who should really give pause to liberals—along with anyone who wishes the Democratic Party would fight harder for control of the courts—is Trump’s pick for the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals: Whitney Hermandorfer. If confirmed, she’ll replace Jane Branstetter Stranch, an Obama appointee who took senior status last year, pending confirmation of her successor.

Joe Biden did indeed do that. He tapped Karla Campbell, one of Stranch’s former clerks. But the Senate, controlled then by Democrats, refused to confirm her. I have no idea why. Campbell, a white woman who worked for the Peace Corps and the Department of Interior in addition to her legal work, was as inoffensive a pick for a circuit judge as you could reasonably get. Republicans were playing hardball with all of Biden’s judicial nominees by the end, but there was no objective reason for the Democratically controlled Senate to capitulate to the minority party.

But capitulate they did. Campbell’s nomination was scuttled as part of a gross “deal” engineered by Senate majority leader Charles Schumer in the lame-duck session after the election. Republicans agreed to drop their objections to a number of district court appointments while Democrats agreed to withdraw the four circuit court judges awaiting Senate confirmation. The deal allowed Joe Biden to say that he appointed 235 judges to the federal bench during his term, one more than Trump. To be clear, I would have taken four circuit judges over 12 trial judges any day, and that’s even while accepting the false premise that the majority party couldn’t have confirmed all 16 of the judges their Democratic president nominated. But my “deal” wouldn’t have given Biden the bigger number of total appointments. I can only assume that some Democrats think 235 appointments was a “victory” since some Democrats think this is all a freaking game and don’t know where power actually lies in the federal judicial system.

Now, Hermandorfer is on the brink of filling the vacancy created by Republican obstruction and Democrat ineptitude. She should be easily confirmed by the Republican Senate. A Princeton grad who went on to law school at George Washington University, she’s a Federalist Society member who clerked for alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh (when he was on the DC Circuit) as well as Supreme Court Justices Samuel Alito and Amy Coney Barrett. It would be churlish for me to suggest that she’s anything but “well qualified.”
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May 2025 Issue

But she will be an awful jurist by the standards of anyone who favors human rights. In recent years, she’s been working in the office of the Tennessee Attorney General, Jonathan Skrmetti. If that name sounds familiar to you, it should. Skrmetti is the named litigant in US v. Skrmetti, a case currently before the Supreme Court that revolves around Tennessee’s ban on gender-affirming care for minors. Skrmetti and the other bigots in the state are almost surely going to win that case when the decision comes down in a few weeks—and Hermandorfer will deserve much of the credit. As the “tip of the spear” (National Review’s words) for the Tennessee AG’s Strategic Litigation Unit, she has her hands all over the kinds of cases that make for big headlines across the culture-war universe—including US v. Skrmetti. She has also been in charge of defending Tennessee’s near-total ban on abortions.

All of this has at least some Republicans salivating. “This a great pick and hopefully just the first of many comparable choices to come,” gushed Michael Fragoso—former chief counsel to Mitch McConnell—in National Review. Fragoso also thinks this “puts to rest” any idea of a rift between Trump and the Fed Soc crew. Again, I’m not so sure about that and will wait for more evidence.

Hermandorfer has a long career ahead of her. She is now 37. To put that in perspective, when Obama elevated Jane Branstetter Stranch to the bench in 2010, she was already 57. I can hardly blame Stranch for taking senior status at the age of 72, but it highlights another failure of the Democrats’ approach to the courts: Historically speaking, Democrats nominate established professionals to the bench and then have to fight again for the seat every decade or so, Republicans nominate young people who can serve for almost half a century.

A person searching for “good” news might point out that at least Hermandorfer’s appointment will not meaningfully shift the balance of power on the Sixth Circuit. The 16-member court is already controlled by Republicans, 9–7. Replacing one Democratic justice for a Republican one just deepens Republican control, 10–6. But I’d argue that it’s worse than it seems. The two oldest judges on the circuit are both Clinton appointees in their late 70s. They’ll have to hang on for at least another four years. The circuit also has three George W. Bush appointees who are getting up in years and will soon be eligible for senior status. It’s not out of the realm of possibility that Trump could nominate five judges, in addition to Hermandorfer, to the Sixth Circuit before his term is up.

The Sixth Circuit oversees Kentucky, Michigan, Ohio, and Tennessee, by the way. We’re potentially looking at a court comprised, 12–4, of young, entrenched Republicans who control election laws in Michigan and Ohio.

One day, Democrats will get it. It’ll be too late, and they’ll be passing notes to each other through the bars in their cell blocks about what it was like to live in a democracy, but eventually Democrats will realize that their refusal to fight for the courts is why they failed. 
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Elie Mystal

Elie Mystal is The Nation’s justice correspondent and a columnist. He is also an Alfred Knobler Fellow at the Type Media Center. His first book is the New York Times bestseller Allow Me to Retort: A Black Guy’s Guide to the Constitution, published by The New Press. You can subscribe to his Nation newsletter “Elie v. U.S.” here.

Tuesday, May 6, 2025

Journalist, Public Intellectual, and Activist Sasha Abramsky On The Vile Politics Of A Fascist Thugocracy and The Rapacious Late Capitalist Oligarchy That Defines American Society and Culture in the 21st Century

AMERICA IS A FASCIST STATE

Fascism is a far-right, authoritarian, and ultranationalist political ideology and movement, characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy, subordination of individual interests for the perceived good of the nation or race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy.

Opposed to anarchism, democracy, pluralism, egalitarianism, liberalism, socialism, and Marxism fascism is at the far right wing of the traditional left–right spectrum.


AMERICA IS A ROGUE STATE

A nation or state regarded as breaking international law and posing a threat to the security of other nations.

 
 
https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/first-100-days-self-dealing-trump-thugocracy/

Politics
Hiding in Plain Sight

The First 100 Days of Self-Dealing Trump’s Thugocracy

This isn’t a government of, by, and for the people; it’s a government of, by, and for American oligarchs.

by Sasha Abramsky
April 29, 2025
The Nation
 
President Donald Trump and White House senior adviser andTesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk shake hands while attending the NCAA Division I Wrestling Championship on March 22, 2025, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. (Kayla Bartkowski / Getty Images)

As we reach Donald Trump’s first 100 days in office (again), two leitmotifs stand out. Number one is the in-your-face corruption of these people—Trump’s cabinet and inner circle of advisers, including many of the world’s wealthiest individuals, who know nothing about empathy but everything about exploitation. Number two is the way they revel in the spectacle of cruelty and humiliation. These are men and women with the withered, cankered souls of slave traders, who are turning the entire federal apparatus into an atrocity-generating machine.

I would need a Bible-sized volume to list every despicable, unconstitutional, unlawful act this gangster government has carried out over the past three months, and a whole section of a library to catalog all the atrocities they are likely to attempt over the coming three years and nine months.

One day, there will likely be entire museums dedicated to the horrors they unleashed, both stateside and globally, on the most disadvantaged among us. But, until such a day arrives, I offer some highlights, first of the corruption, then the cruelty.

Before he was inaugurated, the president set up a $Trump meme coin, essentially using the wide-open crypto landscape to spin money for himself and his family out of whole cloth. One day, there was no Trump cryptocurrency; the next, there was a Ponzi scheme—supported by the endless gullibility of the MAGA base and its willingness to send ever more cash to its cult leader—worth billions of dollars. Weeks later, its value cratered, but not before the Trump family had made yet another fortune. Then, in late April, Trump announced an explicit pay-to-play scheme, saying that the top 220 meme-coin holders would be invited to a private dinner with Trump at his private golf course near DC. (It initially suggested a tour of the White House, but that language has since been removed.) Within hours, as buyers flocked to $Trump, its value soared an astounding 58 percent.

In any other era, this behavior would have resulted in the initiation of impeachment proceedings. But there are no longer any guardrails in the executive branch. The DOJ, for example, is no longer enforcing the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, effectively giving a free pass to Americans who seek to bribe overseas political figures, and US political leaders who’ve all but put up shingles in front of their offices making it clear they are for sale. Perhaps that’s why the Saudis have lavished attention on Trump in recent months, as Trump and the Saudi leadership look to broker a deal merging the US-backed and Saudi-backed professional golf leagues, which could hugely benefit Trump, who owns golf courses around the world.

The administration has also neutered the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, giving lenders free rein to exploit the most vulnerable borrowers. It has announced plans to scrap an array of inspection agencies, which will likely result in more dangerous workplaces as employers see they can get away with taking safety shortcuts while making it harder for unions to organize workers. Pick pretty much any workplace or environmental or health standards enforcement agency, and it has been either weakened or destroyed in the past 100 days, leaving the federal government in many ways less of a regulatory actor than at any point since the 1920s. That is a massive gift to private businesses and a massive invitation to corruption.

So intertwined are public and private interests in this particularly American version of crony capitalism that Trump hasn’t even attempted to decode whether his DOGE enforcer, Elon Musk (who is planning to pull back his public presence in government starting in May, though will likely remain a behind-the-scenes force), is working on behalf of the government or simply on behalf of his own business interests. When Musk met Indian leader Narendra Modi in February, Trump was asked in which capacity the world’s richest man was meeting the Indian leader, and he punted, saying it was an official meeting but he expected Musk to talk business as well.
More from Sasha Abramsky

Trump Shreds the Constitution to Better Hound Immigrants and Eviscerate Universities
April 25, 2025


Trump, Bukele, and the Growing Assault on the Rule of Law
April 18, 2025


America Is Now One Giant Milgram Experiment
April 11, 2025

Meanwhile, Musk himself hasn’t made the slightest effort to disentangle his two roles, using his unique insider-outsider status to identify business rivals and then secure an advantage for his companies when it comes to securing government contracts. Take, for example, his use of X to criticize Verizon’s efforts to upgrade the FAA’s communications system—and the revelations that the FAA was exploring working with Musk’s Starlink instead.

Critics worry that the unprecedented vacuuming up of data about virtually everyone living in the United States as well as every business in the country by DOGE engineers will, ultimately, make Musk a kingmaker for decades to come. Musk now has the government data to bludgeon enemies and business rivals in a way that will make them less able to compete fairly with his companies for government contracts.

Outrageously, after activists began protesting Tesla because of Musk’s role in destroying huge swaths of the federal government and firing tens of thousands of workers, Trump used the White House lawn to televise a tacky sales pitch for Tesla cars. And, with Musk by his side, the president declared that those who protested against Tesla should be considered “domestic terrorists.”

Speaking of the White House lawn, Trump offered companies sponsorship rights over the annual White House Easter egg hunt, providing yet another form of pay-to-play for companies seeking the administration’s favor. No surprise, Big Tech was all over this, with Meta, Amazon, and YouTube all being sponsors.

So obvious are the market manipulations around tariffs— with Trump raising tariffs to absurd rates and then telling his TruthSocial followers to buy stock hours before he paused those same tariffs and sent stock markets temporarily soaring—that it seems hard to avoid the conclusion that Trump is deliberately manipulating markets. Indeed, a number of senior Democrats, including Senators Adam Schiff and Elizabeth Warren, as well as Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, have called for SEC investigations into possible insider trading and market manipulation. But the SEC, which is now directly controlled by Trump in the wake of an executive order taking away the independence of many government agencies, has been silent. Those crickets speak volumes to where the country is heading.

I could go on, but you get the gist. This isn’t a government of, by, and for the people; the first one hundred days have shown, beyond a shadow of a doubt, that it’s a government of, by, and for American oligarchs.



As for the cruelty, it’s hard to know where to start. Let’s begin with Musk feeding USAID “into the wood chipper,” in the grotesque phrasing of the world’s richest man. The damage? Thousands of USAID workers left without work; tens of thousands of overseas consultants and contract workers left without income; and millions of people globally left without access to critical, life-saving medicines and vaccinations for everything from HIV to TB, diarrhea, malaria, cholera, and Ebola.

The estimated consequences, in lives lost, are almost unimaginable. Infectious disease mathematical modelers at Boston University estimate that 103 people per hour are dying because of these cuts. As of late April, they estimate nearly 43,000 adults and nearly 90,000 children have died as a direct result of the decision to end USAID and its distribution of vital medications, vaccinations, and its work on preventing famines. By the end of the year, they estimate an additional 176,000 people will have died because of a cutoff of their HIV/AIDS medications; 62,000 will have died of TB being left untreated. Internal documents from USAID analysts warned Trump that cutting off polio vaccinations and malaria treatments would lead to 200,000 children being paralyzed by polio over the coming decade and 166,000 dying of malaria. Every one of these deaths is the all-too-predictable result of the demolition of USAID.

Then there is the deporting of hundreds of Venezuelan and El Salvadoran men to indefinite detention in CECOT, the massive gulag in El Salvador. Among these men are Kilmar Armando Garcia, who was deported in the face of a judge’s order saying he could not be returned to El Salvador—and who remains there despite lower-court and Supreme Court rulings that the government had to “facilitate” his return to the states. Pouring salt into the constitutional crisis wound, the DHS then published Garcia’s wife’s home address in social media postings, forcing her to go into hiding to avoid violence from Trump-inspired goons. Then there is Andry Hernández Romero, a young, gay Venezuelan who was in the process of applying for asylum when ICE agents decided his tattoos marked him as a gang member. With no pretense of due process, they flew the terrified young man out to the mega-prison, and sat back while he became a denizen of President Bukele’s forced labor regime.

There is the extraordinary decision this past week to deport three US citizen children along with their undocumented mothers to Honduras, despite the fact that one of these children, a 4-year-old boy, had stage 4 cancer and was being deported without medication or access to his doctor. This isn’t just flagrantly unconstitutional; it’s also as vile an act of deliberate, wanton, indifference to life, as any ordered by a US government official or agency against US citizens that I have ever read about. For this action, I hope Tom Homan, Steve Miller, and all the other ghoulish architects of this fascist anti-immigrant agenda spend the rest of their miserable lives haunted by the fate of this sick child.

There is the kidnapping of graduate students in broad daylight by masked agents of Trump’s authoritarian state, and their detainment in privately run immigration facilities thousands of miles from home. They have been slated for deportation, not for having committed crimes but for having committed thoughts.

There are the increasingly brutal encounters between ICE agents and immigrant families, many of them with the paperwork to show they have filed asylum claims, none of which now serve as protection against the snatch-squads, these latter-day fugitive slave hunters. Take, for example, the imagery of ICE agents using massive hammers to smash their way into a car just outside of Boston, in which sat a terrified immigrant couple, currently in the country on asylum, waiting for the man’s lawyer to arrive. I’ve watched this footage scores of times, but however often I watch it the sense of disbelief that this could be happening in America floods my mind.

All of this is accompanied by the cheers of state-level GOP leaders. Florida is deputizing campus police as de facto ICE agents and ordering hundreds of local police departments to coordinate with ICE in mass roundups. The early results of this collaboration: a two-day haul of 800 people arrested in the Sunshine State this past weekend alone. And Texas is building an extraordinary network of detention facilities to house the thousands, and then the tens of thousands of immigrants—including children—whom Trump’s thugs are now rounding up around the country and sending the Lone Star State’s way.

Finally, there is the torture-porn imagery of DHS Secretary Kristi Noem in CECOT, surrounded by bare-chested, tattooed prisoners. This is on a par with the imagery of Nazi bureaucrats engaged in promotional tours of the concentration camps.

However you parse it, this first hundred days represents a stunning new low in American politics. The corruption and the cruelty are hiding in plain sight. Welcome to the thugocracy.
 


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 
 

Sasha Abramsky is The Nation's Western correspondent. He is the author of several books, including The American Way of Poverty, The House of Twenty Thousand Books, Little Wonder: The Fabulous Story of Lottie Dod, the World's First Female Sports Superstar, and most recently Chaos Comes Calling: The Battle Against the Far-Right Takeover of Small-Town America. Follow him on Bluesky at @sashaabramsky.bsky.social.