Wednesday, July 22, 2026

LONG LIVE THE BLACK RADICAL TRADITION: In homage to and deep abiding appreciation for the extraordinary life, work, and legacy of Greg Tate (1957-2021) One of the finest and most important and powerfully erudite Journalists, social and cultural critics, historians, music and literary scholars, teachers, musician-composers, and leading activists of the past century in the United States--PART 2

https://www.artnews.com/art-news/news/greg-tate-rembrance-liz-munsell-j-faith-almiron-1234614751/  

Flyboy Forever: Greg Tate Was a Titan in Black Arts Criticism and Visual Culture 
by Liz Munsell and J. Faith Almiron
December 31, 2021
ArtNews


Greg Tate. Courtesy Duke University Press

In the days since writer Greg Tate joined the ancestors, much has been said about how he engaged music with unparalleled style and brilliance as a critic, bandleader, activist, and producer. But Tate also transformed the global-n-galactic landscape of visual arts and film. He did so through his groundbreaking scholarship, lectures, performance, and curation, bringing on the exuberance, politics, and poetics of the Black radical tradition.

During his tenure at the Village Voice beginning in the early 1980s, Tate both signaled and catalyzed tidal shifts in cultural criticism toward the interdisciplinary scholarship we read and continue to need today. As an inheritor of the Black Arts movement (1965–75), Tate forced the stuffy–and overwhelmingly white and wealthy–fields of art history and mainstream art media to contend with the insurgency and soulfulness of the emergent fields of Black studies and Ethnic studies, as well as postcolonial, women, gender, and sexuality studies. He code-switched with ease between Black American vernacular language and French structuralist theory with the finesse of a turntablist on the ones and twos. In tune with the emergence of cultural studies overseas in Britain, Tate belonged to a new Black arts intelligentsia that, like hip-hop culture, began flourishing in tight communities only to spread out into global relevance.

Drawing rhetorical strategies from his avant-garde heroes like Miles Davis, his approach to writing and curating mirrored jazz improvisation, rhythm-centric Black rock, and freestyle in hip hop. In 1992, the year that he published his seminal collection Flyboy in the Buttermilk, he said in an interview with NPR, “I’ve always tried to produce critical writing that had as much vitality and viscerality as the art or the phenomena or the experience that I was trying to describe to someone else. I’m really trying to plug a reader into my central nervous system in its most hot-wired state.”

Tate challenged the tenets of art writing and cultural criticism by centering the lived experience of an artwork, seeing it through the lens of Black genealogies and epistemologies. In doing so, he restituted the work, placing it within its proper cultural, social, and political context. His early writing about Black visual art — notably on Jean-Michel Basquiat (1989, 1992), Rammellzee (1985), David Hammons, Senga Nengudi, Romare Bearden (appearing in his seminal 1986 essay “Cult-Nat Meet Freaky-Deke”) – did not just presage Black art’s acceptance of or by white art institutions, they actively forged an opening through their insistence on Black arts’ sophisticated lineage and futurist projections.

In the titular essay in Flyboy in the Buttermilk, “Flyboy in the Buttermilk: Nobody Loves a Genius Child,” Tate pointed out how and why museums and the art world at large failed to acknowledge the genius of Basquiat in his time: “No area of modern intellectual life has been more resistant to recognizing and authorizing people of color than the world of the ‘serious’ visual arts. To this day, it remains a bastion of white supremacy, a sconce of the wealthy, whose high-walled barricades are matched only by Wall Street and the White House and whose exclusionary practices are enforced 24-7-365. It is easier for a rich white man to enter the kingdom of heaven than for a Black abstract and/or Conceptual artist to get a one-woman show in lower Manhattan or a feature in the pages of Artforum, Art in America, or The Village Voice. The prospect that such an artist could become a bona fide art-world celebrity (and at the beginning of her career no less) was, until the advent of Jean Michel Basquiat, something of a joke.”

“No area of modern intellectual life has been more resistant to recognizing and authorizing people of color than the world of the ‘serious’ visual arts,” Tate wrote in 1989.

Tate waged a war of words and broke down some of those barricades himself. By 1992, he was one of a handful of Black art critics commissioned by a major museum to write for an exhibition catalog, contributing the now seminal essay “Black Like B.” for the Whitney’s Basquiat retrospective publication. Not long after, in the aughts, manifold local newspapers and alt-weeklies collapsed. Journalism as a viable form of putting dinner on the table broke, even as the art market was skyrocketing. Tate began teaching Black arts, visual culture, and music at Brown, Columbia, and other universities, and contributed to numerous exhibition catalogues, cementing his role as a fixture within the discourse around contemporary art. Self-dubbed “the rogue scholar,” he lectured and wrote for museums, like the Museum of Modern Art, the Whitney Museum, the ICA Boston, ICA London, the Contemporary Arts Museum Houston, the Tate, and the Studio Museum in Harlem, as well as for galleries, like Gagosian and Deitch Projects.

Tate could discern the urgent missives among the cacophony and compelled us to be present in it. Just as he affirmed that hip-hop was making history when others insisted it was a passing fad, he consistently affirmed that visual artists were defining their moment. He uplifted creators as urgently as they produced work. To quote Basquiat quoting Charlie Parker, “Now’s the time.”

Back in 1989, coming out from under a receding wave of post-graffiti art and Basquiat’s tragic death, Tate had the foresight to link graffiti art to the visual revolution that took over not just New York’s cityscape, but the pop culture and art world that drank from it. He wrote, again in “Flyboy in the Buttermilk”: “Let’s go back to postpunk lower Manhattan, no-wave New York, where loft jazz, white noise, and Black funk commune to momentarily desegregate the Downtown rock scene, and hip-hop’s train-writing graffiti cults pull into the station carrying the return of representation, figuration, expression­ism, Pop-artism, the investment in canvas painting, and the idea of the master­piece. Whether the writers presaged or inspired the market forces to all this art­-commodity fetishism and anti-Conceptu­alist material is a question still up for grabs.”

As museums continued to overlook these groundbreaking artists 40 years later, Tate’s question became the driver of the research behind the 2020–21 exhibition “Writing the Future: Basquiat and the Hip-Hop Generation,” which he co-curated at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Through its transporting exhibition design, multimedia installation, and electric artworks, the show aimed to reach the highest notes in Tate’s writing, plugging you into the nervous system of 1980s New York.


Installation view of “Writing the Future: Basquiat and the Hip Hop Generation,” 2020–21, at Museum of Fine Arts Boston, curated by Liz Munsell and Greg Tate. Courtesy Museum of Fine Arts Boston

Because Tate came to the page with such clarity of purpose and revolutionary politics, Black artists and cutting-edge curators relied upon him to articulate the specific connections for its broad audiences without compromising rigor or verve. A titan of Black cultural criticism and a curator of community, Tate’s handprint is on exhibitions and gatherings generated by his elders, peers, and pay-it-forward devotees.

In the spirit of how Tate etched Black genealogy into the tomes of art history, here is just a sampling from the visual arts community who claim and mourn the loss of their clearest seer and soothsayer. By no means is it exhaustive or definitive, but may it signal to others that legacy of Greg Tate is ongoing: maverick Black curators and cultural producers such as Naomi Beckwith, Linda Goode Bryant, Rashida Bumbray, Nicole Fleetwood, Henry Louis Gates, Thelma Golden, Diedre Harris-Kelley, Sandra Jackson-Dumont, Kellie Jones, Mark Anthony Neal, Richard J. Powell, Franklin Sirmans, and countless others. He leaves behind deep friendships with countless artists and catalogue essays for Dawoud Bey, Julie Dash, Fab 5 Freddy, Futura, Arthur Jafa, Ellen Gallagher, Theaster Gates, Lady Pink, Lee Quiñones, Kamionge Workshop, Deana Lawson, Alan Licht, Kerry James Marshall, Nicole Miller, Wangechi Mutu, Chris Ofili, José Parlá, Cauleen Smith, Carrie Mae Weems, Kehinde Wiley, and more; and there were innumerable reviews that changed people’s careers. This call sheet barely scratches the surface of his contributions to the discourse in film, cinema, and the literary world, as with his writings on AfriCobra, John Akomfrah, Isaac Julien, Spike Lee, Melvin Van Peebles, and more. A selection of Tate’s essays on visual art and culture will be published in the forthcoming book White Cube Fever: Hella Conjure and Writing on the Black Arts (Duke
University Press).  
 
Greg Tate. Photo Peter L'Official

As the intrepid maestro for the musical ensemble Burnt Sugar Arkestra Chamber, Tate stomped his cacophony parade through many museums, including the Brooklyn Museum, the Kitchen, the Hammer Museum, Hallways Contemporary Arts Center, Walker Art Center, and more, as well as institutions such as Lincoln Center, and the Apollo Theater. Drawing from the performance strategies of Butch Morris’s conduction, Tate rocked out as Burnt Sugar’s maestro and radio conductor, interpolating his passions from visual arts, pulp film, speculative fiction, and of course, funk.

In addition to Tate’s immediate family, we offer our condolences to all his chosen tribes, particularly the Black Rock Coalition and Burnt Sugar The Arkestra Chamber, with whom he shared a lifetime of radical creative collaboration. Although the band’s membership is notoriously ever-evolving, according to Jared Michael Nickerson, the band’s co-leader, business manager, and electric bassist, personnel includes Jeremiah Abiah, Rene Akan, Marc Cary, Honeychild Coleman, Pete Cosey, Morgan Michael Craft, LaTasha N. Nevada Diggs, Justice Dilla X, Captain Kirk Douglas, Melvin Gibbs, Carl Hancock Rux, Trevor Holder, Satch Hoyt, Julia Kent, Vijay Iyer, Tia Nicole Leak, Okkyung Lee, Derrin “D Max” Maxwell, Omega Moon, DJ Mutamassik, Qasim Naqvi, W-Myles Reilly, Matana Roberts, Petre Radu Scafaru, Sharrif Simmons, Swiss Chris, Somi, Tamar-kali, Imani Uzuri, Michael Veal, Christina Wheeler, and Nioka Workman to name a few. And Sugar Lifers: Lisala Beatty, Lewis “Flip” Barnes, Micah Gaugh, Jason DiMatteo, and Bruce Mack, with a current crew of righteous rompers Mikel “Spirithood” Banks, Asim Barnes, Julie Brown, Abby Dobson, Chris Eddleton, Avram Fefer, Marque Gilmore ‘the-inna-most, Greg Gonzalez, Leon Gruenbaum, “Moist” Paula Henderson, André Lassalle, Karma Mayet Johnson, Shelley Nicole, James “Biscuit” Rouse, V. Jeffrey Smith, LaFrae Sci, Dave “Smoota” Smith, Mazz Swift, Ben Tyree, JS Williams, and of course, Vernon Reid.

At the time of his death, Tate was completing his magnum opus, a decades-long pursuit, and a continuation of “Cult-Nats Meet Freaky-Deke.” A key articulator of Afrofuturist thought, he could land the Mothership gently on this planet and launch it back to Saturn through his multimedia magic. Such trickery Tate gleaned from being on the front lines with artists like George Clinton and Rammellzee. In 1985, Rammellzee told Tate in an interview, “We’re advanced in terms of science and technology, but the attitude of the population and the control of the population is still Gothic. We still do not know what we’re doing. We still do not know how to leave this planet the right way.”

Tate’s ascension to the stars may not feel right for a very long time, but his writings and recordings remain with us. His raw matter was all of America railing against its self-made terror and the Black genius and creativity that illuminate pathways towards survival and freedom dreams. Matching his rigor with love, Tate connected us cursed compatriots with humanism and the cosmos, reminding us of our commonalities. Tate shared his beautiful mind and tremendous heart with anyone who set their eyes and ears to his page, his stage, and his gallery—not a cube but a circle, still expanding.


ABOUT THE AUTHORS: 

Liz Munsell is the Lorraine and Alan Bressler Curator of Contemporary Art at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. She co-curated, with Tate, the recent exhibition “Writing the Future: Basquiat and the Hip Hop Generation.”

J. Faith Almiron, who contributed a catalog essay for that exhibition, is a New York based cultural critic and a leading scholar on Jean-Michel Basquiat. She and Tate also worked together on the research and writing for the exhibition “Basquiat’s Defacement: The Untold Story of Michael Stewart” at the Guggenheim in 2019.


Read More About: 

Greg Tate
Jean-Michel Basquiat
Rammellzee

The Contentious Aesthetic, Ideological, and Political History of HIPHOP As Art, Politics, Social Psychology, Civil Conflict, and Cultural Commodity in the United States And the Ongoing Crisis of Knowledge Production, Value Formation, and Intellectual Critique in American Society Since the 1960s

“What’s Past is Prologue…"

FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on April 18, 2018):


All,

The following article by Doreen St. Felix from the New Yorker magazine is a general statement on why Kendrick Lamar winning the Pulitzer Prize in Music in 2018 is significant and valuable far beyond the puerile, openly biased, and utterly irrelevant pretension that 'art' is and 'artists' are only what the institutionally privileged cultural gatekeepers and their conventional ideological sponsors of the canonical dictates, approves of, and thinks is ultimately superior to all other forms, expressions, and conceptions that don't otherwise kowtow or genuflect to its own imposed political and social 'imaginary of the aesthetic'...

Kofi

P.S. If Eminem had won the Pulitzer in this category we all know that millions of whitefolks wouldn't be griping or bitterly complaining in social media and elsewhere about or attacking "rap" or the decision by the Pulitzer selection committee to award the prize to an "inferior artist" at all. Far from it. They would instead be soberly reflecting on how and why a poor workingclass white kid from Detroit had creatively engaged then ultimately overcome and "transcended" the strictures of the form to produce "real art." Ah the ever regenerative powers of white supremacy, huh?.... In fact the very next time someone mentions Elvis Presley (for example) ask them pointblank "SO HAVE YOU EVER HEARD OF OTIS BLACKWELL?" and watch them not only idiotically utter "WHO?" but automatically descend to that "sunken place" we've heard so much about lately…

https://www.newyorker.com/…/what-kendrick-lamars-pulitzer-m…

Cultural Comment

What Kendrick Lamar’s Pulitzer Means for Hip-Hop
by Doreen St. Félix
April 17, 2018
The New Yorker


PHOTO: The rapper Kendrick Lamar’s historic milestone—becoming the first hip-hop artist to win a Pulitzer Prize for music—figures in the grander, affected consecration of blackness within élite spaces. Photograph by Ellis Parrinder / Camara Press / Redux
In 2015, the journal Royal Society Open Science published a witty evolutionary history of pop music, based on the Billboard Hot 100 chart from 1960 to 2010, in which the authors treated elements like timbre, chord, and speech as if they were impressions on a fossil, and genre as if it were a living, evolving organism. “We identified three revolutions: a major one around 1991 and two smaller ones around 1964 and 1983,” the report says. 1964 corresponds to the coalescing of rock and soul, and the peak in 1983 accords with the rise of synth pop and New Wave and the kaleidoscopic fadeout of disco and funk. 1991 signals the dominance of hip-hop and its medium, rap. In an interview with the BBC, the head researcher, Matthias Mauch, said, referring to the homogeneity of arena rock in the late eighties, “I think that hip-hop saved the charts.”

We know this, and we knew it in 2015, but the novel lure of the study came from its dispassion, which called attention to hip-hop as a historical institution. As we approach the fiftieth anniversary of hip-hop’s invention—in the South Bronx, in the early seventies—the announcement, on Monday, that Kendrick Lamar has been awarded the Pulitzer Prize for music, for his 2017 album, “DAMN.,” triggered a similar kind of double take. Lamar is the first rapper to win a Pulitzer, and “DAMN.” is the first hip-hop composition to be honored since the establishment of the music prize, in 1943. In the Times, Joe Coscarelli surveyed the road to the decision, and jurors revealed that the vote for Lamar was unanimous, and that the deliberations over “the best piece of music” had become a conference on the ethics of gatekeeping. The history of the music prize has been a long march of classical compositions. In this, Lamar’s win refracts that of Wynton Marsalis, who became the first jazz musician to win a Pulitzer, in 1997, for “Blood on the Fields.” Dana Canedy, the board’s administrator, framed the decision as a larger flashpoint: “It shines a light on hip-hop in a completely different way. This is a big moment for hip-hop music, and a big moment for the Pulitzers.”

I would argue that the award is a bigger event for the Pulitzers than it is for Lamar, or for hip-hop’s morale. “Fate is being kind to me. Fate doesn’t want me to be too famous too young,” Duke Ellington said in 1965, when he was sixty-six, after the Pulitzer Prize Advisory Board denied a recommendation that he receive a special-citation recognition for his contributions to jazz. With Lamar, just thirty years old, likely sitting on future compositions that will outdo the odysseys on “DAMN.”—and on “To Pimp a Butterfly” and “good kid, m.A.A.d. city,” which came before it—the Pulitzers push a reformation campaign, finding a canny opportunity to stake a place ahead of the curve. (The win bears some relation to Bob Dylan’s Nobel Prize in Literature, in 2016, although in that case the referendum had to do with what constituted literature.) Most glaringly, it sets the stage for the argument that the prize of the intelligentsia, which has been disinterested in the flow of popular music, may have a shrewder grasp on cultural impact than the Grammys, which for its top honor, Album of the Year, have snubbed not only Lamar—this year and in the past—but every other black hip-hop artist other than Lauryn Hill and OutKast. I certainly did not expect the Pulitzers to be what finally proved the Grammys irrelevant. David Hajdu, a critic at The Nation and one of the Pulitzer jurors, told Coscarelli that recognizing “DAMN.” meant recognizing that rap “has value on its own terms and not just as a resource for use in a field that is more broadly recognized by the institutional establishment as serious or legitimate.” Rap has not primarily depended on the recognition of traditional bodies to flourish and to change. It’ll be fun to hear how Lamar finesses a verse to include the word “Pulitzer.”

Lamar’s historic win figures in the grander, affected consecration of blackness within élite spaces—exemplified, I think, by the “thousand flowers of expectation” blooming in Kehinde Wiley’s portrait of Barack Obama. It was Obama, with his caucuses of rappers in the White House, who accelerated the conclusion that hip-hop had earned a prestige as a great American art. In its long and perplexing lurch toward acclaim, did hip-hop sacrifice its edge? Lamar is a fascinating and brilliant non-answer. He is a complicated artist because he sits at the nexus of forces that seem misaligned: he is an alert political gadfly who will happily curate a soundtrack for the commercial juggernaut “Black Panther”; he is a literary virtuoso who understands the charisma needed to make songs you can play in a club. He is hip-hop, which means that he skirts categorization. The Pulitzers got it right.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Doreen St. Félix is a staff writer at The New Yorker. Previously, she was a culture writer at MTV News and an editor-at-large at Lenny. Her writing has appeared in the Times Magazine, New York, Vogue, The Fader, and Pitchfork.

 
(The following piece is an edited excerpt from a larger essay taken from the book WHAT IS AN AESTHETIC?: Critical Writings on American Culture, 1980-Present by Kofi Natambu)

STAKES IS HIGH: Art and Politics in the HIP HOP Nation, 1980-present
by Kofi Natambu

A paper presented at the Detroit Institute of Arts Museum
March 29, 1997


(With a new postscript from 2007)

This manuscript was also published as a revised series of essays in The Michigan Citizen newspaper from June–September, 1999. Detroit, Michigan

“Perhaps the most insidious and least understood form of segregation is that of the word. And by this I mean the word in all its complex formulations, from the proverb to the novel and stage play, the word with all its subtle power to suggest and foreshadow overt action while magically disguising the moral consequences of that action and providing it with symbolic and psychological justification. For if the word has the potency to revive and make us free, it has also the power to blind, imprison and destroy. The essence of the word is its ambivalence, and in fiction it is never so effective and revealing as when both potentials are operating simultaneously, as when it mirrors both good and bad, as when it blows both hot and cold in the same breath…”
—Ralph Ellison. “Twentieth-Century Fiction and the Black Mask of Humanity”--Shadow and Act, 1964

“Yeah, I guess it is folk art…I never heard a horse sing a song…”
—Louis Armstrong (upon being asked if Jazz was a form of folk art in 1933)

“If the truth hurts, then you’ll be in pain and if the truth drives you crazy, then you’ll just be insane.”
—Sister Souljah

“It’s AFTER the end of the world…don’t you know that yet?”
—Sun Ra

“Armageddon is already in effect—go get a late pass!”
—Public Enemy

“All important art is self-taught.”
—Amiri Baraka

“Language is the only homeland.”
—Czeslaw Milosz 
 
“Nothing is absolutely dead: every meaning  will someday have its homecoming festival.”
—Mikhail Bakhtin

“Write what you know or write what you don’t know--like everybody else.”
—Miles Davis


I. Pre/Face & Early History: “Mommy, Where Does HIP HOP Come From?

The rise of HIP HOP from the streets and other public spaces in the South Bronx, Brooklyn and Harlem, NY in the late l970s was initiated by the generation of African and Latino American youth born and raised during the tumultuous political and cultural upheaval of the l960s and early l970s. In the historical aftermath of the demise of the Civil Rights Movement, the corresponding national rise of the Black Power and Black Arts movements and the subsequent systematic destruction of black revolutionary organizations, student groups and political activists by the U.S. federal government, the FBI, and the CIA (all well documented by the official release of the COINTELPRO files and other surveillance materials as required by the FREEDOM OF INFORMATION legislation passed in l975-76), the African Americans was left to deal with the ravages of a national white backlash that soon resulted in a rapidly declining emphasis on the economic and social welfare and development of urban centers throughout the United States. The stagnation caused by the Watergate scandal, the so-called Energy Crisis, the defeat of the U.S. in Vietnam in l975, and subsequent widespread recession (reaching depression-era levels of unemployment in black communities in the late 1970s and early 1980s), as well as spiraling inflation led to the beginning of massive deindustrialization and downsizing brought on by gigantic corporate mergers and rampant criminal speculation and expansion on Wall Street; this in turn led to a devastating breakdown in social services and economic and technological infrastructure deeply affecting education, housing, health care, labor unionization and political support for major cities.

It was in this wildly chaotic and destructive cultural and social context that the first wave of rappers, graffiti artists, breakdancers and DJs began to emerge during the first term of the notoriously reactionary Republican President Ronald Wilson Reagan in the l980-l984 period. This deeply conservative era of an openly right-wing government and a supine democratic congress, rapidly abandoning any pretense of a commitment to a liberal or progressive social agenda or public policy stance resulted in the generation born during the sixties becoming deeply alienated, and quickly disillusioned by, an increasingly racist society that often expressed open hostility, fear, and contempt for black and Latino youth in major American cities. The cultural and social fallout from this dire situation was an explosive rise in the number of physical, intellectual and verbal attacks on these youth in academia (particularly at predominately white colleges and universities where there were literally thousands of reported violent racial incidents throughout the l980s), the national news media, and in the streets by the police and other official representatives of the criminal justice system. In fact years before riots broke out in Los Angeles, Miami, New York, and many other cities during the early l990s rappers had been predicting that the volatile mix of police brutality, intolerable living conditions, poverty, drugs and racist attacks against ordinary African American citizens would lead to the endless tragedies that continue to plague these communities.

All this was augmented by a federal government that made it resoundingly clear that it was adamantly opposed to improving employment, educational, and economic opportunities for black people in general and black youth in particular.

Thus with the inevitably large cutbacks in educational programs of urban public school systems throughout the country, an entire generation of poor, working-class, and lower middle class youth were simply left to their own devices as music and art curriculums were eliminated and declining spaces for creative expression in these communities (disdainfully and rather condescendingly called ‘inner cities’ now that the middle-class white folks—and some black ones—have fled places that were once called Detroit, Chicago, St. Louis, Pittsburgh etc. when they lived there) compelled these youth to seek and create their own alternatives. It was out of this turmoil and pervasive need for cultural assertion and resistance that HIP HOP was born. This multicultural and soon multinational youth movement incorporated aspects of the traditional arts of music, poetry, dance, painting, theater, and writing but in an entirely new and different (postmodern) aesthetic context that simultaneously includes and appropriates the technology of computers, sampling, and digital programming in order to synthesize and extend, revise and subvert, transgress and recontextualize the form and content of language use and sound projections in any given cultural environment.

The first wave of HIP HOP artists to arrive in a commercial (and thus commodified) context were “rappers” (also known as MCs), DJs, graffiti writers and breakdancers who began to appear on recordings, in film, video, and television and in public art spaces in museums, galleries, clubs, libraries, theaters, and site-specific installations during the l980-l985 period. This was the heady era of the meteoric rise of such soon to be world famous figures as Fred Braithwaite (better known as Fab Five Freddy), Rammelzee, Afrika Bambaataa, Kurtis Blow, Grandmaster Flash & the Furious Five, Run DMC and Jean-Michel Basquiat. Right on the heels of this group came the cultural explosion over the next five years (or King Raygun’s second term and the Bushwacker’s first) from l985-l990, which saw a massive increase in aesthetic participation by youth throughout the country, media fascination, interest, hype (and exploitation), political activism, and widespread economic profiteering and excess (the inevitable capitalist expropriation of recording companies, the Hollywood film industry, and television). Nevertheless this was truly the first ‘golden age’ of the still nascent cultural movement. During this five year period the following artists emerged: LL COOL J, KOOL MOE DEE, DOUG E. FRESH, PUBLIC ENEMY, BIG DADDY KANE, ULTRAMAGNETIC MCs, ERIC B & RAKIM, DE LA SOUL, N.W.A., ICE -T, MC LYTE, SALT ‘N PEPA, KRS-ONE (Boogie Down Productions), QUEEN LATIFAH, EPMD, SLICK RICK, THE JUNGLE BROTHERS, HEAVY D, THE BEASTIE BOYS, ICE CUBE, 3rd BASS, BIZ MARKIE, A TRIBE CALLED QUEST and PARIS. These artists and others arrived to stun and soon dominate American popular culture while selling over l00 million CDs and EPs, which led them to capturing an astonishing 20% of the total music market in the U.S. alone (not to mention the untold millions being generated by underground “bootleg” sales). Even more was distributed and sold abroad where in Europe, Asia, Africa, the Caribbean, the Pacific Islands, and Australia, rap groups, graffiti writers, and breakdancers also began to emerge—easily fulfilling Marshall McLuhan’s predictions of the l960s that a new global cultural village would arise, and new movements toward retribalization would assert themselves in the artistic sphere.

Speaking of the always problematic category of ‘aesthetics’ (clearly a culturally and historically specific, even over-determined ideological concept—though many theorists and artists won’t admit it or are simply ignorant), HIP HOP expressed ideas, values, attitudes subject-positions, and identities that refused to be defined by conventional notions of what “art” was or was “supposed to be.” This intense resistance to, and refusal of, so-called high-brow or canonical conceptions has contributed to an increased respect for the self-taught lessons of cultural and intellectual independence, spontaneity, and creative invention. Thus like the extraordinary stylistic forms that have preceded it in the African American tradition—Jazz, Blues, R & B, Rock ‘n’ Roll, and Funk, etc.—HIP HOP has always rooted itself in the vernacular styles of language use, music, dance, and visual expression. “Home-grown” is what ‘the folk’ are!

This fact highlights why the vernacular is such a powerful and effective tool in African American culture. In terms of language, the vernacular mode does not separate meaning from form. The manner in which one talks or writes or plays is as important to the structure of what is being written or spoken as the words themselves. This goes a long way toward explaining why rappers today are so aware of , and involved in, consciously synthesizing the elements of music, sound, scientific technology, and semiotics in their raps. What results is a fascinating collage-of-effects that enables the speaker/writer/performer to play against, and comment upon, the juxtapositions of language, sound, rhythm and technology that is ‘framing’ what is being said as it is in the process of being expressed (much as we find in the improvisational principle of Jazz and the best of R & B, Rock, Blues and Funk—see S. Rollins, T. Monk, C. Parker, J. Hendrix, J. Brown, S. Stone, R. Johnson, Sun Ra, and G. Clinton for starters). What the listener/viewer/reader experiences is thus ‘more’ than just the words being said at any given time. That is, the dynamic totality of meanings that are being transmitted is dependent on the whole environment of effects and techniques that the rapper is using.

This explains why RAP as a “form” can’t possibly be reduced to either the historically received or given categories of ‘music’ or ‘poetry.’ It would be more accurate to say that the great majority of raps are neither totally one or the other. Metamusic and metapoetics would be more like it. In fact, like Jazz and blues in the early 1920s, or ‘Rock ‘n Roll’ (or Rhythm and Blues) in the 1940s and ‘50s, RAP represents an entirely new and different conceptual idea about what ‘aesthetics’ mean in terms of the established conventions of what is called “music,” “poetry” or “performance art” (an avant-garde convention since the early 1900s—see DADA). The corresponding fact that RAP is but a subset of a much wider cultural aesthetic called HIP HOP only serves to clarify the reasons for RAP’s ascendancy as a popular and “academic” art form. Since no one can deny its obvious cultural existence or relevancy to the people who created and nurtured its growth, RAP can’t be dismissed on the spurious basis that it is “simply not like what already exists or is considered legitimate.” In the 20th century virtually every major art form to emerge has been at one time or another denounced or attacked as “not like traditional ideas of what is considered art.” Certainly painting, music, literature, dance, and theater have been revolutionized by this century’s innovations; not to mention the unprecedented arrival of such forms as cinema (another highly syncretic and hybrid aesthetic) and radio.

With the advent of television, video, computers, and microchip programming, we now have a richly enhanced environment for the transmission and creative expression of information and desires that simply did not exist before. The notable link between vernacular language and technology (and its profound implications for a clear understanding of what RAP is in American culture) is uncannily stated in one of the most subtle and insightful books ever written in American cultural studies, The Beer Can by the Highway (1961) by the late cultural critic and theorist John A. Kouwenhoven:

“It is my conviction that the society we live in marks a really new epoch, but that it is shaped not by technology and science alone, but by a unique combination of forces, a compound of scientific technology and the spirit of democracy. Some years ago I tried to suggest that these twin forces had been revolutionizing man’s conception of his relations to nature, his fellow man, and his gods, for more than a century, and that the elements of the emergent environments produced by these twin forces were for many years shaped not by our artists but by untutored citizens working without any “artistic” pretensions. It is the patterns and forms these people evolved which the artists of our time must arrange (and have begun to arrange) in patterns and forms satisfactorily expressing the values and attitudes appropriate to the new epoch…” 1 [italics mine]

What distinguished the artists of the 1970s and ‘80s was a precise attention to the specific details of black vernacular conceptions as practiced and experienced in the period since 1945. That is, what the rappers of this time zone were concerned about was bringing back to the national black community, (through such African diasporic forms as rhythm & blues, reggae, ska, and ‘dub’ poetry), what were considered the ‘endangered’ arts of orality and folklore. The ironic fact about all this, however, was that it was now being done through the high technology of the mass media. Thus the most crucial and relevant aspect of Marshall McLuhan’s visionary edict that the “medium was the message” was being realized by those sectors of the national culture in the United States that were perceived as the most marginal, but were actually the most central to its identity. The accomplishment of this by citizens who were not only not “professional artists” but also not classical “intellectuals” only made Kouwenhoven’s analysis seem more prophetic when he states that:

“Vernacular forms, whose elements are the materials and processes of technology and the attitudes and interests of democracy, will continue to be improvised wherever technology and democracy make themselves felt…They will of course be modified in each region by physical and social actualities and by the local cultural heritage which becomes part of the fabric of what we build. But they will share the quality of immediate responsiveness to the driving energies of the new epoch…”2

In the cultural work of such “professional artists” as Public Enemy, KRS-One, MC Lyte, and Eric B and Rakim, we find a conscious attempt to incorporate the observations, ideas, values, attitudes, experiences and perceptions of mass cultural sources like “the folk” in their public performances and aesthetic practice. What emerged from this dialogical engagement with popular culture at the level of materiality and philosophy was a new epistemological approach to the principle of improvisation—one of the most fundamental methods of vernacular expression. For it is in the nature of improvisatory activity to immediately revise, augment and transform whatever it comes into contact with or engages in the world. In this sense RAP fulfills Kouwenhoven’s observation that new or innovative approaches to form and content in art are often generated by the merging of the vernacular process with new technologies. This enables a larger number of people to democratically participate in the creation of art products, and at the same time, make it possible for fresh ideas and values to enter the realm of knowledge production.

Because improvisation sees all life as open-ended possibility and as the indeterminate play of contradictions, oppositions, ruptures, and juxtapositions, it is not interested in identity so much as becoming—the verb rather than the noun. Closure, definition, the fixed (and thus finite) are not the purpose or function of artistic activity or expression. What matters is the endless possibilities that are afforded us by the dynamics and pleasures (and risks) of “playing.” Thus RAP is perceived as just another means of liberating oneself (and one’s community, however that is defined) from the fetters and strictures of one’s own fetishized attachment to an aesthetic “goal” as a site of location. What RAP seeks is the (Kenneth) Burkean state of consciousness that allows “burdens [to become] a basis of insights.” This accounts for the critical emphasis in RAP’s theoretical and practical activity on “negative” information and analysis as a method for tackling controversial or taboo subject matter in the areas of politics, sexuality, morality, and human psychology...

V. Postscript: What is HIP HOP? And How Do We Know It? Spring 1997

What is HIP HOP?

HIP HOP is a culture, which means that it is subject to, and contains, all the strengths, liabilities, fears, anxieties, hatreds, loves, desires, beauty, ugliness, joys, sorrows, triumphs, failures, glories, delusions, knowledge, ignorance, clarity, confusion, sadness, unity, divisions, greatness, banality, good, evil, naïve, cynical, heroic and tragic elements and qualities that any other culture anywhere in the world has.

Like all cultures everywhere it is conflicted, contradictory, and in a perpetual state of contestation. This alone keeps it real and viable in spite of (and because of itself). Besides it wouldn’t be worth paying any attention to at all if it weren’t for its inherent ability to make mistakes and learn something valuable and necessary from them.

HIP HOP is extremely complex because the people who make it and represent it as well as the cultural, social, economic, spiritual, and political traditions that inform it are extremely complex. Thus the various reasons why it appeals to so many people not only in the U.S. but throughout the world is not difficult to figure out nor is it difficult to understand why so many others fear, misunderstand, despise, oppose, or are indifferent to it. HIP HOP contains within its aesthetic, social, and historical identity all of the major issues facing American and world culture today: racism, sexism, poverty, class conflict, gender relations, sexual difference and identity, social and psychological violence, economic and political exploitation, oppression and inequality, media representations, crime, materialism and spiritual alienation, and emptiness. The materiality of this culture lies in its unceasing confrontation with the most fundamental ideological values and conceptions ruling our consciousness of present day structural and institutional realities in the areas of political economy, quotidian existence and aesthetic expression.

As a result, the on-going conflict between those who must embrace the discursive complexities of the rhetorical, gestural, visual, and acoustic innovations of HIP HOP artists, and those who routinely criticize and disdain its most severe limitations, stupidities, reductionisms, weaknesses, and blind spots is a reflection of what both sides see as the culture’s most salient characteristics and sources of identity. However, these dialectical forces are not mutually exclusive nor do they encompass all of what can be said about its uses, dead ends, and potentialities at the level of cultural and intellectual reality or the tensions of the economic and social marketplace.

In fact, any truly dynamic and accurate rendering of HIP HOP’s place in our lives in the late 20th century as we go flying headlong into the next millennium must take full theoretical and critical account of the inseparable relationship between the so-called “positive” and “negative” aspects or poles of the culture’s identity if we are to make any sense of what HIP HOP is and means. Just as a dry cell battery cannot do without either its “positive” or “negative” charges in order to function, one’s critical awareness of HIP HOP’s unavoidable immersion in the totality of contextual conditions and relations that it is also a constituent part of, is absolutely necessary to any worthwhile or accurate critical analysis of it.

So what is HIP HOP? HIP HOP, like all cultures everywhere, is Life...
 
DEFEAT FASCISM BEFORE FASCISM DEFEATS YOU.. 
 

THE CORRUPTION OF HIPHOP:
 
"Hip-hop is more about attaining wealth. People respect success. They respect big. They don't even have to like your music. If you're big enough, people are drawn to you."
—Jay Z,  2017
 

"What's Past is Prologue…"

“...I’m offended by that because first of all, and this is going to sound arrogant, but my presence is charity,” Jay Z responded in an interview with Rap Radar. “Just who I am. Like Obama’s is.”

The comparison to President Barack Obama is proof that Jay Z’s arrogance may come close to matching that of his longtime best friend Kanye West.

He went on to suggest that recent criticisms of the president are out of line as well, but not for the reasons most people were offering.

The “Open Letter” rapper stated that as long as the president speaks on a topic, he has done enough and the same rules apply to him as well.

“Obama provides hope,” he continued. “Whether he does anything, the hope that he provides for a nation and outside of America is enough. Just being who he is. You’re the first black president. If he speaks on any issue or anything, he should be left alone.”

So is this a part of the new rules? Is the black community supposed to simply grab a position of power and then become lazy and complacent? Is the African-American culture supposed to slowly but surely wither away at the feet of pseudo-equality as we promote our mere being and speech as a solution and push action to the wayside?…"
--Taylor Gordon, "Jay Z Slammed For Arrogance in Harry Belafonte Feud": ‘My Presence is Charity’, Atlanta Black Star, July 20, 2013

“What’s Past is Prologue…"

https://atlantablackstar.com/2013/07/30/jay-z-slammed-for-arrogance-in-harry-belafonte-feud-my-presence-is-charity/

Editor's Picks
Entertainment

Jay Z Slammed For Arrogance in Harry Belafonte Feud: ‘My Presence is Charity’
by Taylor Gordon
July 30, 2013
Atlanta Black Star

Jay Z has been heavily criticized by social activist Harry Belafonte and other prominent figures in the black community for what they believe is a lack of social responsibility, but according to Jay Z, his very presence is charity.

Jay Z and Beyonce were voted as one of the most influential celebrity couples, but after exchanging words with Belafonte through the media, one can only hope that Jay Z’s influence isn’t as strong as it used to be.

Many activists have been urging their communities to do more than just voice their opinions, they need to fight for action and change in peaceful but powerful ways. Change won’t happen until the community demands it instead of asking for it.

That was the point Belafonte was making when he said that he felt that Jay Z and Beyonce weren’t as socially responsible as they should be. And now that HOV is speaking out against the remarks, it seems as if he may be proving Belafonte right.

“I’m offended by that because first of all, and this is going to sound arrogant, but my presence is charity,” Jay Z responded in an interview with Rap Radar. “Just who I am. Like Obama’s is.”

The comparison to President Barack Obama is proof that Jay Z’s arrogance may come close to matching that of his longtime best friend Kanye West.

He went on to suggest that recent criticisms of the president are out of line as well, but not for the reasons most people were offering.

The “Open Letter” rapper stated that as long as the president speaks on a topic, he has done enough and the same rules apply to him as well.

“Obama provides hope,” he continued. “Whether he does anything, the hope that he provides for a nation and outside of America is enough. Just being who he is. You’re the first black president. If he speaks on any issue or anything, he should be left alone.”

So is this a part of the new rules? Is the black community supposed to simply grab a position of power and then become lazy and complacent? Is the African-American culture supposed to slowly but surely wither away at the feet of pseudo-equality as we promote our mere being and speech as a solution and push action to the wayside?

THE POWER OF HIPHOP?: A 21st Century poem
by Kofi Natambu


(From the forthcoming book: There's A Paddle For Every Ass In The Universe: New & Selected Poems)

(Dedicated to the following Cowardly Corporate House Kneegrow MCs masquerading as 'HIP HOP ARTISTS': Kanye, Ice Cube, 50 Cent, Jay-Z, and Lil Wayne) 

[AN IMPORTANT NOTE TO THE READER OF THE FOLLOWING POEM]: 

PLEASE PAY CLOSE ATTENTION TO THE FACT THAT THE PHRASE “IN STEAD” IS TWO WORDS AND NOT ONE (i.e. “instead”). THIS SMALL LINGUISTIC DISTINCTION IS CRUCIAL TO ‘GRASPING’ AND ‘UNDERSTANDING' THE VARIOUS MEANINGS OF THE POEM IN BOTH A CREATIVE AND MOST IMPORTANTLY CRITICAL SENSE…
 
AS ‘THEY’ ALWAYS SAY: ONE MAN’S IRONY IS ANOTHER MAN’S IDENTITY, ALTHOUGH I WOULD LIKE TO MAKE IT VERY CLEAR UPFRONT THAT EYE FOR ONE WOULD NEVER SAY THAT-- EITHER ‘INSIDE' OR ‘OUTSIDE' THIS POEM…

In stead of time we got hiphop
in stead of space we got hiphop
in stead of pain we got hiphop
in stead of joy we got hiphop
in stead of thought we got hiphop
in stead of feeling we got hiphop
in stead of anger we got hiphop
in stead of irony we got hiphop
in stead of experience we got hiphop
in stead of history we got hiphop
in stead of water we got hiphop
in stead of fire we got hiphop
in stead of chaos we got hiphop
in stead of science we got hiphop
in stead of art we got hiphop

in stead of revolution we got hiphop
in stead of criticism we got hiphop
in stead of desire we got hiphop
in stead of memory we got hiphop
in stead of literature we got hiphop
in stead of music we got hiphop
in stead of philosophy we got hiphop
in stead of civil or human rights we got hiphop
in stead of freedom we got hiphop
in stead of discipline we got hiphop
in stead of the blues we got hiphop
in stead of Jazz we got hiphop
in stead of love we got hiphop
in stead of food we got hiphop
in stead of drugs we got hiphop
in stead of loneliness we got hiphop
in stead of yesterday we got hiphop
in stead of tomorrow we got hiphop
in stead of today we got hiphop
in stead of community we got hiphop
in stead of consciousness we got hiphop

in stead of sex we got hiphop
in stead of reality we got hiphop
in stead of imagination we got hiphop
in stead of dissent we got hiphop
in stead of argument we got hiphop
in stead of the sun we got hiphop
in stead of land we got hiphop
in stead of knowledge we got hiphop
in stead of songs we got hiphop
in stead of dance we got hiphop
in stead of jobs we got hiphop
in stead of justice we got hiphop
in stead of money we got hiphop
in stead of education we got hiphop
in stead of self determination we got hiphop
in stead of these words we got hiphop
in stead of these words we got hiphop
in stead of these words we got hiphop
in stead of these words we got hiphop
hiphop hiphop hiphop hiphop hiphop

So yo yo yo everybody do not despair (at least not yet)
‘cause in stead of this poem we got hiphop
we got hiphop
we got hiphop
we got hiphop

“The Cult of Personality"
from the album VIVID

Columbia label, 1988
by Living Colour


Songwriters: William Calhoun / Corey Glover / Vernon Alphonsus Reid / Muzz Skillings--Living Colour 1988

VIDEO:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7xxgRUyzgs0



LYRICS:

[Intro: Malcolm X]:

(“...And during the few moments that we have left, we want to talk, right down to earth, in a language that everybody here can easily understand…”)

Look in my eyes, what do you see?
The cult of personality
I know your anger, I know your dreams
I've been everything you wanna be ohhh
I'm the cult of personality
Like Mussolini and Kennedy
I'm the cult of personality
The cult of personality
The cult of personality

Neon lights, Nobel Prize
When a mirror speaks, the reflection lies
You won't have to follow me
Only you can set me free

I sell the things you need to be
I'm the smiling face from your T.V. ohh
I'm the cult of personality
I exploit you; still you love me
I tell you one and one makes three ohh
I'm the cult of personality
Like Joseph Stalin and Gandhi, ohh
I'm the cult of personality
The cult of personality
The cult of personality

Neon lights, Nobel Prize
When a leader speaks, that leader dies
You won't have to follow me
Only you can set you free

You gave me fortune, you gave me fame
You gave me power, in your God's name
I'm every person you need to be, ohh
I'm, the, cult, of, per, son, al, ity
I am the cult of
I am the cult of
I am the cult of
I am the cult of
I am the cult of
I am the cult of
I am the cult of
I am the cult of
Personality

[Outro: 
John F. Kennedy and Franklin D. Roosevelt]:

("Ask not what your country can do for you…")

("The only thing we have to fear, is fear itself…")

Tuesday, July 21, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: (As Always) OLD AND NEW ADVENTURES IN THE ETERNALLY CONFOUNDING AND YET DEEPLY CLARIFYING DIALECTICS OF RACE, CLASS, AND GENDER IN THE UNITED STATES (whether we “like it or not”)...

Prelude:

NATAMBU’S LAW states: “No matter how bad things are or appear to be one can rest assured, upon further investigation, that in reality things are FAR WORSE than anything one could possibly imagine"

"The most deadly, dangerous, and powerful enemy of African Americans, Latino Americans, Asian Americans, and Native Americans in general, Women in general, the poor in general, the working class in general, children in general, Freedom in general and Democracy in general in American society today is the truly heinous Republican Party and their endless number of severely bigoted and demagogic minions, mentors, sponsors, and supporters. Anyone who doesn't know or believes this blatantly obvious fact is not only a hopeless FOOL but ultimately deserves their "fate.”
—Kofi Natambu, July 15, 2009


November 29, 2016
FACING REALITY after November 8, 2016...
RE: The 2016 U.S. Presidential Election:

 
WHITE SUPREMACY, FASCIST DEMAGOGUERY, AND PATHOLOGICAL MISOGYNY IN THE U.S. 'TRUMPS' HUMANITY AND SANITY...AGAIN…
 
AND AS USUAL IT'S ONLY GOING TO GET MUCH WORSE VERY SOON...

“What’s Past is Prologue…"

OPEN LETTER TO JACOBIN MAGAZINE; Or Wake Up & THINK:


RE: What's dreadfully WRONG with the editorial 'Politics is the Solution" by the JACOBIN magazine staff…

[The following editorial was originally published in the Panopticon Review on November 26, 2016]:

https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/11/trump-victory-clinton-sanders-democratic-party/

All,

It is absolutely specious and infantile reasoning to assert that one must simply determine who to ‘blame’ for Trump’s victory by “choosing" between the elites and "the American people” (as though all those people generally voted in the same way and for the same reasons). It is furthermore idiotic and brazenly dishonest to suggest that Trump’s ‘appeal' was essentially driven by factors that were rooted in so-called “economic populism” or that "the working class” made their “choice" for Trump because of a virtually innocent desire to simply “change” the direction of the country (in which “direction” would this “change” be made and for whom and again exactly which ideological and political aspect and identity of this huge national class is one actually talking about?). It is also utterly absurd, irrelevant, and patently FALSE to claim that either voting for or against Barack Obama in any given election “proves” (or “disproves”) that one either "is or isn’t a racist" or that voting for Trump as opposed to voting for Hilary Clinton means or proves that one is NOT voting for the political and economic elites (as though Clinton and Trump themselves were not from the exact same class, er excuse me, ELITE). After all Donald Trump didn’t commit “class suicide” by deciding to run for the Presidency on the ludicrous and cartoonish reality television notion that “we must make America great again.” C’mon JACOBIN. Let’s get real here. Surely you can and must do far better than this. Why the emptyheaded and clearly opportunist/condescending pandering to this infantilized and magical version of the “working class” you keep invoking as though it was some permanent, immutable and thus (non)dialectical category of aggrieved, innocent, and defenseless children who both inexplicably lack AND possess (at the exact same time, mind you!) the AGENCY to determine who—and what-- they voted for and why. Your editorial reeks of rank intellectual dishonesty and frankly smug abdication here. It’s as if you’ve never heard of or understood the very meaning of the word CONSCIOUSNESS and even more germane in this larger context FALSE CONSCIOUSNESS. Damn, I thought you guys and gals were supposed to be MARXISTS or at least "democratic socialists” for revolution’s sake...Give me a break…

Instead of engaging in phony and egregiously reductive pseudo psychoanalytical speculations and assertions about whether "white workers" were or were not “racists” based on who they voted for from 2008–2016 (as though their overall voting patterns in any election year could ever be an accurate or final barometer of who they were or weren't as individuals one way or the other), what about making the far more important bedrock demand that one must take full and complete responsibility for who and what they voted for and why. As allegedly critical theoreticians and radical activists/organizers doesn’t it seem incredibly LAZY and self serving to act as though the actual choices—and the various logics and perceptions guiding and informing these choices— doesn’t require that individuals and groups making these choices be held accountable on some concrete level of political engagement and activity? In other words WHY would white workers or any other ethnic, racial, or gender subset of voters be simply given a pass just because they were ”alienated" “frustrated”, and “suffering” and felt legitimately abused by the elites. After all MILLIONS of African Americans and many other working people of color as well as women of all “races” and nationalities were and are obviously just as or even more angry, alienated and suffering as much or even far more abuse from these exact same elites as their white brothers and sisters in the U.S. “working class" and yet they emphatically didn’t vote for Donald Trump. WHY is that and what does it MEAN that so many members of the American “working class” were so divided and remain so ideologically and otherwise on the role(s) that Donald Trump and his various (overwhelmingly white) supporters nationally (from the poor, working, middle, and wealthy elite classes alike) will and/or will not play in this division both now and in the future.

Don’t you understand JACOBIN that white supremacy or any other structural, institutional, and systemic form of national oppression and exploitation based on or justified by “difference” is not seriously addressed by whether or not you simply “believe” it not to be a problem based on your faith in whether you think or “believe” individual voters rely on it or not? White supremacy like male supremacy, or heterosexual supremcy is IDEOLOGY. As such it has deeply rooted material effects, and consequences in our political economy and culture that can’t be evaded, avoided, or otherwise “transcended” by whatever category you choose to put individuals in or what “beliefs” you personally hold. As for quoting from national polls about what "the American people" think about the system one must remember also that for centuries millions of Americans dishonestly claimed to think and believe that “all men are created equal” and that “women are free citizens just like men.” Despite all brazenly phony and utterly fullashit claims to the contrary we (always) knew better in the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries just as we know much better now no matter what and how many lies we continue to tell ourselves (just as we most emphatically did then in the not-so-distant “past.”). 

Therefore, something much greater and far more necessary, creative, dynamic, nuanced, and USEFUL than mere polls and any individual belief in the "sanctity and infinite wisdom (or is it immutability) of the working class” is required in our future work as thinkers and activists on behalf of revolutionary transformation of American politics at this point in our collective history and no mere simplistic reductive manichean analysis of “elites” vis-a-vis “the American people” writ large is gonna get it on its own alone as we enter the clearly neofascist age of Trump and all that it signifies and implies whether any of us like it or not…Stay tuned…


Kofi


https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/11/trump-victory-clinton-sanders-democratic-party/

Politics Is the Solution

We can’t move to Canada or hide under the bed. This is a moment to embrace democratic politics, not repudiate them.

by Jacobin

Politics Is the Solution | Jacobin
Photo by Pablo Martinez Monsivais

We have no illusions about the impact of Donald Trump’s victory. It is a disaster. The prospect of a unified right-wing government, led by an authoritarian populist, represents a catastrophe for working people.

There are two ways to respond to this situation. One is to blame the people of the United States. The other is to blame the elite of the country.

In the coming days and weeks, many pundits will be doing the former. Frightened liberalshave already written explainers on how to move to Canada; last night, the Canadian immigration website went down after a surge of traffic. The people who brought us to this precipice are now planning their escape.

But blaming the American public for Trump’s victory only deepens the elitism that rallied his voters in the first place. It’s unquestionable that racism and sexism played a crucial role in Trump’s rise. And it’s horrifying to contemplate the ways that his triumph will serve to strengthen the cruelest and most bigoted forces in American society.

Still, a response to Trump that begins and ends with horror is not a political response — it is a form of paralysis, a politics of hiding under the bed. And a response to American bigotry that begins and ends with moral denunciation is not a politics at all — it is the opposite of politics. It is surrender.

To believe that Trump’s appeal was entirely based on ethnic nationalism is to believe that a near majority of Americans are driven only by hate and a shared desire for a white supremacist political program.

We don’t believe that. And the facts don’t bear it out.

This election, in the words of New York Times analyst Nate Cohn, was decided by people who voted for Barack Obama in 2012. Not all of them can be bigots.

Clinton won only 65 percent of Latino voters, compared to Obama’s 71 percent four years ago. She performed this poorly against a candidate who ran on a program of building a wall along America’s southern border, a candidate who kicked off his campaign by calling Mexicans rapists.

Clinton won 34 percent of white women without college degrees. And she won just 54 percent of women overall, compared to Obama’s 55 percent in 2012. Clinton, of course, was running against a candidate who has gloated on film about grabbing women “by the pussy.”

This was Clinton’s election to lose. And she lost. A lot of the blame will fall on Clinton the candidate, but she only embodied the consensus of this generation of Democratic Party leaders. Under President Obama, Democrats have lost almost a thousand state-legislature seats, a dozen gubernatorial races, sixty-nine House seats and thirteen in the Senate. Last night didn’t come out of nowhere.

The problem with Clinton wasn’t her peculiarity but her typicality. It was characteristic of this Democratic Party that the power players in Washington decided on the nominee — with overwhelming endorsements — many months before a single ballot was cast.

They made a fateful choice for all of us by stacking the deck, decisively, against the kind of politics that could win: a working-class politics.

Seventy-two percent of Americans who voted last night believed that “the economy is rigged to the advantage of the rich and powerful.” Sixty-eight percent agreed that “traditional parties and politicians don’t care about people like me.”

Almost alone among Democratic politicians, Bernie Sanders spoke to this simmering sense of alienation and class anger. Sanders had a basic message for the American people: you deserve more and you are right to believe you do. Health care, college education, a living wage. It’s a message that has made him by far the most popular politician in the country.

Hillary Clinton’s formal platform approached some of Sanders’s concrete ideas, but repudiated its core message. For those in charge of the Democratic Party, it made no sense to rail against America. For them, America never stopped being great. And things have only been getting better.

Party leaders asked voters to hand politics over to them. They thought they had it under control. They were wrong. Now we all have to deal with the consequences. And we will.

This is a new era that requires a new type of politics — one that speaks to people’s pressing needs and hopes, rather than to their fears. Elite liberalism, it turns out, cannot defeat right-wing populism. We can’t move to Canada or hide under the bed. This is a moment to embrace democratic politics, not repudiate them.
— Megan Erickson, Katherine Hill, Matt Karp, Connor Kilpatrick, and Bhaskar Sunkara


All,

This scathing takedown (by Frank Bruni from the NY Times of all people!) of the thoroughly corrupt and brazen greed of the venal political oligarchy led by Donald Trump openly masquerading as "grassroots democracy" (gasp) and "economic populism" (gag) is dedicated to all the hopelessly braindead gliberal pundits and operatives from the Democratic Party and even among some willfully pompous and self deluded "leftists" who stupidly keep insisting that Trump is somehow "representing" the fundamental economic and political interests of the "working class." It would all be absolutely laughable if it weren't the epic lie and permanent catastrophe that it is, always was, and always will be...Stay tuned...

Kofi

http://www.nytimes.com/…/the-pretend-populism-of-donald-tru…

Sunday Review | Op-Ed Columnist

The Pretend Populism of Donald Trump
by Frank Bruni 
November 26, 2016
New York Times


For a politician who won the White House by railing against the elites and demonizing the establishment, Donald Trump presented an odd argument for why Americans should believe, as he does, that his adviser Steve Bannon is no racist, anti-Semitic ally of the alt-right.

“Steve went to Harvard,” Trump reminded about two dozen of us at The Times last week, and then, a few sentences later, added, “I think he was with Goldman Sachs on top of everything else.”

Well, that certainly settles it. If Bannon has been cleansed in the rose-scented bathwater of the Ivy League and then spritzed with the perfume of Wall Street, he can be no ideological outlier, no cultural ruffian, no threat. He knows to use the smaller, outside fork first and to put his linen napkin on his lap, not to cut eyeholes in it and wear it over his face.

Trump styled himself as a populist during his flamboyantly provocative campaign, claiming to hear, understand and channel the working-class Americans so wrongly ignored by other leaders. Sure, he flew in a private jet at an economic altitude far above theirs and lived in ostentatious splendor. He was nonetheless the “blue-collar billionaire,” to quote the oxymoron that some of his surrogates took to using.

Where’s that blue collar now? I’m seeing a spotless, perfectly pressed white one, along with a plush silk necktie and, metaphorically speaking, a pocket kerchief to boot.

There’s a thickening clique of plutocrats around him, as Politico’s Ben White and Matthew Nussbaum noted late last week in an article with the headline “Trump’s Team of Gazillionaires.” They observed that his emerging administration is largely a rich man’s (and woman’s) club, including Betsy DeVos, his nominee for education secretary, whose family is worth an estimated $5.1 billion.

Trump is also considering high-level roles for the “oil mogul Harold Hamm ($15.3 billion), investor Wilbur Ross ($2.9 billion), private equity investor Mitt Romney ($250 million at last count), hedge fund magnate Steve Mnuchin (at least $46 million) and superlawyer Rudy Giuliani (estimated to be worth tens of millions of dollars),” according to the Politico article. “And Trump’s likely choice for deputy commerce secretary, Todd Ricketts, comes from the billionaire family that owns the Chicago Cubs.”

That’s hardly the oddest or most unsettling part of the Trump transition, which has been a mesmerizing confirmation of so much about him, including his tendency to turn every aspect of his life into a self-aggrandizing pageant. It’s not enough for him to interview potential cabinet members: There must be photographs and footage of them coming to grovel for his favor, as if each is a courtier and he the king. Where’s the populism there?

And for all his thunderous talk before Election Day about “draining the swamp” of Washington, the water level looks fine, the mosquitoes seem unworried and the gators remain plentiful and well-fed.

Any suggestion that he would put an end to the self-dealing and personal enrichment of political insiders is contradicted by Trump himself, who hasn’t provided any concrete assurances that he won’t use the presidency to elevate his and his children’s fortunes.

In his interview with The Times, he was emphatic (and correct) that he had no legal obligation to liquidate any of his holdings or put them in a blind trust. And while he said that his concerns now are about the country, not his businesses, he acknowledged, “The brand is certainly a hotter brand than it was before.”

He also volunteered that history provided no real guide for what he should do, because other presidents hadn’t possessed his kind of wealth. The remark came across as less philosophical than self-congratulatory.

This supposed populist has never been much for humility, and has spent at least as much time emulating the elites as defying and insulting them. He sent his children to fancy boarding schools. Three of them later attended the same Ivy League institution, the University of Pennsylvania, that he graduated from.

The signature ingredient in Melania Trump’s short-lived skincare line was caviar, because, I suppose, nothing says hydration to the everyday American woman like ingestible fish eggs. Had her business taken off, a white-truffle facial masque and Dom Perignon toner would surely have followed: populist ablutions for the parched skin of the little people.

Trump’s populist daughter Ivanka appeared on “60 Minutes” wearing a gold and diamond bracelet that she sells on her website for $10,800. A press release hawking it was distributed just after the program aired.

Her populist husband, Jared Kushner, who may be the wiliest of all Trump whisperers, has his own Harvard degree (his is undergraduate, while Bannon attended the graduate business school) and, as Daniel Golden initially reported in his eye-opening book “The Price of Admission,” Kushner’s ticket to Harvard was punched, despite questionable academic qualifications, after his father made a $2.5 million donation.

Populists and more populists: Even Giuliani, who prides himself as a hero to the segment of the electorate that Trump won over, spent his post-mayoral years not fighting for the forgotten man but raking in many millions from foreign companies and governments dazzled by his star power. That’s why he’s no cinch for secretary of state. A Senate controlled by his fellow Republicans might not be willing to confirm him. He’s too swampy even for the swamp.

I’m not sure how Trump’s populism figured into his determination as a young man to expand his family’s real estate business from Brooklyn and Queens into Manhattan, where the ruling class romped. Or into the location of his gaudiest palace, Mar-a-Lago, in Palm Beach.

Or into the staffing decisions he’s making now. As the Politico article said, “Put together, Trump’s cabinet and administration could be worth as much as $35 billion, a staggering agglomeration of wealth unprecedented in American history.”

Trump’s campaign cast Goldman Sachs as an emblem of all that was sinister and rigged in an economy that shortchanged the working class. But now it’s proof that Bannon’s a respectable guy, and Mnuchin, another of its alums, is reportedly on Trump’s shortlist for Treasury secretary.

And though in some situations Trump plays the skunk at the garden party, in others he’s the garden party itself. He can pantomime populism all he likes. The reality is still pomp.

I invite you to follow me on Twitter (@FrankBruni) and join me on Facebook.

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook and Twitter (@NYTopinion), and sign up for the Opinion Today newsletter.

A version of this op-ed appears in print on November 27, 2016, on page SR3 of the New York edition with the headline: The Pretend Populism of Donald Trump. Today's Paper

Photo: Credit Ben Wiseman

http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/35240-why-are-liberal-commentators-acting-as-apologists-for-trump-s-racism
 
Why Are Liberal Commentators Acting as Apologists for Trump's Racism?

by Henry A. Giroux
16 March 2016 
Truthout | News Analysis 

PHOTO: Donald Trump speaks at the Conservative Political Action Conference in National Harbor, Maryland, on March 6, 2014. 
Christopher Halloran / Shutterstock.com)

The lynch-mob mentality that permeates Donald Trump campaign rallies was made visible once again this month at a rally in Fayetteville, North Carolina, when Rakeem Jones, a 26-year-old Black protester, was sucker punched by a white Trump supporter. A video of the incident documents how, after Jones was punched, the audience cheered and the police threw Jones to the ground and handcuffed him. John McGraw, the man who admitted on camera that he had punched Jones, was later arrested. When asked why he did it, McGraw, 78, not only admitted to having committed the assault, but said he "liked it, clocking the hell out of that big mouth," whom he said he thought might be a member of ISIS. He then added, "Yes, he deserved it. We don't know who he is, but we know he's not acting like an American ... the next time we see him, we might have to kill him."

For more original Truthout election coverage, check out our election section, "Beyond the Sound Bites: Election 2016."

Of course, this incident was not out of the ordinary. Trump supporters have a consistent history of attacking those protesting Trump's policies. When an activist named Mercutio Southall Jr. started shouting "Black Lives Matter!" at a Trump rally in Birmingham, Alabama, on November 21, 2015, some Trump supporters punched and choked him. Dara Lind observes that the Southall Jr. attack "isn't an isolated incident. Trump supporters have gotten physical with protesters at several other events throughout his candidacy. A protester was dragged out of a Trump rally in Miami. A Trump supporter ripped up a protester's sign. A Trump bodyguard was filmed sucker-punching a protester outside Trump Tower in early September. And at a rally in DC, photographers captured a Trump supporter pulling a protester's hair." Meanwhile, last week, after a March 11 rally was cancelled in Chicago, a number of skirmishes and fistfights broke out between Trump supporters and protesters. Many commentators noted that the rally offered a signpost of the escalating violence that has taken place at Trump's rallies.
 
At their core, Trump's politics and appeal are built around violence.

Trump has repeatedly indicated his support for such actions by saying he "would like to punch a protester in the face" and labeling protesters as "bad Americans." He also incited this violence through his response to the November incident that occurred in Alabama, when Trump supporters punched and choked Southall Jr., who started shouting "Black Lives Matter!" as Trump started to speak. When asked about the incident, Trump responded in a Fox News interview with the remark: "Maybe he should have been roughed up."

Such comments make clear that at their core, Trump's politics and appeal are built around violence. Trump's encouragement of violence can be seen very starkly in his decision to look into paying for McGraw's legal fees. In defense of such actions, Trump told "Meet the Press" that McGraw "obviously loves his country," and that he might "have gotten carried away." Meanwhile, some Trump supporters have reportedly expressed interest in forming a makeshift militia called the Lion's Guard to oppose "far-left agitators."

To read more articles by Henry A. Giroux and other authors in the Public Intellectual Project, click here.

One would think that these incidents would be enough to convince liberals that Trump's popularity is deeply tied to his open advocacy of racist violence, but a disconcerting number of liberal commentators have sought to downplay Trump's racist and fascist tendencies.

Liberal Apologists for Trump

Some conservatives, such as Wall Street Journal columnist Peggy Noonan, predictably downplay the racist and fascist undertones of Trump's candidacy, arguing that Trump is simply a symptom of massive disillusionment among Americans who are exhibiting a profound disdain, if not hatred, for the political and economic mainstream elites. Disappointingly, however, this argument is also often bolstered by liberals who go too far in their efforts to prove that criticism of Trump's bigotry and racism cannot fully account for Trump's political appeal.

For instance, historian Thomas Frank (also a former Wall Street Journal columnist) observes that Trump actually embraces a number of left-leaning liberal positions that make him popular with working-class white people with lower education levels. He cites Trump's criticism of free trade agreements, his call for competitive bidding with the drug industry, his critique of the military-industrial complex and its wasteful spending, and his condemnation of companies that displace American workers by closing factories in the United States and opening them in much poorer countries such as Mexico in order to save on labor costs.
 
Trump's appeal to fear, aggression and violence makes people more vulnerable to authoritarianism.

Purveyors of this view present the working class as a noble representative of a legitimate populist backlash against neoliberalism and appear to deem irrelevant the question of whether or not this backlash embraces an American form of fascism. Frank, however, has a long history of ignoring cultural issues, ideologies and values that do not simply mimic the economic system. As Ellen Willis has pointed out in her brilliant critique of Frank's work, Frank makes the mistake of imagining popular and media culture, or what I call the educative nature of culture and politics, as simply "a pure reflection of the corporate class that produces it." Hence, the racism, ultra-nationalism, bigotry, religious fundamentalism and other anti-democratic factors get downplayed in Frank's analysis of Trump's rise to power.

Journalist John Judis, a senior writer at The National Journal, extends this argument by comparing Trump with Bernie Sanders, claiming that they are both populists and outsiders while suggesting that Trump occupies a legitimate outsider status. Judis argues that Trump raises a number of criticisms regarding domestic policies for which he should be taken seriously by the American people and not simply dismissed as a racist, clown or pompous showman. In a piece for Vox, he writes:

Sanders and Trump differ dramatically on many issues -- from immigration to climate change -- but both are critical of how wealthy donors and lobbyists dominate the political process, and both favor some form of campaign finance reform. Both decry corporations moving overseas for cheap wages and to avoid American taxes. Both reject trade treaties that favor multinational corporations over workers. And both want government more, rather than less, involved in the economy.... Both men are foes of what they describe as their party's establishment. And both campaigns are also fundamentally about rejecting the way economic policy has been talked about in American presidential politics for decades.

Some liberals such as scholar and blogger Arthur Goldhammer go so far as to suggest that Trump's appeal is largely an extension of the "cult of celebrity"and his attentiveness to "a very rational and reasonable set of business practices" and to the anger of a disregarded element of the working class. Goldhammer asserts without irony that Trump "is not an authoritarian but a celebrity," as if one cancels out the other. While celebrity culture confers authority in a society utterly devoted to consumerism, it also represents less a mode of false identification than a manufactured spectacle that cheapens serious and thoughtful discourse, and puts into play a focus on lifestyles and personalities. This has given rise to mainstream media that devalue politics, treat politicians as celebrities, refuse to give politicians a serious hearing and are unwilling to raise tough questions. This occurs because the media assume that celebrities are incapable of answering difficult questions and that the public is more concerned about their personalities than anything else.

Celebrity culture is not simply a mode of entertainment; it is a form of public pedagogy central to creating a formative culture that views thinking as a nuisance at best or dangerous at worse. Treated seriously, celebrity culture provides the architectural framing for an authoritarian culture by celebrating a deadening form of self-interest, narcissism and civic illiteracy. As the historian of Germany Fritz Stern has argued, the dark side of celebrity culture can be understood by the fact that it gave rise to Trump and represents the merger of financial power and a culture of thoughtlessness.

Roger Berkowitz, the director of the Hannah Arendt Center, takes Goldhammer's argument further and claims that Trump is a celebrity who knows how to work the "art of the deal" (a reference to the title of Trump's well-known neoliberal manifesto). That is, he suggests that Trump's appeal rests on his role as a celebrity with real business acumen and substance. In particular, Berkowitz argues that Trump's appeal is due, in part, to his image as a smart and successful businessman who gets things done. Berkowitz goes into overdrive in his claim that Trump is not Hitler, as if that means he is not a demagogue unique to the American context.
The authoritarian tendencies of Trump's followers cannot be explained through economic analyses alone.

Without irony, Berkowitz goes so far as to write that "it is important to recognize that Trump's focus on illegal immigrants, protectionism, the wall on the Mexican border, and the terrorist danger posed by Muslims transcends race." I am assuming Berkowitz means that Trump's racist ideology, policies and rhetoric can be separated from the hateful policies for which he argues (such as torture, which is a war crime) and the violence he legitimates at his rallies. Indeed, Berkowitz implies that these policies and practices derive not from a fundamentally racist and xenophobic orientation but rather are rooted in Trump's sound understanding of economic issues related to his business practices.

The sound business practices that Berkowitz finds admirable have a name: neoliberal capitalism. This neoliberal capitalist system has produced an untold degree of human misery, political corruption and inequality throughout the world. It has given us a social and political formation that promotes militarization, attacks the welfare state, aligns itself slavishly with corporate power and corrupts politics. Moreover this system seeks to justify the disproportionate police violence directed toward Black communities by referring to Black people as "criminals" and "thugs." Proponents of this political and economic system may not constitute a fascist party in the strict sense of the word, but they certainly embrace toxic elements of a new style of American authoritarianism.

In declaring that Trump isn't being racist and in claiming that the difference between Trump and Sanders is one of attitude and not policy, Berkowitz reveals the extent to which his eagerness to defend neoliberal capitalism requires him to overlook Trump's racism. Berkowitz even goes so far as to downplay the differences between Trump and Sanders on racism by arguing that they have both "pushed the limits of racial propriety." This statement whitewashes Trump's overt racism and appears to suggest that both candidates share similar ideological positions toward people of color and inhabit the same racist landscape, truly a claim that borders on the absurd and represents an intellectual deceit in its claims to legitimate a false equivalency. Of course, if Berkowitz had used the word "racism" instead of "racial propriety," the latter claim would not make sense given Sanders' long history of fighting racial injustices.

I strongly doubt that Trump's call to ban Muslims from entering the United States, his call to expel 11 million undocumented immigrants, his appeal to white nationalism, his intention to kill terrorists and their families as well, or his support for state-sponsored torture, among other egregious policy practices, constitute simply different attitudes between him and Bernie Sanders.

Trump attempts to generate intolerance out of misfortune while Sanders goes to the political, economic and social roots of the problems that cause it. Trump promotes an intense culture of fear that cannot be excused by appealing to his alleged good business practices or for that matter to his criticism of some of the Republican Party's more regressive domestic and foreign policy endeavors. On the contrary, Trump's appeal to fear, aggression and violence makes people, especially those who have been politically victimized, more vulnerable to authoritarianism.

The Downplaying of Trump's Racism

Berkowitz's argument is more than apologetic; it is a species of postracial discourse that became commonplace during the Obama years. It is also disingenuous and nonsensical. It is hard to make up such apologetic reasoning at a time in which racist invective and actions are more visible than ever: Police brutality against Black people is widespread; racist comments against Obama proliferate without apology; Black congregants are killed while praying in their church; white supremacists target immigrants, Muslims and Planned Parenthood with repeated acts of violence; and all the while the racially coded prison system is bursting at its seams. We also live at a time when a dangerous resurgence of racism, Islamophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment is on the rise. Against the reality of a society immersed if not saturated in racial violence, Berkowitz's postracial and market-drenched discourse mimics a naive form of liberalism, if not a species of right-wing ideology too afraid to name itself, and too unwilling to address Trump's authoritarian and myopic drive for power.
 
Trump echoes a fascist script that has been updated to address the fears and anxieties of people who feel betrayed by mainstream politics.

Critical race theorist David Theo Goldberg is right in arguing that this line of argument is a form of "postraciality [that] heightens the mode of racial dismissal" and "renders opaque the structures making possible and silently perpetuating racially ordered power and privilege" (see Goldberg's book Are We All Postracial Yet?). Trump's followers cannot be defined simply by an anger that is associated with oppressive economic institutions, policies and structures. They are also defined by an anti-democratic politics that embraces the long legacy of racialized human trafficking and enslavement, a hatred of immigrants and an embrace of the ethos of privatization.

The positions that many liberals such as Thomas Frank, Arthur Goldhammer and Roger Berkowitz have taken on Trump often sound like apologies for Trump's reactionary utterances. Moreover, they tend to downplay his toxic racism, nativism, class bullying, demagogic policies and chilling embrace of violence. In focusing on Trump's populism alone, these analyses ignore David Neiwert's insight that Trump's updated neo-fascist rhetoric is "designed to demonize an entire class of people by reducing them to objects fit only for elimination."

What is disturbing about accounts that celebrate, however cautiously, Trump's more liberal tendencies is that, in the words of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, "they give racist contempt the impeccable alibi of ethical and secular legitimacy." This type of restricted discourse runs the risk of absolving the Republican Party and Trump and his followers of some of their most vile, right-wing, nativist legacies. These liberal cover-ups do more than underplay Trump's fascist tendencies; they also overlook a moment in which political authoritarianism is on the rise and in which the very fate of humanity and the planet are at risk. As Los Angeles Times reporters Don Lee and Kurtis Lee observe:

If Donald Trump were president, [he would end abortion rights, repeal Obamacare,] put U.S. ground troops in Iraq to fight Islamic extremists, rescind President Obama's executive orders that protect millions of immigrants from deportation, eliminate American citizenship for U.S.-born children whose parents are in the country illegally and "police" but not necessarily revoke the nuclear pact with Iran. Trump wants to deport all immigrants in the U.S. illegally -- an estimated 11 million people -- but says he wouldn't break up families because their families would be deported too. "We're going to keep the families together ... but they have to go," he said in a wide-ranging interview on NBC's "Meet the Press." "We have to make a whole new set of standards. And when people come in, they have to come in legally." Deportees who qualify could return, he said. Trump would end Obama's Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which allows young people brought to the country illegally as children to work and attend college without facing deportation.

Trump's toxic racism and discourse has been leading to violence for some time. According to an August 2015 article in Rolling Stone by Matt Taibbi, when two brothers from South Boston urinated on and severely beat with a metallic pipe a Latino man, "one of the brothers reportedly told police that 'Donald Trump was right, all of these illegals need to be deported.'"

Taibbi adds:

When reporters confronted Trump, he hadn't yet heard about the incident. At first, he said, "That would be a shame." But right after, he went on: "I will say, the people that are following me are very passionate. They love this country. They want this country to be great again. But they are very passionate. I will say that."

Trump later modified his response, one that both appeared to condone and legitimate the violence done in his name, but the fact remains that he is disseminating hate and creating the conditions for dangerous ideas to mobilize real-life violence in a society seething with a toxic disdain for immigrants. In what can only be interpreted as an openly racist justification for such violence -- reminiscent of similar attacks against Jews in Nazi Germany -- Trump's initial response truly reflects the degree to which right-wing extremism has become an acceptable register of US politics.

The authoritarian tendencies of Trump's followers cannot be explained through economic analyses alone. Denying the importance of racism, xenophobia, corporate-driven public pedagogies and a culture shaped by the financial elite greatly ignores modes of domination that go far beyond economic discontents and are produced and legitimated daily in mainstream cultural apparatuses. As Ellen Willis has pointed out, domination is not simply structural -- it takes shape through beliefs, persuasion, rhetoric and the pedagogical dimensions of politics. What Trump has tapped into is not simply economic resentment but also decades of a formative culture that is as divisive as it is anti-democratic. Violence is ubiquitous in US society and has become normalized, furthering a politics of anxiety, uncertainty and bigotry.

Trump has taken advantage of a proliferating culture of fear to create what Susan Sontag has described as a mimicry of fascinating fascism that trades in a carnival of violence and hatred. This spectacle furthers a politics of nihilism and brings many Americans closer to the abyss of proto-fascism. Under such circumstances, it is fair to argue that many of Trump's supporters have embraced the core elements of totalitarian politics. In this instance, politics has become a staged event, a spectacle that both normalizes violence and makes it a source of pleasure.

Trump echoes a fascist script that has been updated to address the fears and anxieties of people who feel betrayed by mainstream politics and channel their anger toward immigrants, Black people and anyone they deem un-American. Given the way in which racism mixes with the growing fear and anger over economic precariousness of working-class white people in this country, is it any wonder, that Trump presents himself as the strong leader, the mythic strongman offering redemption, revenge and a revitalized white Christian United States? Trump is not only the new face of proto-fascism, but also the logical end result of neoliberal capitalism's numerous assaults on democracy itself.

Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 
Henry A. Giroux

Henry A. Giroux currently is the McMaster University Professor for Scholarship in the Public Interest and The Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy. He also is a Distinguished Visiting Professor at Ryerson University. His most recent books include The Violence of Organized Forgetting (City Lights, 2014), Dangerous Thinking in the Age of the New Authoritarianism (Routledge, 2015) and coauthored with Brad Evans, Disposable Futures: The Seduction of Violence in the Age of Spectacle (City Lights, 2015). Giroux is also a member of Truthout's Board of Directors. 
 
His website is www.henryagiroux.com.
by Henry A. Giroux, Truthout | News Analysis


FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on March 2, 2016):
 
 (A mere 9 weeks ago...)

All,

Keep in mind that the following article ("The Real Danger of Donald Trump") was written a mere six months ago(!)

NOW (after winning seven of the ten Republican primaries tonight in resounding fashion) look at how much closer we are to the very real possibility that a genuine fascist could become the next President of the United Hates in November. Don't laugh, or even think about blithely dismissing this once extremely remote possibility. A looming catastrophe of monumental proportions is now only 8 months away from actually happening. If Trump is able to win a mere 2-3 more midwestern states (given that like Romney in 2012 it is absolutely assured that he will win at least 95% of the entire South--a grand total of 13 states-- plus 5 more in the Plains states region of Wyoming, Montana, Utah, North and South Dakota in addition to 3 more in Nebraska, Alaska, and Idaho). Add the certainty that like Romney in 2012 Trump would also easily win three of the 10 midwestern states (Indiana, Kansas, and Missouri), and all of a sudden we are looking at a grand total of 24 states (which is exactly the same number of states Romney won in 2012). It is also likely under this horrific scenario that if Trump is also able to win back the state of Florida that Obama was barely able to win against Romney by a little less than 1% of the vote he would suddenly be much closer to actually winning the Presidency. Then all Trump would need to win the election is two more states TOTAL in the rest of the country, If you don't think this is possible given how thoroughly reactionary and rabidly rightwing most of the national white vote in this country actually is (in 2012 60% of that national voting demographic went to Romney as Obama only won a feeble 39% nationally of this vote and actually lost the white vote in both New York and California!) you are deluding yourself.

So don't think for a nanosecond that the worst possible scenario could not possibly occur at this point and that an extremely wealthy and openly bigoted white male supremacist and certifiable meglomaniac could win the White House and turn a horrific fantasy into a nightmarish reality very soon ...Stay tuned...

Kofi

http://takingnote.blogs.nytimes.com/…/the-real-danger-of-…/…

Taking Note - The Editorial Page Editor's Blog

The Real Danger of Donald Trump
by Lawrence Downes 
September 16, 2015
New York Times


Some may find him amusing, but he is stirring up hatred that will take a long time to die down.

Donald Trump. Credit Robyn Beck/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The caller to Brian Lehrer’s WNYC radio show on Wednesday morning was pining for a strongman, a president who would do what was necessary to get rid of immigrants, whom she blamed for taking jobs and money away from real Americans.

“We’re very angry about what’s going on in the world today. We’re very angry about all the immigration,” she said. “He does speak for the people. I don’t understand why everyone doesn’t realize that there are a lot of angry people out here that are tired of listening to the politicians step all over us.”

She was speaking, of course, of Donald Trump, whose vehement anti-immigrant message is working brilliantly for him. Heading into tonight’s second Republican debate, he is the 2016 campaign’s main object of fascination and intimidation — the gas planet around which the discussion will likely revolve, while his rivals spin, tumble and flail.

Because Mr. Trump is caustic and bombastic, many people find him delightful and refreshing. Late-night comedians have been praying for him to stick around, because the jokes write themselves.

But the problem with this particular clown is that his words are not clownish. The language he uses about immigrants is dehumanizing and vile. The audiences that adore him are animated not just by infatuation, but by the age-old catalysts of fear, resentment and hate.

This is what moves the Trump effect into the realm of the frightening, rather than amusing or fascinating.

When did that move happen? For me, it was his rally on Monday in Dallas, where he told an adoring crowd he was disgusted with what was happening to America. He called it “a dumping ground for the rest of the world.”

The garbage he was referring to is people, the same kind of people we describe more poetically on a plaque at the foot of the Statue of Liberty.

Mr. Trump’s rivals are talking, in all seriousness, of undoing the Constitution and building a border wall. A Fox News host compares immigration to “a tumor or a disease.” Two young thugs in Boston attack and urinate on a homeless Latino man, saying Mr. Trump inspired them. A Trump supporter outside the Dallas rally grabs a microphone and yells at anti-Trump protesters: “Clean my hotel room, bitch!” Another, referring to Mr. Trump’s mass-deportation plan, says: “This isn’t going to be painless. They’ve been inflicting pain on us for 20 years.”

It’s not clear that Mr. Trump will end up with any power to pursue his racist agenda — his ambitions seem a lot narrower, more TV-based. But the toxic support he is stirring up, the polluted ideas he is spreading, the hate he is emboldening his supporters to voice with his blaring, surround-sound campaign — that evil will live after him. We will be cleaning up after Mr. Trump for a long time.

Vice President Joe Biden spoke reassuringly to a Latino group on Tuesday, saying that Mr. Trump and his fellow Republicans were taking pages from an old playbook that always fails.

“This will pass,” he said. This “sick message” has been tried on America before, and we always — “always, always, always, always” — overcome it.

Yes, we do, but it keeps coming back, and keeps doing damage.

I think of some recent examples, close to home.

Long Island, where I live, has been transformed in recent years, like many other American suburbs, by an influx of Latino immigrants. The demographics of Long Island’s two counties, Nassau and Suffolk, are similar. But where Nassau had a cool, pragmatic county executive, who talked of unity and sensible solutions, Suffolk had a county executive who liked to blame immigrants for overburdened housing, schools and hospitals, and for supposedly lawless acts like gathering on sidewalks to look for work. His words inflamed and incited community passions; his claims that immigrants were a blight on the county found a receptive audience.

And Suffolk, not Nassau, became nationally notorious for repeated attacks on Latino immigrants, including one horrific murder. Even the county police department was accused of patterns of racial abuse. Other politicians have risen to power in communities where people feel uneasy and resentful and are looking for a target for their anger. Sheriff Joe Arpaio of Maricopa County, Ariz., has perennially been elected despite — or rather because of — his history of oppressing Latinos in his jurisdiction.

Mr. Trump has made the nativists restless, on a national scale. Those in media and entertainment who are distracted by his comedic potential are missing the point. Jimmy Fallon, doing a skit with Mr. Trump, normalizes his toxic message, with giggles. (I’m hoping that Stephen Colbert, who has Mr. Trump on his show next week, will do better at avoiding this moral trap, but I’m not holding my breath.)

The Trump effect leads to a question I’ve been pondering. Is politics like physics, where adding gas to a container creates pressure and heat? If you keep pumping inflammatory speech into the public discourse, do you eventually get ignition?

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/17/opinion/the-not-so-silent-white-majority.html?_r=0
The Opinion Pages
 
Contributing Op-Ed Writer 
 
The Not-So-Silent White Majority
by Thomas B. Edsall
November 17, 2016
New York Times


Trump supporters at a rally in Michigan in September. Credit Damon Winter/The New York Times

Between Richard Nixon’s election by the silent majority in 1968 and Donald Trump’s stunning victory in 2016, there have been six conservative waves that swept Republicans into office. Disaffected white voters without college degrees have been the driving force in all of them.

This is surprising not only because these voters were once the backbone of the Democratic coalition, but because they have steadily declined as a share of the electorate. The percentage of white voters without college degrees fell from 83 percent in 1960 to 36 percent in 2012. It was 34 percent this year.

So why did they matter as much as they did in 2016? For one thing, Trump’s 39-point lead among less well educated whites surged past Mitt Romney’s 25-point margin. This was enough to make up for the fact that Trump’s margin of victory among whites with college degrees, at 4 points (49-45), was well behind Romney’s. (Romney carried college-educated whites by 14 points, 56-42.)

Despite their declining share of the electorate, these voters continue to exercise an outsize influence: as the Silent Majority of 1968 and 1972; the Reagan Democrats of 1980; the Angry White Men of 1994; the Tea Party insurgents of 2010; and now the triumphant Trump Republicans of 2016.
Let’s take a look at the history of this trend.

In 1968, these white voters — often low or moderate income, disproportionately male and clustered in exurban and rural areas, then as now — were crucial to the birth of the modern conservative coalition.

That year, famously, southern whites angered by enactment of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act abandoned the Democratic Party in droves, and they were soon joined by many northern whites opposed to court-ordered busing.

The Democratic Party’s commitment to civil rights prompted millions of white voters to cast ballots either for Richard Nixon, running as the Republican nominee, or for George Wallace, the segregationist Dixiecrat and former governor of Alabama, running as the nominee of the American Independent Party.

Together, Nixon and Wallace won 56.9 percent of all votes in 1968 and more than six out of every ten white votes, laying the groundwork for the conversion of the segregationist wing of the Democratic Party into a key component of the modern Republican Party. Democrats have made inroads into this coalition a few times, either by running more centrist Southerners like Jimmy Carter or Bill Clinton or through the campaign magic of Barack Obama, who promised to transcend the red-blue divide. But this white Republican coalition has proved remarkably enduring.

In the two elections before 1968, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, both Democrats, averaged 55 percent of the white working class vote. According to Ruy Teixeira, a senior fellow at the pro-Democratic Center for American Progress, Hubert Humphrey and George McGovern, both Democrats, averaged 35 percent of that vote, in 1968 and 1972. Since that time, many Republican candidates have tapped into anti-black bias without running as overt segregationists.

“The Republicans suddenly became the party of the white working class,” Teixeira wrote on his blog.

The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 further strengthened the commitment of the white working class to Republican presidential candidates, especially in the North.

It was not, however, until 1994, with the so-called Gingrich revolution, that the Republican Party was able to finally rupture the continuing commitment of lower and moderate income whites to Democratic congressional candidates. The accompanying charts, derived from the 2000 book, “America’s Forgotten Majority,” by Teixeira and Joel Rogers, show how the bottom fell out in 1994 for white working class Democratic congressional support.
White Flight

Change, in percentage points, in Democratic support in congressional races by white voters from 1992 to 1994 by education levels.

High school dropout

High school graduate

Some college

College graduate

MEN

WOMEN

–11

–3

–20

–10

–15

–10

–6

+2

Source: “America’s Forgotten Majority” by Ruy Teixeira and Joel Rogers


By The New York Times

Gingrich claimed responsibility for his party’s 1994 victories. Bill Clinton’s initial abandonment of the themes that he campaigned on in 1992 was, in fact, more important.

In his first presidential run, Clinton promised welfare reform, a middle-class tax cut and to commit his presidency to the “ideal that if you work hard and play by the rules you’ll be rewarded.” Clinton’s first two years in office, however, were dominated by the issues of gays in the military, health care reform and his attempt make good on his vow to pick a cabinet that “looks like America.”

The changed agenda proved disastrous for Democratic members of the House and Senate.

Stanley Greenberg, Clinton’s 1992 campaign pollster, wrote in the 1999 book “The New Majority: Toward a Popular Progressive Politics’’ that

The 1994 congressional debacle should be a reminder of what happens when Democrats lose touch with the lives of working people. Bill Clinton’s election was accompanied by great hopes in the country, but over the next two years those hopes turned to disappointment. On the eve of the off-year elections Clinton seemed like a culturally liberal president who could not deliver.

Greenberg continued:

The 1994 election was a disaster produced by a downscale, working-class revolt against the Democrats. Support for congressional Democrats among high school graduates dropped 12 points to only 46 percent. Among white male high school graduates, support for the Democrats fell off a cliff, careening 20 points downward from 57 percent to 37 percent.

The march of working and middle class whites toward the Republican Party took another giant step forward in the Tea Party election of 2010, when they voted against Democratic congressional candidates by 30 points (65-35), providing crucial ballast for the Republicans as they gained 63 seats in the House.
Lost Ground

Change, in percentage points, in Democratic support in congressional races from 1992 to 1994 by voters’ education levels.

Less than

high

school

High

school

Some

college

College

graduate

–10

–11

–12

NO

CHANGE

Source: “America’s Forgotten Majority” by Ruy Teixeira and Joel Rogers


By The New York Times

For many analysts and Democratic operatives, Obama’s two victories in 2008 and 2012 marked the final collapse of the conservative coalition. Even the Republican Party, notably in the so-called Autopsy Report produced in 2013 by Reince Priebus — soon to be Trump’s chief of staff — acknowledged that a white-dominated conservative alliance was doomed to defeat unless the party opened its doors in general and to Hispanics in particular.

Which brings us to 2016.

On one level, demographic change was moving in Clinton’s direction. The overall white share of the electorate, which was 91 percent in 1960, continued to decline, falling to 72 percent in 2012 and 70 percent in 2016.

How, then, is it possible that this supposedly fading constituency played such a decisive role in 2016?

Two reasons.

First, while Trump barely improved on Romney’s margin among whites generally, the whites who did vote for Trump were significantly different from those who voted for Romney. Trump won non-college whites by 14 points more than Romney, a modern day record. Just as important, the working class voters Trump carried by such huge margins were heavily concentrated in the Rust Belt states of Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa and Pennsylvania — all states carried by Obama in 2012 and lost by Clinton in 2016. Together, these state cast 70 Electoral College votes.

Trump’s voters were situated in a way that allowed them to exercise far more influence on the outcome in the Electoral College than their overall numbers would suggest, allowing Trump to sweep across the Rust Belt to victory.

This apostasy among white voters has certainly not gone unnoticed, and party strategists have long debated what, if anything, could be done to bring these voters back into the Democratic fold, particularly since the landslide defeat of 1984.

In 1985, Democrats conducted two major studies of white working class discontent, one by Greenberg, which looked at white U.A.W. workers and retirees in Macomb County Michigan, the other of 33 focus groups nationwide conducted by CRG, a marketing and polling firm.

Greenberg found that for these voters, “Blacks constitute the explanation of their vulnerability and for almost everything that has gone wrong in their lives.”

This

special status of blacks is perceived by almost all of these individuals as a serious obstacle to their personal advancement. Indeed, discrimination against whites has become a well-assimilated and ready explanation for their status, vulnerability and failures.

The CRG study was equally brutal. These voters

have a whole set of middle-class economic problems today, and their party is not helping them. Instead it is helping blacks, Hispanics and the poor. They feel betrayed.

CRG found that in the view of the white working class, the “Democrats are the giveaway party and ‘giveaway’ means too much middle class money going to blacks and the poor.”

The struggle to revive Democratic support among low and moderate income white voters has more recently become a regular subject on The Democratic Strategist, a website run by the Democratic activist Ed Kilgore, who was once the vice president for policy at the Democratic Leadership Council. Kilgore also publishes a newsletter, the White Working Class Roundtable. In the first issue of the newsletter, Kilgore wrote:

It has become increasingly clear that progressives and Democrats have no alternative except to challenge the hold that conservative and the GOP have established over white working Americans.

In a direct counter to Kilgore, Lee Drutman, a senior scholar at the New America Foundation, argued in a Nov. 11 essay in Foreign Policy that the Democrats need to give up on appeals to working class whites. The headline of his article reads: “The GOP has become the party of populism. Now the Democrats have to build a new party of multicultural cosmopolitanism.”

Drutman argues that

If Democrats define themselves as the party that is opposed to Republicans (as they must), they will soon find themselves as the party of fiscal responsibility (as opposed to the Republicans, who will again run huge deficits), as the party of international responsibility (as opposed to the more isolationist and nationalist Republicans), and as the party of global business (as opposed to the protectionist Republicans). They will continue to be the party of environmentalism (the stakes of this will get even greater soon) and the party of diversity and tolerance.

At the policy level, there are substantial objections to the full-scale emergence of a Democratic Party along these lines. It would mean that neither party would represent the economic interests of the bottom half of the income distribution — regardless of race or ethnicity — on crucial issues of tax and spending policies.

There is, however, growing evidence that the wheels of electoral politics have made the developments Drutman describes increasingly likely.

A comparison of 2004 exit polls and 2016 exit polls shows the changing relevance of income to voting.

In 2004, those with incomes under $30,000 voted Democratic by 20 points; in 2016, these voters voted Democratic by 12 points, a 40 percent decline.

At the upper end, voters with household incomes from $100,000 to $200,000 voted Republican in 2004 by 15 points. In 2016, they voted Republican by one point. Voters making more than $200,000 in 2004 voted Republican by 28 points; in 2016, they also voted Republican by 1 point.

As Drutman points out, “with a President Trump, there is now a change agent to accelerate these forces.”

In another postelection analysis, published on Nov. 15, Teixeira argues that the conservative victory on Election Day will prove short-lived: “In the end, the race will be won by change — as it always is.”

By 2032, Teixeira writes, “we are far more likely to view the 2016 election as the last stand of America’s white working class, dreaming of a past that no longer exists.”

Maybe.

In 2002, Teixeira and John Judis published the classic book, “The Emerging Democratic Majority,” only to see the re-election of George Bush two years later and the election of Donald Trump 14 years later.

Judis, whose most recent book is “The Populist Explosion,” is less confident than Teixeira. He argues that in this year’s election, either John Kasich or Marco Rubio “could have beaten Clinton, but the coalition would have looked different,” adding in an email that

what I would say, if someone put a gun to my head, is that there is still a stalemate between the two parties in spite of Trump’s and the Republicans success. Trump could fail, the Dems could come back, and then the G.O.P. Or Trump could thread the needle and win two terms. Not clear what will happen. But politically — leave aside the Census Bureau — the Dems are in disarray.

White tribalism or ethnocentrism — whatever you want to call it — is undeniably a powerful force. But so are the identities, loyalties and resentments of those who have their own competing racial and ethnic commitments. The American experiment, which gives all these interests participatory roles in a dynamic democracy, has long been under strain. Over the next four years, it will now be openly tested. The outcome may well be wrenching.


http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/02/06/the-persistence-of-racial-resentment/

The Persistence of Racial Resentment
by THOMAS B. EDSALL 
FEBRUARY 6, 2013
NEW YORK TIMES 


[Tom Edsall, a professor of journalism at Columbia University, is the author, most recently, of “The Age of Austerity.” His column on demographic and strategic trends in American politics appears every Wednesday. During the year leading up to the 2012 elections, he wrote for The Times as a weekly contributor to Campaign Stops. He covered American politics at The Washington Post from 1981 to 2006, and before that at The Baltimore Sun and The Providence Journal. He has written four other books: “Building Red America,” “Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics,” “Power and Money: Writing About Politics” and “The New Politics of Inequality.” He splits his time between Washington and New York.]

Although there was plenty of discussion during the 2012 presidential campaign about the Hispanic vote and how intense black turnout would be, the press was preoccupied with the white vote: the white working class, white women and upscale whites.

Largely missing from daily news stories were references to research on how racial attitudes have changed under Obama, the nation’s first black president. In fact, there has been an interesting exploration of this subject among academics, but before getting to that, let’s look back at some election results.

In the 16 presidential elections between 1952 and 2012, only one Democratic candidate, Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964, won a majority of the white vote. There have been nine Democratic presidential nominees who received a smaller percentage of the white vote than Obama did in 2008 (43 percent) and four who received less white support than Obama did in 2012 (39 percent).

In 2012, Obama won 39 percent of the white electorate. Four decades earlier, in 1972, George McGovern received a record-setting low of the ballots cast by whites, 31 percent. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey won 36 percent of the white vote; in 1980, Jimmy Carter got 33 percent; in 1984, Walter Mondale took 35 percent of the ballots cast by whites. As far back as 1956, Adlai Stevenson tied Obama’s 39 percent, and in 1952, Stevenson received 40 percent – both times running against Dwight D. Eisenhower. Two Democratic nominees from Massachusetts, Michael Dukakis in 1988 (40 percent) and John Kerry in 2004 (41 percent), got white margins only slightly higher than Obama’s in 2012 — and worse than Obama’s 43 percent in 2008. In other words, Obama’s track record with white voters is not very different from that of other Democratic candidates.

Ballots cast for House candidates provide another measure of white partisanship. These contests have been tracked in exit polls from 1980 onward. Between 1980 and 1992, the white vote for Democratic House candidates averaged 49.6 percent. It dropped sharply in 1994 when Newt Gingrich orchestrated the Republican take-over of the House, averaging just 42.7 percent from 1994 through 2004. White support for Democrats rose to an average of 46.7 percent in 2006 and 2008 as public disapproval of George W. Bush and of Republicans in Congress sharply increased.

How can the percentage of people holding anti-black attitudes have increased from 2006 to 2008 at a time when Obama performed better among white voters than the two previous white Democratic nominees, and then again from 2008 to 2012 when Obama won a second term?

In the aftermath of Obama’s election, white support for Congressional Democrats collapsed to its lowest level in the history of House exit polling, 38 percent in 2010 — at once driving and driven by the emerging Tea Party. In 2012, white Democratic support for House candidates remained weak at 39 percent.

Despite how controversial it has been to talk about race, researchers have gathered a substantial amount of information on the opinions of white American voters.

The political scientists Michael Tesler of Brown University and David O. Sears of UCLA have published several studies on this theme and they have also written a book, “Obama’s Race: The 2008 Election and the Dream of a Post-Racial America,” that analyzes changes in racial attitudes since Obama became the Democratic nominee in 2008.

In their 2010 paper, “President Obama and the Growing Polarization of Partisan Attachments by Racial Attitudes and Race,” Tesler and Sears argue that "the evidence strongly suggests that party attachments have become increasingly polarized by both racial attitudes and race as a result of Obama’s rise to prominence within the Democratic Party."

Specifically, Tesler and Sears found that voters high on a racial-resentment scale moved one notch toward intensification of partisanship within the Republican Party on a seven-point scale from strong Democrat through independent to strong Republican.

To measure racial resentment, which Tesler and Sears describe as “subtle hostility towards African-Americans,” the authors used data from the American National Election Studies and the General Social Survey, an extensive collection of polling data maintained at the University of Chicago.

In the case of A.N.E.S. data, Tesler and Sears write:

The scale was constructed from how strongly respondents agreed or disagreed with the following assertions: 1) Irish, Italian, Jewish and many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Blacks should do the same without any special favors. 2) Generations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for blacks to work their way out of the lower class. 3) Over the past few years, blacks have gotten less than they deserve. 4) It’s really a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if blacks would only try harder they could be just as well off as whites.

The General Social Survey included questions asking respondents to rate competing causes of racial discrimination and inequality:

The scale was constructed from responses to the following 4 items: 1) Irish, Italian, Jewish and many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Blacks should do the same without any special favors. 2) A 3-category variable indicating whether respondents said lack of motivation is or is not a reason for racial inequality. 3) A 3-category variable indicating whether respondents said discrimination is or is not a reason for racial inequality. 4) A three-category variable indicating whether respondents rated whites more, less or equally hardworking than blacks on 7 point stereotype scales.

Supporting the Tesler-Sears findings, Josh Pasek, a professor in the communication studies department at the University of Michigan, Jon A. Krosnick, a political scientist at Stanford, and Trevor Tompson, the director of the Associated Press-National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago, use responses from three different surveys in their analysis of “The Impact of Anti-Black Racism on Approval of Barack Obama’s Job Performance and on Voting in the 2012 Presidential Election.”

Pasek and his collaborators found a statistically significant increase from 2008 to 2012 in “explicit anti-black attitudes” – a measure based on questions very similar those used by Tesler and Sears for their racial-resentment scale. The percentage of voters with explicit anti-black attitudes rose from 47.6 in 2008 and 47.3 percent in 2010 to 50.9 percent in 2012.

Crucially, Pasek found that Republicans drove the change: “People who identified themselves as Republicans in 2012 expressed anti-Black attitudes more often than did Republican identifiers in 2008.”

In 2008, Pasek and his collaborators note, the proportion of people expressing anti-Black attitudes was 31 percent among Democrats, 49 percent among independents, and 71 percent among Republicans. By 2012, the numbers had gone up. “The proportion of people expressing anti-Black attitudes,” they write, “was 32 percent among Democrats, 48 percent among independents, and 79 percent among Republicans.”

At the moment, the population of the United States (314 million) is heading towards a majority-minority status in 2042.

The American electorate, on the other hand (126 million) is currently 72 percent white, based on the voters who cast ballots last November.

Obama’s ascendency to the presidency means that, on race, the Rubicon has been crossed (2008) and re-crossed (2012).

What are we to make of these developments? Is the country more or less racist? How can the percentage of people holding anti-black attitudes have increased from 2006 to 2008 at a time when Obama performed better among white voters than the two previous white Democratic nominees, and then again from 2008 to 2012 when Obama won a second term?

In fact, the shifts described by Tesler and Pasek are an integral aspect of the intensifying conservatism within the right wing of the Republican Party. Many voters voicing stronger anti-black affect were already Republican. Thus, in 2012, shifts in their attitudes, while they contributed to a 4 percentage point reduction in Obama’s white support, did not result in a Romney victory.

Some Republican strategists believe the party’s deepening conservatism is scaring away voters.

“We have a choice: we can become a shrinking regional party of middle-aged and older white men, or we can fight to become a national governing party,” John Weaver, a consultant to the 2008 McCain campaign, said after Obama’s re-election. Mark McKinnon, an adviser to former President George W. Bush, made a similar point: “The party needs more tolerance, more diversity and a deeper appreciation for the concerns of the middle class.”

Not only is the right risking marginalization as its views on race have become more extreme, it is veering out of the mainstream on contraception and abortion, positions that fueled an 11 point gender gap in 2012 and a 13 point gap in 2008.

Given that a majority of the electorate will remain white for a number of years, the hurdle that the Republican Party faces is building the party’s white margins by 2 to 3 points. For Romney to have won, he needed 62 percent of the white vote, not the 59 percent he got.

Working directly against this goal is what Time Magazine recently described as the Republican “brand identity that has emerged from the stars of the conservative media ecosystem: Rush Limbaugh, Sean Hannity, Bill O’Reilly, Ann Coulter, and others.”

It is not so much Latino and black voters that the Republican Party needs. To win the White House again, it must assuage the social conscience of mainstream, moderate white voters among whom an ethos of tolerance has become normal. These voters are concerned with fairness and diversity, even as they stand to the right of center. It is there that the upcoming political battles — on the gamut of issues from race to rights — will be fought.