Thursday, September 17, 2026

LONG LIVE THE BLACK RADICAL TRADITION: The Eternal Value And Purpose Of the Courage, Dignity, and Integrity Of Colin Kaepernick And Why It (and He) Continues To Matter Greatly No Matter What His Reactionary Enemies, Detractors, and Haters Say. Colin Has Always Deeply Undestood and Appreciated the FACT That In Order To Confront and Defeat Fascism One Must Always Be Fully Prepared To Take On Its Patholigical Lies and Tawdry Propaganda Via An Ongoing Struggle For Freedom, Justice, Equality, and Self Determination Both Publicly and Privately. We Love You Colin For Everything You Do And Try To Do In Your and Our Collective FIGHT To Engage And SLAY This Malevolent Force Known As White Supremacy

“What’s Past is Prologue…”

July 4, 2020
Colin Kaepernick (@Kaepernick7)


Colin Kaepernick (@Kaepernick7) tweeted:

Black ppl have been dehumanized, brutalized, criminalized + terrorized by America for centuries, & are expected to join your commemoration of “independence”, while you enslaved our ancestors. We reject your celebration of white supremacy & look forward to liberation for all. ✊ https://t.co/YCD2SYlgv4 https://twitter.com/Kaepernick7/status/1279463720318570497?s=20  

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/15/arts/colin-kaepernick-perilous-fight-halftime-protest-nfl.html 

Colin Kaepernick’s Memoir Addresses His National Anthem Protests

The former N.F.L. quarterback began protesting after becoming enraged by police killings, he writes in “The Perilous Fight.”

PHOTO: Colin Kaepernick, center, kneeling during the national anthem in October 2016. Credit: Marcio Jose Sanchez/Associated Press

by Emmanuel Morgan
September 15, 2026
New York Times


A decade after the quarterback Colin Kaepernick protested racial injustice by sitting or kneeling during the national anthem before N.F.L. games, he has written a memoir, “The Perilous Fight.”

The nearly 300-page book, which was released on Tuesday, revisits the saga from Kaepernick’s perspective. His protest spread across the league and became a political lightning rod that forced fans to grapple with the meanings of patriotism and free speech.

Here is what to know about the controversy and the memoir:

 
When did Kaepernick’s protest begin?

Several years after Kaepernick led the San Francisco 49ers to a Super Bowl appearance, he was spotted sitting on the bench while the national anthem played ahead of a preseason game in August 2016.

After the game, Kaepernick told Steve Wyche, a reporter from NFL Network, that he would not “stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses Black people and people of color.” The comments immediately drew backlash, particularly from those who considered his actions disrespectful to military veterans.

Kaepernick began kneeling instead of sitting, and was joined in protest by his teammate Eric Reid and other N.F.L. players. High school, college and professional athletes across other sports also began protesting, including the soccer player Megan Rapinoe.

In September 2017, President Trump used an expletive to describe Kaepernick during a rally and suggested that N.F.L. owners should fire players who did not stand for the anthem.
What happened to Kaepernick?

When Kaepernick became a free agent after the 2016 season, no team signed him. He filed a grievance through the players’ union that argued that the 32 N.F.L. owners had colluded to blackball him because of his protests.

After an independent arbitrator ruled that the case could go forward, the N.F.L. reached a confidential settlement with Kaepernick and Reid. The league did not publicly admit collusion.

In the years since Kaepernick’s playing career stalled, he has worked as a civil rights activist and started media projects. He cocreated the Netflix series “Colin in Black & White,” which explored his high school years, and also released a children’s book and a graphic novel.

ESPN greenlit a documentary centered on Kaepernick that was to be produced by Spike Lee, but the project was canceled after Kaepernick and Lee disagreed over the creative approach.

 
What was the fallout in the N.F.L.?

After high-profile musicians said that in solidarity with Kaepernick, they would not participate in the Super Bowl halftime show, the N.F.L. signed a partnership with Roc Nation, the entertainment company founded by Jay-Z, to help produce the show and work on social justice initiatives. The deal, signed in 2019, drew backlash. Some said it was hypocritical of Jay-Z, who had worn Kaepernick’s jersey during a “Saturday Night Live” performance in 2017.

In announcing the deal, Jay-Z said he felt the public needed to move past kneeling to enact more concrete changes. Headliners of the seven Super Bowl shows Roc Nation has helped produce include Bad Bunny, Kendrick Lamar and Rihanna. In 2022, as part of a hip-hop medley that included Snoop Dogg and Dr. Dre, Eminem took a knee during the performance, an act that was widely interpreted as a nod to Kaepernick.

After the police killing of George Floyd in 2020, several Black N.F.L. players posted a video on social media that urged the league to take a definitive stance against systemic racism. Roger Goodell, the N.F.L. commissioner, responded in a video, saying the league was “wrong for not listening to N.F.L. players earlier” and encouraging all to “speak out and peacefully protest.” Kaepernick’s name was not mentioned.

Teams now have the option to paint slogans such as “End Racism” and “Stop Hate” on portions of the field, and players can wear them on the backs of their helmets.

The Perilous Fight cover

The Perilous Fight
by Colin Kaepernick
Legacy Lit 2026


What does Kaepernick’s memoir reveal?

Kaepernick writes that his worldview was reshaped around 2015 after he began reading a series of books, including the autobiography of the civil rights leader Malcolm X.

He said he also became enraged after watching video of the San Francisco police fatally shooting a Black man, Mario Woods. That 2015 shooting led to protests, a lawsuit and the eventual ouster of the police chief. He writes that he was further affected by the killings of Freddie Gray in Baltimore, in 2015, and Philando Castile in Minnesota, in 2016.

Kaepernick said he was surprised that the controversy over his decision to sit during the national anthem swelled into a major news story. “Wow, y’all are really sensitive!” he writes in the memoir. “I thought. ‘Y’all can see a Black man get killed on camera and be like, ‘Hmm, where should we go for lunch?’ But let me not stand for the anthem and you have this visceral reaction? This is the thing that upsets you?”

In the memoir, Kaepernick also challenges the popular account of why he started kneeling during the national anthem instead of sitting.

Nate Boyer, a U.S. Army Green Beret veteran who briefly played in the N.F.L., has said he suggested kneeling as a more respectful posture toward the military. But Kaepernick writes that although he and Reid did meet with Boyer, their decision to kneel had already been made. He said Reid came up with the idea to be physically closer to their teammates on the sideline.

“It was a clear illustration of white supremacy at work — a white savior military veteran who used to play football telling us what to do,” Kaepernick writes. “A convenient narrative that made our protest more palatable.”

Kaepernick also writes about Roc Nation, saying he declined when it recruited him to be a client. He said he turned down a request from Jay-Z to kneel during a performance of the song “The Story of O.J.,” in part because he disagreed with some of its lyrics about race.

The day before Roc Nation announced its partnership with the N.F.L., Jay-Z called Kaepernick and told him the news, the athlete wrote. Kaepernick said he disapproved.

“‘I just want you to know, one, you’re serving the culture up to a bunch of racists and, two, they don’t care about you,” Kaepernick writes, recalling the conversation. “‘You’re the music guy to them. They quite literally need a Black face — and have said as much.’” Jay-Z’s response, he wrote, was, “‘Well, the ink’s dry.’”

Emmanuel Morgan reports on sports, pop culture and entertainment.

See more on: National Football League, Roc Nation, Colin Kaepernick, Eric Reid

“What’s Past is Prologue…"

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/08/jay-z-helps-nfl-banish-colin-kaepernick/596146/

Ideas
 
Jay-Z Helped the NFL Banish Colin Kaepernick

The former quarterback caused a problem for the league—which turned to the celebrated rapper for assistance.

by Jemele Hill
August 15, 2019
The Atlantic



PHOTO: Jay- Z. USA Today Sports / Reuters

Yesterday the hip-hop mogul Jay-Z and National Football League Commissioner Roger Goodell held a joint media session at the Roc Nation offices in New York to seal a once-implausible partnership that isn’t being received as positively as both parties probably hoped.

I assume neither Goodell nor Jay-Z expected to be on the defensive once the NFL announced that it would give Roc Nation, the music mogul’s entertainment company, significant power in choosing the performers for the league’s signature events—including the coveted Super Bowl halftime show. Jay-Z and Roc Nation will also help augment the NFL’s social-justice initiatives by developing content and spaces where players can speak about the issues that concern them.

This wasn’t just another routine example of Jay-Z living out a lyric he’d rapped nearly 15 years ago—“I’m not a businessman. I’m a business, man!” Instead, the rapper faced questions yesterday about why he chose to collaborate with the same league that he’d publicly criticized for its treatment of Colin Kaepernick, the quarterback who hasn’t had an NFL job since taking a knee during the national anthem three years ago to protest police brutality and racial injustice. This is the same Jay-Z who showed support for Kaepernick by wearing his jersey on Saturday Night Live. On his megahit song “Apeshit,” Jay-Z rapped this lyric: “Once I said no to the Super Bowl: You need me, I don’t need you. Every night we in the end zone. Tell the NFL we in stadiums too.”

Now he’s in business with the league.

Kaepernick’s girlfriend, Nessa Diab, wrote on Twitter that Kaepernick didn’t speak with Jay-Z before he brokered his deal with the NFL. Jay-Z said yesterday that he spoke to Kaepernick on Monday, but he wouldn’t divulge how their conversation went.

Jemele Hill: Kaepernick won. The NFL lost.

A source close to Kaepernick, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the topic, told me, “It was not a good conversation.”

But it was all smiles yesterday between Jay-Z and Goodell.

“We don’t want people to come in and necessarily agree with us; we want people to come in and tell us what we can do better,” Goodell said at the press conference. “I think that’s a core element of our relationship between the two organizations, and with Jay and I personally.”

The financial arrangements have not been made public. But whatever the numbers, the NFL’s new partnership with Jay-Z is a huge win for the league. Some of the biggest celebrities in the world have voiced their support of Kaepernick, saying they would boycott the NFL until Kaepernick is back in the league.

Now that the NFL has Jay-Z’s blessing, it’s conceivable that some of those entertainers who distanced themselves from the NFL might change their mind. Jay-Z has given the NFL exactly what it wanted: guilt-free access to black audiences, culture, entertainers, and influencers.

NFL officials must have been bothered by how much Kaepernick was discussed during Super Bowl week earlier this year. Not only did Goodell have to answer more questions about why Kaepernick still isn’t receiving any interest from NFL teams, but there had also been a number of reports that the league was having a hard time finding performers for its halftime show. Some stars, including Rihanna and Cardi B, reportedly turned down the opportunity to appear at the event show out of allegiance to Kaepernick. Other celebrities, such as the comedian Amy Schumer, publicly pressured the Maroon 5 singer Adam Levine to pull out of his performance. The Reverend Al Sharpton, the civil-rights leader, blasted the rapper Travis Scott, who performed with Levine. “You can’t fight against Jim Crow and then go sit in the back of the bus,” Sharpton told TMZ.

Ironically, one of the people who also advised Scott not to perform at the Super Bowl was Jay-Z. Yesterday the Roc Nation founder said he’d told Scott he shouldn’t perform at the Super Bowl because he would be playing “second fiddle” to Maroon 5. It had nothing to do with Kaepernick.

Clearly Jay-Z’s support of Kaepernick only went so far. Regardless, why would Jay-Z waste any of his enormous social and cultural capital on the NFL when he doesn’t need the league’s platform, money, resources, or validation?


Read: The war on black athletes
 
Colin Kaepernick, Amnesty International Ambassador of Conscience (full speech)

Colin Kaepernick gave a powerful speech in Amsterdam when he received Amnesty International's Ambassador of Conscience Award 2018. His former teammate and close friend, Eric Reid, was present at the ceremony and handed him the award.

April 25, 2018

Amnesty International

Amnesty International

VIDEO: 
 The Perilous Fight cover
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New York, NY 
(April 7, 2026)


Renowned Civil Rights Activist and Super Bowl quarterback, Colin Kaepernick, announced plans today to publish THE PERILOUS FIGHT, a new memoir acquired by Legacy Lit Editor, Amina Iro. Iro acquired World Rights from Creative Artists Agency, LLC. Legacy Lit will publish in hardcover and eBook editions on September 15, 2026. The audiobook, narrated by Kaepernick, is produced by and will be available exclusively from Audible to coincide with the hardcover and eBook release.

On September 1, 2016, Colin Kaepernick took a knee during The Star Spangled Banner, but the world has never fully understood his story. Not the “why.” Not what it cost. Not what it took to become the man who was ready for that moment.

That story begins in Turlock, California, where Kaepernick, a Black kid adopted into a white family, spent his earliest years navigating an identity the world around him didn't always know how to hold. Everything that connected him to who he truly was—his Blackness, his culture, his sense of self—was met with resistance. Sports became his refuge and his proving ground. On the field, his talent could not be questioned, minimized, or taken from him. It was the one space that was entirely his. And what that space produced was extraordinary: a quarterback whose arm and instincts would carry him to the Super Bowl and into the history books.

But success brought with it an education he hadn't anticipated. He began to see the NFL not just as a league, but as a mirror of American capitalism, of racial exploitation, of a country that celebrated Black entertainment and criminalized Black lives in the same breath. He had been reading: Malcolm X. Muhammad Ali. Huey P. Newton. Angela Davis. He had been watching. And what he saw in the NFL, in Turlock, in the repeated, unpunished killing of Black and Brown Americans by the very systems claiming to protect them, converged into an undeniable truth: this was not someone else's fight. It was his. It is ours.

When Kaepernick knelt, he was not acting on impulse. He was acting on years of becoming, of absorbing, reckoning, and refusing to look away. In response, the NFL blackballed him, the country revealed its true self, and the man who had spent his whole life earning his place chose, deliberately, to risk all of it for something larger than himself.

But in the ten years since he took a knee, the questions his protest raised about race, power, identity, and the courage it takes to fight for a more equitable world have not gone away. They are the questions of our time. They are the questions this book answers.

"People saw the moment. But they didn't see the years that made it possible: the questions about who I was; the injustices I could no longer ignore; the voices of those who came before me that I carried into that stadium. That journey, from a Black kid navigating an identity the world didn't always make space for, to an athlete who realized the game was bigger than football, shaped everything. When I took a knee, it wasn't a sudden act. It was the result of years of becoming. And what came after taught me the most important truth: this fight has never belonged to one person. It belongs to all of us. We fight for each other. We build with each other. We must fight for justice and equity with the courage and clarity this moment demands. That is how we build a future worth fighting for." says Kaepernick.

"One of the pillars of the Legacy Lit imprint is to inspire social change through unique and powerful stories and there are few better suited to represent that mission than Colin Kaepernick," says Krishan Trotman, VP, Publisher, Legacy Lit. "He was the catalyst of an undeniable movement that captured the attention and interest of the world. I am thrilled that he chose Legacy Lit as a partner in sharing his valuable perspective, and his unvarnished story for the first time. Colin is an inspiration to so many, and I know that readers, the world over, will be moved by his poignant memoir."

Diana Dapito, Audible Head of Consumer Content, said: “Hearing Colin Kaepernick tell his story in his own voice brings an urgency and authenticity that only he can deliver, and we’re honored to capture his words in this audiobook. This is a once-in-a-generation story that’s powerfully relevant today. It’s a privilege to serve as the exclusive audio publisher for this memoir and to collaborate with Colin and Legacy Lit to bring this vital work to listeners worldwide.”

In THE PERILOUS FIGHT, Kaepernick delivers his story with the same unflinching conviction that defined the moment the world watched. Equal parts memoir and manifesto, it traces the off-the-field battles that turned a single act of protest into a movement that changed American sports and culture forever. This is the story of a man who became someone the moment demanded. It is a story about identity, sacrifice, and the cost of courage. And it is, ultimately, a story about all of us and the future we are still fighting to build.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Colin Kaepernick is a Super Bowl quarterback who holds the all-time NFL record for most rushing yards in a game by a quarterback. He is a New York Times and USA Today bestselling author, and civil rights activist. He is the founder of the Know Your Rights Camp, Kaepernick Media (Formerly Ra Vision Media), Kaepernick Publishing, and Lumi Story AI. He has been awarded Amnesty International's Ambassador of Conscience Award, the Sports Illustrated Muhammad Ali Legacy Award, the ACLU's Eason Monroe Courageous Advocate Award, and numerous others for his work in athletics and advocacy. His show, Colin in Black and White, co-produced by Ava DuVernay, has won two NAACP Awards, his Nike "Dream Crazy" has won an Emmy, and he's been featured in GQ, Men's Health, TIME, Sports Illustrated, Vanity Fair, New York Times, the Tonight Show with Jimmy Fallon, and many more. Learn more at Kaepernick7.com and follow for updates on Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn, Threads, TikTok, X.com, and YouTube.

About Legacy Lit:


Legacy Lit is an imprint dedicated to giving voice to issues, authors, and all groups that have been underrepresented, under-served, and overlooked. Our mission is to inspire social change and to elevate and celebrate diverse communities. We are unapologetically intentional and committed to promoting equality and equity for all people. Our books uplift and celebrate diverse communities using fresh narratives, powerful storytelling, and big ideas that will educate, enlighten, and inspire.

About Grand Central Publishing Group:

Grand Central Publishing Group reaches a diverse audience through books that cater to every kind of reader. Our divisions include Grand Central Publishing, Hachette Nashville, and Union Square & Co.

About Hachette Book Group:

Hachette Book Group (HBG) is a leading US general-interest book publisher made up of dozens of esteemed imprints within the publishing groups Basic Books Group; Grand Central Publishing Group; Hachette Audio; Little, Brown and Company; Little, Brown Books for Young Readers; Orbit; and Workman Running Press Group. We also provide custom distribution, fulfillment, and sales services to other publishing companies.

Our books and authors have received the Pulitzer Prize, National Book Award, Caldecott Medal, Newbery Medal, Booker Prize, Nobel Peace Prize and other major honors.

We are committed to diversity in our company and our publishing programs, and to fostering a culture of inclusion for all our employees and authors. We are proud to be part of Hachette Livre, the world's third-largest trade and educational publisher.

Visit hachettebookgroup.com to learn more about HBG imprints. For updated news follow HBG on Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn, Threads, TikTok, X.com, Pinterest, and YouTube.

About Audible:

Audible, Inc., an Amazon.com, Inc. subsidiary (NASDAQ:AMZN), is the leading creator and provider of premium audio storytelling, offering global audiences a powerful way to enhance and enrich their lives through extraordinary content. Audible’s catalog includes more than 1,000,000 audio titles, including Audible Originals as well as audiobooks and podcasts from leading studios, print, audio and magazine publishers and world-renowned entertainers.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Megan Perritt-Jacobson, Senior Director of Publicity, GCP Non-Fiction

megan.perritt-jacobson@hbgusa.com

Estefania Acquaviva, Senior Publicist, GCP Non-Fiction
Estefania.acquaviva@hbgusa.com


Higher Learning

September 16, 2026

VIDEO:


New Episodes

Surprise, Thought Warriors! Higher Learning is here with a pop-up episode featuring none other than Colin Kaepernick in the studio! Kaepernick drops by not just to promote his new book, 'The Perilous Fight,' but to have a real conversation with Van and Rachel about everything. From civil rights to NFL blackballing to racial identity to protesting against police brutality to Target, no topic is off-limits. 
 
CHAPTERS: 

(00:00) Welcome to Higher Learning

(2:59) Colin Kaepernick joins us in the studio; 'The Perilous Fight' out September 15

(15:52) Racial identity

(26:48) NFL career

(45:52) The settlement

(58:02) Muddled message?

(1:08:08) Growth through adversity

(1:19:07) Fighting the good fight 

Hosts: Van Lathan and Rachel Lindsay Guest: Colin Kaepernick Producers: Marco Escalante and Jade Whaley Social Producer: Bernard Moore Video Supervision: Chris Thomas

Colin Kaepernick Reflects On Decision To Take A Knee | The View


The View

September 14, 2026

VIDEO:  

The former NFL quarterback joins “The View” to discuss his new memoir, "The Perilous Fight," the controversy he says ended his NFL career, and how early experiences with racism shaped his activism


https://lithub.com/colin-kaepernick-on-the-link-between-abolition-and-black-liberation/




PHOTO: Colin Kaepernick (b. November 3, 1987)
 
Colin Kaepernick on the Link Between Abolition and Black Liberation
 
“It is only logical that systemic problems demand systemic solutions.”


by Colin Kaepernick
October 7, 2021
Literary Hub


In the wake of the state-sanctioned lynchings of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, and countless others, the United States has been forced to grapple with not only the devastation of police terrorism, but also the institutions that constitute, enhance, and expand the carceral state. In response, movements that demand the defunding of the police have spread across the country with no signs of stopping.

Those who have been terrorized by law enforcement, who have had enough of their very existence being criminalized, and who have dedicated their lives to the cause of liberation by any means necessary are demanding the abolition of the carceral state—the institutions, structures, and practices of anti-Black state-sanctioned violence that violate the fundamental humanity of Black and Indigenous people, and people of color.

It’s been five years since I first protested during “The Star-Spangled Banner.” At the time, my protest was tethered to my understanding that something was not right. I saw the bodies of Black people left dead in the streets. I saw them left dead in their cars. I saw them left dead in their backyards. I saw Black death all around me at the hands of the police. I saw little to no accountability for the police officers who had murdered them. It is not a matter of bad apples spoiling the bunch but interlocking systems that are rotten to their core and are authorized to kill Black people and other communities under the pretense of “justice.”

Modes of reformist and reactionary “justice” fail to remedy the uninterrupted deaths caused by policing and prisons and frequently leave us disheartened, disjointed, and disillusioned.

It is only logical that systemic problems demand systemic solutions.

Predictably, the political mainstream has responded to political uprisings by shifting the demands to “defund the police” to reformist interventions centered on “acceptable” modes of enacting death and violence upon oppressed peoples. As such, conventional paths and strategies for achieving “justice” for anti-Black police terror and violence are all too often couched in campaigns and desires for convictions, punishment, and incarceration. These modes of reformist and reactionary “justice” fail to remedy the uninterrupted deaths caused by policing and prisons and frequently leave us disheartened, disjointed, and disillusioned.

Despite the steady cascade of anti-Black violence across this country, I am hopeful we can build a future that imagines justice differently. A future without the terror of policing and prisons. A future that prioritizes harm reduction, redemption, and public well-being in order to create a more just and humane world.

To understand the necessity and urgency of abolition, we must first understand the genesis and histories of the institutions and practices we must abolish.

The central intent of policing has and continues to be to surveil, terrorize, capture, and kill marginalized populations, specifically Black folks. In her edited collection, Imprisoned Intellectuals, Joy James put the United States under the magnifying glass. “The world can see what goes on in the tombs of America as Black people are being slowly strangled and suffocated to death,” she writes.

When the world witnessed the police choke Eric Garner to death as he gasped, “I can’t breathe”—that is an act of terror. When a cop car pulled up to Tamir Rice, a twelve-year-old boy, and the cop shot him in less than two seconds—that is an act of terror. When police broke down ninety-two-year-old Kathryn Johnston’s front door, unloaded thirty-nine rounds, and left five bullets buried in her body—that is an act of terror. We recognize this as anti-Black violence and control while law enforcement and the injustice system see it as essential to the very nature of the job.

In order to eradicate anti-Blackness, we must also abolish the police. The abolition of one without the other is impossible.

The political project of anti-Blackness has always been central to the enforcement of laws and legal codes in the United States. Sally E. Hadden’s Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas lays out an irrefutable case that slavery and policing are linked both in logic and philosophy. South Carolina’s 1701 “Act for the Better Ordering of Slaves” declared that any enslaved African “resisting” a white person could be beaten (like Rodney King in 1991), maimed (like Jacob Blake in 2020), assaulted (like Marlene Pinnock in 2014), or killed if they “resisted” (like Korryn Gaines in 2016) or took flight (like Rayshard Brooks in 2020).

The more that I have learned about the history and evolution of policing in the United States, the more I understand its roots in white supremacy and anti-Blackness. Black Panther Party co-founder Huey P. Newton once said, “The police are in our community not to promote our welfare or for our security or our safety, but they are there to contain us, to brutalize us, and murder us.” The omnipresent threat of premature death at the hands, knees, chokeholds, Tasers, and guns of law enforcement has only further engrained its anti-Black foundation into the institutions of policing. In order to eradicate anti-Blackness, we must also abolish the police. The abolition of one without the other is impossible.

As part of the reentry work I have done with Kevin Livingston from 100 Suits for 100 Men4 at Rikers Island, I have spent time with young Black men in the facility no older than twenty. The young men explained the prison’s dehumanizing conditions that range from denial of literature to physical assault. They have been criminalized and caged, in most cases, for attempting to resist being redlined into economic despair.

Forever emblazoned in my memory are the words of one of the young Black men: “You love us when no one else does.”

Forever emblazoned in my memory are the words of one of the young Black men: “You love us when no one else does.” The young brother was seeking love. He was seeking care. He was seeking a space that valued his life. What he received was hate and what abolitionist scholar Ruth Wilson Gilmore would call “organized abandonment.”

As Angela Y. Davis has written, “prisons do not disappear problems, they disappear human beings.” Prisons do not contain a “criminal population” running rampant but rather a population that society has repeatedly failed.

Uprisings in response to the hellish conditions Black folk have been forced to live in, both in and out of prison, have been criminalized as well. In her book Are Prisons Obsolete?, Davis effectively analyzes the purpose of prisons. “These prisons represent the application of sophisticated, modern technology dedicated entirely to the task of social control,” she writes, “and they isolate, regulate, and surveil more effectively than anything that has preceded them.” An institution based on social control instead of social well-being is an institution that needs to be abolished.

I recently revisited the 2016 postgame interview when I was first asked about not standing during “The Star-Spangled Banner.” One of the reporters inquired about the reasoning behind my dissent. “There’s a lot of things that need to change,” I replied. “One specifically is police brutality. There’s people being murdered unjustly and not being held accountable. Cops are getting paid leave for killing people. That’s not right. That’s not right by anyone’s standards.”

Unconsciously, my critique of police terrorism was fastened to a reformist framework. My want for accountability focused on the cops receiving convictions and punishment, not acquittals and paid vacations. But I had missed the larger picture. The focus on individual punishment will never alter the outcome of a system rooted in Black death. I wanted change. I wanted it to stop. I wanted to reform what I saw. Yet, the reforms often proposed—use-of-force policies, body cameras, more training, and “police accountability”—were the same recycled interventions consistently proposed in the past. And in both the past and the present, these reforms have done nothing to stop the actions that force us to #SayTheirNames.

Similarly, suggested prison reforms—new jail construction to address crowding and dehumanizing living conditions and technological monitoring that essentially creates open-air prisons—have not and cannot eliminate the harm of the carceral state. The thread that ties all of these reforms together is the increased investment of capital into the carceral apparatus. In a recent interview on the geographies of racial capitalism, Ruth Wilson Gilmore said that “capitalism requires inequality, and racism enshrines it.” It made me think about the economies of exploitation, deprivation, and captivity that propel forward incarceration and the construction of prisons. These economies disproportionately target Black, Brown, and poor white people. It made me think about how the carceral state is central to the machinery of racial capitalism.

I began to ask myself the question “What is being reformed or reformulated?”

Ultimately, I realized that seeking reform would make me an active participant in reforming, reshaping, and rebranding institutional white supremacy, oppression, and death. This constant re-interrogation of my own analysis has been part of my political evolution.

“One should recall that the movement for reforming the prisons, for controlling their functioning, is not a recent phenomenon,” Michel Foucault wrote in Discipline & Punish. “It does not even seem to have originated in a recognition of failure. Prison ‘reform’ is virtually contemporary with the prison itself: it constitutes, as it were, its programme.” Reform, at its core, preserves, enhances, and further entrenches policing and prisons into the United States’ social order. Abolition is the only way to secure a future beyond anti-Black institutions of social control, violence, and premature death.

Abolition is a means to create a future where justice and liberation are fundamental to realizing the full humanity of communities. Practices of abolitionists are focused on harm reduction, public health, and the well-being of people. Demands to defund the police and prisons are one of the ways to first realize the goals of investing in people and divesting from punishment and, in time, progress to the complete abolition of the carceral state, including police and policing.

To be clear, the abolition of these institutions is not the absence of accountability but rather the establishment of transformative and restorative processes that do not depend upon anti-Black institutions rooted in punitive practices. By abolishing policing and prisons, not only can we eliminate white supremacist establishments, but we can create space for budgets to be reinvested directly into communities to address mental health needs, homelessness and houselessness, access to education, and job creation as well as community-based methods of accountability. This is a future that centers the needs of the people, a future that will make us safer, healthier, and truly free.

Another world is possible, a world grounded in love, justice, and accountability, a world grounded in safety and good health, a world grounded in meeting the needs of the people.

Abolition now. Abolition for the people.

______________________________________________

From: Abolition for the People: The Movement for a Future Without Policing & Prisons
 
edited by Colin Kaepernick. 
 
Used with permission from Kaepernick Publishing.

Colin Kaepernick, Amnesty International Ambassador of Conscience (full speech)

Colin Kaepernick gave a powerful speech in Amsterdam when he received Amnesty International's Ambassador of Conscience Award 2018. His former teammate and close friend, Eric Reid, was present at the ceremony and handed him the award.

April 25, 2018

Amnesty International

Amnesty International

VIDEO: 

Colin Kaepernick The Perilous Fight Book Signing Event | Abyssinian Baptist Church (Harlem, NYC)

Abyssinian Baptist Church

Abyssinian Baptist Church

Streamed live 16 hours ago

September 15, 2026

VIDEO: 

Join us at The Abyssinian Baptist Church for the launch of Colin Kaepernick’s highly anticipated memoir, The Perilous Fight. Kaepernick reflects on his journey from professional football to becoming a powerful voice for racial justice, sharing the experiences and convictions that shaped his decision to stand for what he believes in. Be sure to purchase your copy of The Perilous Fight in advance! Follow the link below to purchase your book and learn more about the event:

 
Colin Kaepernick Taught Us How Exposed White America Truly Is
by Howard Bryant
The Daily Beast
February 1, 2020

PHOTO: Howard Bryant (b. November 25, 1968)
 
PHOTO: Full dissidence: Notes From An Uneven Playing Field by Howard Bryant (Beacon Press, 2020)
 
[Excerpt from an essay from Full Dissidence: Notes from an Uneven Playing Field by Howard Bryant (Beacon Press, 2020). Reprinted with permission from Beacon Press]:

"... It was clear that a man who had broken no laws and had only spoken his mind was being actively destroyed by the public. And let’s be clear: by public, I mean to say the overwhelmingly white public, and the government. How else does one assess local politicians and law enforcement officers suddenly sufficiently emboldened to undertake an intimidation campaign against one of the world’s most powerful corporations? Though he essentially lives on the fringes of the American mainstream, not speaking publicly, not playing in the NFL, and not organizing protest, so many whites were exposing themselves by their disproportional response to the specter of Kaepernick.

Despite Nike’s corporate duplicity, the fight could not be decoupled from Kaepernick. There was no way out. Parsing percentages of the opposition’s size is a game at which Americans are expert, especially when those in power are indicted. (See: “not all cops,” “not all men,” and “not all white people.”) It is an exercise in tedium but some large portion of this America had decided that Colin Kaepernick had no right to any semblance of a life, a career, or a public presence in any form. They had resolved to destroy him personally, as well as any entity associated with him, even a corporation as enormous and ubiquitous as Nike. In the summer of 2019, when Nike pulled a limited edition Independence Day shoe because Kaepernick reportedly objected to its featuring the Betsy Ross flag, designed at a time when all thirteen colonies were slaveholding, Arizona governor Doug Ducey announced he would eliminate the financial incentives Nike was to receive for building a new plant in the Phoenix suburbs, risking local jobs and economic growth for the city of Goodyear. (Ducey quickly backed down.)

If Kaepernick and Nike were under attack for criticizing police, who deserve every bit of it, then white America had exposed itself yet again in its willingness to sacrifice black life, in its complete and criminal lack of interest in justice. Neither of which, we all know at this late date, is the issue even closely approximating the real one: white people’s desire for black people to be the quiet, obedient renters of the American dream. This unknowable percentage of Americans who believed these things and burned their own belongings could not be dismissed as an irrational or racist fringe because chief among their legions was the power: the president of the United States, police chiefs, local mayors, and state governors. This was what America was, and my mind had to change…"
--Howard Bryant, "Colin Kaepernick Taught Us How Exposed White America Truly Is", The Daily Beast, February 1, 2020

Wednesday, September 16, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: Robin D.G. Kelley and Sonali Kolhatkat In Conversation About What Fascism Actually Is And Means in the U.S. Today and the Clear And Present Danger and Massive Destruction It Represents In Our Political Economy, In Our Culture, and In Our Daily Lives

https://truthout.org/articles/robin-d-g-kelley-what-were-experiencing-right-now-is-fascism/

 
Robin D. G. Kelley: 
What We’re Experiencing Right Now Is Fascism

Technologies from Israel have turbocharged surveillance by ICE, Border Patrol, and the Department of Homeland Security.

by Sonali Kolhatkar
September 15, 2026

SevenStoriesPress

 
PHOTO: ICE agents detain a woman after pulling her from a car on January 13, 2026, in Minneapolis, Minnesota.Stephen Maturen / Getty Images

[NOTE: This article is an adapted excerpt from Breaking ICE: Community Defense Against State Terror and MAGA Fascism by Sonali Kolhatkar. This text was published by Seven Stories Press in September 2026, and has been reprinted here with permission.]

MAGA’s ongoing fascist assault on the nation’s residents echoes past eras of U.S. enslavement, racial terror, dispossession, segregation, and exclusion. Historian and political analyst Robin D. G. Kelley, distinguished professor and Gary B. Nash Endowed Chair in U.S. history at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), has written several books examining this history, including his seminal 2003 book Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination. With his finger on the pulse of contemporary social justice movements, including global struggles for liberation, Kelley offered a sharp analysis of the federal assault on U.S. cities and the resulting resistance during this conversation, which took place in February 2026, for inclusion in Breaking ICE: Community Defense Against State Terror and MAGA Fascism, my new book of interviews with over a dozen movement organizers, lawyers, artists, labor leaders, and scholars, which was released today.

Sonali Kolhatkar: Throughout U.S. history, policing has been used as a tool of repression, and as a way to preserve racial capitalism. We are now in an era where immigration enforcement, in terms of resources and personnel, seems to be approaching what we spend on police forces. Where does immigration enforcement fit in and how does it differ from policing?

Robin D. G. Kelley: That’s a great question. First of all, immigration enforcement goes back to right after World War I. In 1924, the U.S. Border Patrol was established to police the southern border, but also the border with Canada. The oceans were also monitored, the Pacific especially, the Atlantic less so.

The idea of enforcing immigration through the definitions of citizenship is old. It’s part of a system of both domestic and international policing. Driving these policies was the state’s fear of radical insurgency. After World War I, sedition — that is to say left-wing, anarchist, socialist, and communist movements — were policed, especially those coming from Asia and Europe, and certainly those from the southern border. Border Patrol wasn’t just developed to keep so-called Mexican migrants out — though this was land twice stolen, first from Native American people and then from the sovereign nation of Mexico. It was also about keeping the Mexican Revolution on the other side of the border and ultimately destabilizing it.


Border Patrol and immigration policing have always been political issues. We saw an escalation of this kind of domestic and border policing during the Cold War. In 1952, we got the McCarran-Walter Immigration and Nationality Act, limiting Caribbean immigration and making it easier to deport or deny entry to leftists, labor organizers, and so-called “sexual deviants.” Two years later, the Eisenhower administration launched a mass deportation campaign dubbed Operation Wetback targeting Mexican workers and initiating the process of militarizing the border. Under the guise of protecting national security, Operation Wetback was really an effort to discipline an increasingly organized Mexican working class with the threat of deportation while appeasing and disciplining the naturalized U.S. labor force by mobilizing xenophobia, nationalism, and support for U.S. intervention in the hemisphere — all under the guise of anticommunism.
 
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Voting Rights Groups Are Preparing to Confront ICE at the Polls

Trusted figures such as firefighters and clergy will protect Black, Latino, and Asian precincts that could be targets.

by Mike Ludwig
September 4, 2026
Truthout


At the same time, the U.S. expanded legalized temporary labor migration through the Bracero Program, which ran from 1942 to 1964, in order to recruit low-wage labor subjected to monitoring and vulnerable to deportation.

And then finally, the post-1965 expansion of immigration opened the door to further border militarization during the 1970s and 1980s. And that’s even before Ronald Reagan. Reagan, of course, escalated it, but border militarization was promoted under Presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter, a liberal Democrat.

What we’re seeing now is an escalation of border militarization, the internal domestic policing of those regarded as undocumented, and the targeting of people based on perceived racial differences. And in this case, I think what’s different is the level of terror and violence, and the scale of the attacks, which to me are intended as much as demonstrations of state power and authority as border enforcement.

And the border itself — its definition — has been expanded to include pretty much the entire country. That’s why we had Border Patrol agents in Minneapolis, nowhere near the border, killing U.S. citizens. There’s been a steady march toward that. It certainly wasn’t something that just happened under Trump, but he’s taking advantage of that redefinition to deploy Border Patrol troops everywhere.

That is true. I want to give credit to Harsha Walia, who wrote this amazing book, Border and Rule, which talks about border externalization and border internalization. That is to say, the border is not really a place — a strip of land or a line — but that “bordering” is a governance strategy, either through, say, interdiction offshore (externalization) or through racialized surveillance (internalization). The border is always being policed internally within the United States, within Europe, within Canada, and elsewhere. We’re seeing a deeper militarization of internal border security.

U.S. violence against Haitians has been exemplary of this kind of militarized policing. Under Reagan, we saw the interdiction of Haitians who were hoping for asylum in Florida being thrown in detention centers in Guantanamo Bay.

But then you also have the targeting of Haitians within the 48 states of the continental United States who are being arrested, detained, and deported. We saw that the vicious attacks on Haitians who had temporary legal status ultimately helped lead to Trump’s victory.

In Ohio, Haitians were racialized and targeted. A military was unnecessary since anti-Black racism was enough to generate mass opposition and panic over their presence. I also think that the escalation of ICE and CBP attacks in Minnesota, as well as Los Angeles, Memphis, New Orleans, and Chicago, was less about capturing undocumented workers than about generating terror within those cities. They targeted cities with either Black mayors or progressive Democratic mayors. They targeted protesters. It’s not an accident that the casualties include people who were legal observers or protesters.

That’s really important because they’re collecting personal information on protesters and creating a database. And these agents believe they have total immunity from prosecution — they are not trying to hide their acts of violence and brutality. The killing of Renée Nicole Good in Minneapolis was recorded by agent Jonathan Ross, the guy who killed her, because what they want to do is post those images.

While I hate to use analogies with Nazi Germany because they tend to be too simplistic, we must remember that the terror meted out by Nazi storm troopers was intentionally visible, designed to instill terror and generate national pride by targeting people considered to be not just illegal, but unpatriotic, racially inferior, or queer — which makes you innately unpatriotic under this particular regime.

What we’re seeing is something in excess of Border Patrol interdiction and detention. Much bigger.

In Minneapolis, in Maine, and in other places, we saw ICE agents occasionally arresting police — Black and Brown police. We’ve also seen police occasionally standing up to ICE. Although more often than not, in places like Los Angeles, police have enabled ICE by holding back protesters. But there have been a lot of calls from people to have mayors deputize police to arrest masked ICE agents. How do we clarify the role that ICE plays as being very consistent with the role that police have played, not just in enforcing racial capitalism, but also in enforcing white supremacy?

Absolutely. We sometimes have a short-term memory in moments of duress. Some of the very same tactics that we’re seeing practiced by ICE — including dragging people out of cars, shooting them when they try to drive away, beating people up, and falsifying official reports — are all standard police practice. It’s a pipe dream to believe that local police officers would arrest ICE agents. When it does happen, it’s only in the most egregious situations. In other words, it’s comparable to when police arrest other police officers. It has happened before as a result of internal affairs investigations into police corruption. It rarely happens, but of course, cops have arrested other cops — although almost never for violence against civilians. Rather, they are arrested for things like drunk driving, being caught in sexual scandals, selling drugs, and so forth.

The supremacy clause in the U.S. Constitution argues that federal agents and federal troops have supremacy over local agents and local groups. This provides a way for mayors and police chiefs to say, “Well, our hands are tied. I wish we could do something about it.”

California’s state legislature passed a law banning ICE and Border Patrol agents from wearing masks as they operate. But the LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell said he would not enforce it even before the law was overturned by a federal judge. His argument for not enforcing it was that it should apply to all law enforcement. That’s fair, I suppose. But it’s also beside the point. There’s always a workaround that will permit ICE and Border Patrol to do whatever they want to do. And why is that? Because if you can regulate federal agents to such a degree, it would also undermine police power. And that’s not going to happen.

When people say, “Abolish ICE,” and don’t say, “Abolish the Police,” it reveals deep limitations in our analysis. To do so ignores the similarities and practices shared by ICE, Border Patrol, and local police officers — not to mention the fact that for all of these agencies, the primary targets of police violence are people of color. I’m not saying that white people are not victims of police violence. Of course they are. But the disproportionate victims of police violence, aggression, and misconduct are people of color. Long, long before the current surge, Black and Brown people were the ones being abducted from their stoops as they’re standing outside just shooting the breeze, or being beaten in back rooms and hanged in jail cells.

People are disturbed about the fact that Keith Porter Jr., a Black man, was killed in the Los Angeles area, in Northridge, by an off-duty ICE agent on New Year’s Eve 2025 — seven days before the killing of Renée Good, and a couple of weeks before Alex Pretti. And yet, Good and Pretti are regarded as the martyrs of this movement while Keith Porter is barely mentioned.

And that goes back to civil rights history, when white activists were murdered while standing in solidarity with Black activists, and the killing of whites generated the outrage that helped tilt things in favor of the movement.

Absolutely. And, to give credit where credit is due, Renée Good’s sister said as much. She said there are people who are victims of this kind of violence, who don’t look like us, who don’t look like my sister, and we have to pay attention to that too. So I think there’s an acknowledgment of it, but it’s still quite disturbing in many ways.

Some people have said the argument for not raising Keith Porter’s profile was that he was not fighting ICE when he was killed. That is immaterial. What is important about Keith Porter’s killing is how routine it was. In other words, it’s the routinization of the killing of Black and Brown people that makes it unspectacular.

What’s the first thing the Porter family had to do? They had to redeem his character. That’s a sad thing. Why did they have to prove that he was, in fact, a good person, that he was a “girl dad,” and that he made people laugh? To prove that he was worthy of living? No one had to do that for the white people who were killed. So what if Porter wasn’t out there fighting ICE? He was trying to celebrate New Year’s Eve like everybody else, and didn’t deserve to die.

The real story to me is the ICE agent who killed him, Brian Palacios, who has a history of using racist and homophobic slurs, and allegations of child abuse. That’s not to say that character is everything, but why did Porter’s family have to prove Keith’s value?

As a historian and a political analyst, how do you define fascism? Does our current political moment fit that definition?

I can point to many formal definitions, but there is something to be said about the argument that we know it when we see it. Fascism is usually defined in terms of the “classical” kind that emerged in Italy in the 1920s in response to the crisis of capitalism. Classical fascism has three important elements: the repression of civil liberties, the creation of a scapegoat or enemy, and war — domestic or foreign.

But we can turn to Langston Hughes, to W. E. B. Du Bois, to Aimé Césaire, and others who trace the roots of fascism to the colonial order, and in some instances specifically to Turtle Island, to North America, back to Indigenous dispossession, slavery, and Jim Crow. All these things contain the elements of fascism.

What does that mean? It means the state holds a monopoly on violence in order to:

1) attack people’s rights and the press;

2) subordinate exploitable populations who are not regarded as fully human, and;

3) shore up white supremacy and a white nationalist solidarity against those populations.

Anti-Chinese exclusion was a form of fascism. Segregation — not just in terms of separation, but the actual denial of Black people’s access to goods, services, institutions, and jobs for which they actually paid taxes — was also a form of fascism. As has been the expansion of a carceral state and carceral violence, whether in the form of forced labor in the post-slavery era, forced labor among Indigenous peoples working in mines in the West, or people of Mexican and Central American descent working in agriculture. All these different forms of oppression and extraction of labor using state violence, or extralegal violence supported and/or sanctioned by the state, are all examples of fascism.

What was the height of symbolic expression of American fascism? It was the Ku Klux Klan, because it had all those elements, as well as tacit backing from the state, in that it was legal and had support through other policing functions. So we know fascism, we lived it. And as Langston Hughes said, “Fascism is a new name for that kind of terror the Negro has always faced in America. . . . This kind of terrorism is extending more and more to groups of peoples whose skins are not black.”

What we’re witnessing and experiencing right now is fascism at both the state level and the federal level. And it is part and parcel of the authoritarian rise occurring around the world. The U.S. is not an exception.

That’s a perfect segue to expanding our discussion globally. There is so much precedence for the kinds of things that we’re seeing today, particularly when it comes to demonizing or otherizing nonwhite populations. Trump and his allies have used genocidal rhetoric to describe immigrants, saying they’re “poisoning the blood of the country,” and calling Somali immigrants “garbage.” I wonder if you see parallels between Israel’s genocide of Palestinians and our anti-immigrant rhetoric. Those two may seem geographically different and disparate in terms of the contemporary scale of the actual killing and the proportion of land dispossession. But what about the rhetoric?

There are lots of parallels, and the parallels are not even new. They predate Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza since October 2023. They predate Israel’s 2014 war on Gaza, and even predate the first intifada. The idea of Israel, from its inception, was founded on the same frontier rhetoric of “we’re going to tame the land, and we’ve got Natives that we’ve got to deal with.”

What we are seeing now is a heightening of existing rhetoric. The thing that’s unique about Israel is its representations — not just of Palestinians — but of other immigrant groups within Israel itself. We’re talking about a nation that was forcibly sterilizing Ethiopian and Somali immigrants inside Israel, the so-called African migrants who were there working under a temporary status.

The other thing is that you can’t separate out Israel’s key role in the expansion of the surveillance and technology apparatus that ICE, Border Patrol, the Department of Homeland Security, and Frontex in Europe — which is really the equivalent of DHS for the European Union — are all using. All of these militarized agencies are using Israeli facial recognition technologies, tracking technologies, and drone technologies. The purpose of these technologies is to track people — whether it’s across the Mediterranean, within the 1948 borders of Palestine, or within the United States — who are considered pollutants, “illegals,” or people with no status. Of course, the irony is that we’re talking about people who are essentially native to the area, for the most part.

It is equally sinister that both Israel and the United States invite fascists and white supremacists into their midst. For example, the Trump administration is granting refugee status to white South Africans — Afrikaners — based on the ridiculous claim that they are experiencing so-called “white genocide.” Israel’s borders are open to Christian nationalists, many of whom believe in white supremacy. This kind of strange bedfellow has been part of Israeli political culture for a couple of decades, maybe longer than that.

A lot of folks are suggesting that the way to take the country back is to ensure Republicans don’t retain power, and that means to ensure Democrats win the next midterms, impeach Trump, and make sure we run a really good candidate for the 2028 election. But I’m wondering if we can look beyond that. And I’d particularly love for you to share any lessons from the history of Black resistance that can help today’s movements go deeper than merely defeating Republicans and replacing them with Democrats.

Right. I’m wincing over that question. The idea that somehow the Democrats’ hands are clean turns my stomach, because much of the framework for some of the most draconian policies was put in place under Clinton and Obama. Certainly under the Bushes. This is not new.

We also have to remember — as you’ve reported many times — when Kamala Harris was on the campaign trail and spoke at the Democratic National Convention, she said that she was going to protect our borders and have an even more militant and draconian anti-immigration policy than ever before. She promised to work on a path to legalization — whatever that means. So the idea that a mainstream Democrat is going to save us is just a pipe dream.

We have to go back in the history of the Black freedom struggle to remember a time when there was a general critique of this kind of two-party system. Whatever Black liberation looked like, it was about more than just the right to vote. It was centered on a massive welfare state. And by welfare state, I mean a world in which there’s a social wage that cares for everyone. An abolitionist movement that comes out of the Black freedom struggle that says no one should be in a cage, and no one is illegal. One that did not kowtow to the Democratic Party as a way to defeat the Republicans.

I want to remember that period because a part of me is sad that there is a kind of Black liberal trend now to either say, “We’ve got to save ourselves by supporting Democrats,” or, “We’re just so tired, this is not our fight.”

And I hate to sound negative, but there’s a kind of liberal Black politics — which is not truly representative of the Black freedom movement — that’s become much more xenophobic, much less internationalist, and less concerned about the kidnapping, abduction, and detention of undocumented neighbors, many of whom are Black, than about shoring up their own economic and political power.

I think, to return to the militant spirit of the Black liberation movement, which was internationalist in every respect, is to actually critique a certain kind of Black liberalism today. And that’s not just about critiquing Democrats. It’s also about critiquing Democrat-friendly Black mainstream politics, which I think is steering us in a very dangerous direction.

What readings do you consider important for activists and organizers today that can help them chart a path toward liberation outside of electoral politics? There have been some incredibly impressive and inspiring formations we’ve seen in Minneapolis. But we’ve seen these sorts of things before, such as the Occupy movement. What are some readings you recommend for increasing the longevity of our struggles?

Too many to name. I would definitely suggest Border and Rule by Harsha Walia, which I mentioned earlier; Arise!: Global Radicalism in the Era of the Mexican Revolution by Christina Heatherton; Black Scare/Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States by Charisse Burden-Stelly. And, of course, Talking About Abolition, your book, is something that everyone needs to read right now. I’m not saying that because I’m on your show. I’m saying that because abolition is almost forgotten. “Abolish ICE” is not the same thing. It’s one aspect of a much larger question.

And for this reason, we must include Ruth Wilson Gilmore’s Abolition Geography: Essays Towards Liberation; Kelly Hayes and Mariame Kaba’s Let This Radicalize You! Also Orisanmi Burton’s Tip of the Spear: Black Radicalism, Prison Repression, and the Long Attica Revolt.

There’s an amazing book by Clara Mattei called The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism. It’s about the 1920s, but it speaks to our current reality. Her latest book, Escape from Capitalism, distills her main findings and directly informs today’s debates.

And there’s a brand-new book that Jonathan Rosenblum published called We’re Coming for You and Your Rotten System. In these times of such depression and disillusionment, it showcases a success story about socialism winning in the municipal arena. And so I think it’s uplifting to check out something like that.

And eventually, my book, I think, is going to be useful when it comes out. It’s called Making a Killing: Capitalism, Cops, and the War on Black Life. The book actually opens up with this question of federal violence, DHS, and the attack on undocumented working people, and argues that state violence is both an engine for capitalism and a fetter on local economies. If you look at Minneapolis, the federal attack has really destroyed the local economy. And yet DHS has made so much money for the tech industry. So someone’s getting paid.
 
 
ABOUT THE PARTICIPANTS: 

 

Sonali Kolhatkar is a monthly contributor to Truthout. She is an award winning multimedia journalist and author. She is the host and executive producer of Rising Up With Sonali, a nationally syndicated weekly television and radio program airing on Pacifica stations and Free Speech TV. She was most recently Senior Editor at YES! Media covering race, economy, and democracy, and is currently Senior Correspondent for the Economy for All Project at the Independent Media Institute, and a monthly columnist for OtherWords, a project of the Institute for Policy Studies. Her writings have been published in LA Times, Salon, The Nation, In These Times, Truthdig, and more. Her books include Talking About Abolition: A Police-Free World is Possible (Seven Stories, 2025), Rising Up: The Power of Narrative in Pursuing Racial Justice (City Lights, 2023), and Bleeding Afghanistan: Washington, Warlords, and the Propaganda of Silence (Seven Stories, 2006). Her first novel, Queen of Aarohi will publish in 2027 by Red Hen Press. Her website is www.SonaliKolhatkar.com. 

  

Robin D.G. Kelley is Professor and Gary B. Nash Endowed Chair in U.S. History at UCLA, a contributing editor at Boston Review, and the author of many books, including Race Rebels, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination, and Thelonious Monk: The Life and Times Of An American Original, among many other titles, including the forthcoming Making a Killing: Capitalism, Cops, and the War on Black Life (Metropolitan Books, 2027).  His writing has been featured in the Journal of American History, American Historical Review, Black Music Research Journal, African Studies Review, New York Times, The Crisis, The Nation, and Voice Literary Supplement.