Thursday, January 29, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: A Photographic Record of ICE's Assault On Immigrants and the People's Resistance by Photojournalist Ashley Gilbertson For Hammer and Hope: A Magazine of Black politics and culture + "Is This Who Trump Meant by the ‘Worst of the Worst’? by Jamelle Bouie

HAMMER AND HOPE:  A Magazine of Black politics and culture

NO. 9
Winter 2025

The immigrant catchers, faces covered, chase the workers down the street in broad daylight. The enemy is the landscaper, the day laborer, the high school student born in Mexico, Honduras, Venezuela. In the masks and guns of the federal agents, we see the riot gear of the Ferguson cops, the billy clubs of the Alabama state troopers, the Klansman’s hood. And in the brave crowds who gather to confront them, we see the power of solidarity.

Scroll to read the full photo essay

Ashley Gilbertson/VII for Hammer & Hope
War at Home


Ashley Gilbertson
& Hammer & Hope

A record of ICE’s assault on immigrants and the people’s resistance.


 
War at Home

A record of ICE’s assault on immigrants and the people’s resistance.

 
 

Assistant Chief Patrol Agent David Kim runs down an alleyway after a caravan of federal agents pulled up on people in southwest Chicago, Nov. 6, 2025. Photographs by Ashley Gilbertson/VII for Hammer & Hope.

The immigrant catchers, faces covered, chase the workers down the street in broad daylight. They are armed and dressed in camo, like soldiers. This is a war involving only one army. The enemy is the landscaper, the day laborer, the high school student born in Mexico, Honduras, Venezuela.

In this special issue, Hammer & Hope commissioned the photojournalist Ashley Gilbertson to show us the Trump administration’s arrest and deportation campaign. He followed federal immigration agents in Chicago, New Orleans, and New York City as they cased parking lots and tree-lined streets and occupied court buildings, rounding people up.

Gilbertson has photographed conflict and migration around the world. In Chicago, two agents said that they recognized him from war zones in West Africa and Iraq. He recognized them, too — not as individuals, but as soldiers treating a city as a battlefield.

In these pictures, a familiar dynamic: Here is law enforcement, armed and faceless, and here is a young man with a rose on his sweatshirt and a furrowed brow. Here is the self-assured state actor who is empowered to destroy lives, and beside him, the civilian who must decide, breath to breath, what to do in response. In the masks and guns of the federal agents, we also see the riot gear of the Ferguson cops, the helmets and billy clubs of the Alabama state troopers, the Klansman’s hood. People hide as the troops come, stores lock up, fearsome quiet. Children run for home. Neighbors blow whistles, film, yell.

Wherever the agents appear, even when they lean idly, chatting, we see the cold threat of violence and the fragility of freedom. And in the brave crowds who gather to confront them, scrambling their illusion of total control, we see the power of solidarity, shining with human warmth.
— Hammer & Hope


Federal agents transfer a man to a detention vehicle near their patrol area in Niles, a suburb outside Chicago, Oct. 31, 2025.

In Chicago, in an otherwise empty parking lot in an industrial area not far outside the city limits, an innocuous-looking van was tucked out of sight. A driver sat up front, straw hat on the dash, not looking much different from the half-dozen Latino men sitting motionless behind him. As I got closer, I saw that he wore a mask and sunglasses. Everyone behind him was zip-tied.

In Iraq or Afghanistan, the military would call this a “detainee collection point.” Like many moments I observed during Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol operations, it reminded me of other times in combat zones. In fact, a lot of the agents’ tactics appear to come from military training: aggressive tactical driving on city streets to block roads and create a bubble of space around their caravan, often leading to accidents; shooting so-called less lethal projectiles such as pepper balls; grabbing people off the street; creating perimeters and pointing weapons at crowds.

When police officers escort a suspect, they tend to hold the handcuffs or the suspect’s arm; I regularly saw federal immigration agents grab their suspects by their coats near their necks, providing a little more control and a lot more humiliation. While some believe these agents are poorly prepared, I saw behavior that suggested combat experience — a hunch confirmed when I was approached by two agents who said they recognized me from war zones in West Africa and Iraq, where at least one of them said he had spent time with Joint Special Operations Command.


Federal agents detain a man in Chicago, Oct. 31, 2025.

A Border Patrol agent transfers a man to a detention vehicle that was stationed near their patrol area in Niles, Oct. 31, 2025.


A landscaper sits in shock next to an abandoned leaf blower after federal immigration agents detained his co-worker during a patrol around Chicago with senior U.S. Customs and Border Protection official Gregory Bovino, Oct. 28, 2025.

On Oct. 28, I watched as a caravan of federal agents driving through Chicago stopped at a parking lot. Armed men in fatigues leaped out and ran toward two landscapers. The masked men scaled a fence and grabbed one of the landscapers, zip-cuffed him, put him into a vehicle, and — with barely a word spoken — drove away.

During the two weeks I spent in Chicago observing ICE operations, I witnessed many detentions like this one.

On another day, on the city’s South Side, I watched as government immigration vehicles slowed as they passed an older Latino man, only to speed up again when they spotted two other Latino men a block away. The two — a father and son, it would turn out — were conducting maintenance on a building, and the father made a run for it before surrendering to the agents. He was searched and arrested as his son stood watching, slumped and silent.

After the ICE agents put the father in a vehicle, one agent walked over to the son and handed him a set of car keys taken from his father’s pocket.


“Hope you have a good day,” the agent said. Through the mask, I couldn’t tell if he was smiling.


The man above was being processed in a parking lot after he was detained by federal agents. After he was fingerprinted, agents took photographs of his face. Like the detentions, this feels similar to what I witnessed in Iraq and other combat zones, where civilians and suspects were forced to submit to biometric scans.



The police and federal immigration agents on Chicago’s streets were heavily armed.



Gregory Bovino (center) and other federal agents stop in a gas station in Niles, Ill., Oct. 31, 2025.

Senior U.S. Border Patrol official Gregory Bovino is a rising star in MAGA circles. In charge of immigration enforcement operations in Los Angeles, Chicago, North Carolina, and now New Orleans, he calls himself a “sanctuary buster.”

“There are no sanctuaries,” he said in an interview with The Associated Press. “There will be no sanctuaries.”


In Albany Park, on the city’s northwest side, a woman peers out from a shop after federal immigration agents stormed the street.

The first sign that federal forces are active in an area is businesses closed during normal hours. Supermarkets lock their doors, beauty salons draw their shutters, empanada stalls on street corners stand abandoned. Anyone at risk runs for cover.

One supermarket that I visited after a raid nearby had locked its doors shut, and a producer I was traveling with asked to use the bathroom. After identifying ourselves with press IDs, we were allowed entry, and back in the storeroom, the producer saw a staff member up in the rafters, hiding on top of a huge pile of empty pallets. Of course that doesn’t mean he was undocumented. The fear that ICE has stoked in immigrant communities goes beyond immigration status — from what I saw, anyone who’s brown could be a target.

An hour later, we arrived at another supermarket that had closed, asking customers on social media not to visit. According to customers, agents had tried to grab a man selling chips outside but let him go.

Everything appears random. It doesn’t matter if you’re a citizen, a legal resident, or undocumented. I watched one afternoon as a child around 10 years old walked home from school. When a Border Patrol vehicle, packed with armed men in masks, drove by, he sprinted toward his home, where his mother held the door open for him, slamming it closed after he crossed the threshold.


Residents react to the presence of federal forces in the Little Village, a majority Latino neighborhood in Chicago, Nov. 6, 2025.

A man walking his dog looks at Border Patrol agents, Chicago, Oct. 28, 2025.


Community members protest federal immigration agents in Cicero, Ill., Nov. 8, 2025.

Watching a war play out in innocuous, everyday places is jarring. The new battlefields are places like a Sam’s Club parking lot in Cicero, a majority Latino town just over the city line, where community members, at enormous risk to themselves, protested as heavily armed ICE agents pointed weapons at the crowds.

The community responded with tremendous courage in the face of a deadly threat. During their Chicago operation, federal agents shot two people. One man, an undocumented immigrant from Mexico named Silverio Villegas González, was killed; Marimar Martinez, a U.S. citizen, was shot five times and somehow survived.

Border Patrol Agent Charles Exum, who shot Martinez, later bragged on text, “I’m up for another round of fuck around and find out.” Exum wrote to agents on Signal: “I fired 5 rounds and she had 7 holes. Put that in your book boys,” according to court records.


A crowd gathered in Little Village.

In Park City, a suburb about an hour north of Chicago, I saw the aftermath of a collision between an ICE vehicle and another belonging to rapid responders. The two men in the car fled, chased by agents, who eventually emerged from an alleyway with a Latino man trying desperately to break free from their grip. It was unclear if he was connected to the accident.

As they zip-cuffed his hands behind his back, a crowd formed, shouting for the man to be released between insults directed at the officers. Again and again, I saw similar reactions to ICE in communities like this — absolute fury from the residents who would emerge from their homes to defend their neighbors and berate ICE agents.


A member of the Little Village community is detained in a Sam’s Club parking lot in Cicero, Nov. 8, 2025.
 

Federal agents apprehend a man, Park City, Ill., Nov. 7, 2025. As he struggled, a masked agent shouted, “Get the fuck in, or we’ll make you get in,” while a Border Patrol photographer took pictures. 


An anti-ICE protest on an I-94 overpass north of Chicago, Nov. 7, 2025.

One afternoon, as I followed a caravan of federal agents conducting raids, we drove under a protest on a freeway overpass, where residents had affixed posters opposing ICE’s invasion.

As members of the press, we were tasked with finding ICE agents and holding them accountable with our photographs. Chasing ICE is difficult, and we would spend days on end trying to find them. We’d monitor community chat groups on social media and messaging apps; we’d drive around looking for particular models of SUVs — Denalis and Wagoneers were popular — and we’d look for telltale signs like heavily tinted windows and out-of-state plates. “Chasing ghosts” is what my colleagues called it, because we would hear a report, get there quickly, and the agents would be gone. When we did manage to find them, we’d have about 30 seconds to work before they drove away.

In conflict, armed agents generally don’t want the media around. These agents recognize that the work we produce is evidence, a testimony to their actions, a historical record. Chicago felt reminiscent of the war zones I’ve worked in, where photographers arrive wearing gas masks and bulletproof vests, and the armed agents do their best to prevent us from making photographs.


Federal agents had been driving around this neighborhood in Niles for hours, stopping and grabbing landscapers and construction workers, while people emerged from their homes to film the agents and shout in protest.



Women on this tree-lined street in suburban Skokie protest as agents attempted to question landscapers in the yard on the right, Oct. 31, 2025.

Whistles are the soundtrack to ICE’s operation in Chicago and the tool carried by rapid responders. They are worn as necklaces, stuffed into purses and pockets, kept in cars — a symbol of resistance. The whistles are distributed door to door by activists and available for free at many small businesses throughout a city under siege; they often come with a pamphlet that reads “Form a crowd, stay loud.” The pamphlet provides simple instructions: “CODE 1: ICE NEARBY / BLOW IN A BROKEN RHYTHM. / CODE 2: CODE RED / BLOW IN A CONTINUOUS, STEADY RHYTHM / ICE IS DETAINING SOMEONE.”

Everywhere I went in Chicago, there were community members patrolling streets, following government agents, warning victims, and pushing back any way they could — and always, the whistles around their necks, the sign you’re around allies.


Federal agents question Krzysztof Klim, whom they came across working on a home in Niles, Oct. 31, 2025. Klim was released after proving he was a citizen, though agents took away a co-worker who said he has been a legal resident since 1986.


“That was my neighbor!” the woman screamed through tears at federal agents. “He’s just my neighbor!”

I tried to talk to the woman pictured above. She gave me permission to use her photograph, but she didn’t want to provide her name. Like so many people around ICE, she’s scared. Usually the stories I work on are filled with quotes, but the feds won’t talk to the press, and neither will anyone else.

In December, Trump launched a major new immigration operation named Catahoula Crunch, with the aim of rounding up 5,000 people in Louisiana and Mississippi for deportation. For the first two weeks of December, I chased federal agents around New Orleans and surrounding areas.

I didn’t see the kind of community response that had been a hallmark of my time in Chicago; maybe that’s because reports of ICE sightings were rare. When I did come across officers, they were often sitting in vehicles for long stretches or walking through the streets of Kenner, a nearby city with a growing Latino population.

Bovino regularly rolled through the streets with his caravan, as I saw agents photograph vehicle license plates. Members of the press who had traveled from around the country to cover the operation, including me, photographed Bovino talking to people who claimed to support the immigration crackdown. It felt like a public relations operation, so I stopped photographing.

The federal presence did cause a distinct sense of fear. Some restaurants shut down altogether, while others struggled to find staff to cover for workers who didn’t come in.

On my final day, rapid responders appeared to be finding their feet. I joined a protest in Slidell, across Lake Pontchartrain from New Orleans, as a caravan snaked its way through the streets. Responders patrolled trailer parks and supermarkets. I came across agents on Pine Street, where I heard, for the first time since I’d arrived, the sound of a whistle warning that ICE was present.

By the time I left, on Dec. 11, DHS had announced 111 arrests, compared with 400 in the first week of operations in Charlotte, N.C.

Federal agents detain two men in Kenner, La., west of New Orleans, Dec. 4, 2025. The agents had pulled over a vehicle with two occupants and demanded that they lower the windows or open the doors. The men attempted to show an ID through the windshield; the agents responded by smashing the driver’s side window and detaining the men.


Government agents walk through a residential neighborhood in Slidell, La., northeast of New Orleans, Dec. 11, 2025.
 

Anti-ICE graffiti in the Bayou St. John neighborhood of New Orleans, Dec. 7, 2025.


Anti-ICE demonstrators in Kenner, La., Dec. 7, 2025.

Earlier in the year, 26 Federal Plaza, a 41-story building in downtown Manhattan, became a focal point of the ICE story. Inside, dozens of ICE agents were detaining migrants after they appeared at mandatory court hearings. Outside, protesters gathered and attempted to stop immigration officials leaving with detainees in transport vans at night. Police shut down the demonstrations, and after a couple of weeks, the protests fell off. Detentions, however, continued unaffected.


Anti-ICE protesters march in New York City, June 10, 2025. Demonstrators took to the streets nationwide after the National Guard and Marines were sent into Los Angeles in June.


The anti-ICE protests led to dozens of arrests outside 26 Federal Plaza, New York City, June 11, 2025.

Masked federal agents outside the immigration court at 26 Federal Plaza, New York City, November 2025.


Every morning outside this building, hundreds of asylum seekers and immigrants wait in line, knowing that masked, armed ICE agents with a list of targets are lying in wait upstairs, in waiting rooms and corridors. Usually we see them on the 12th and 14th floors, peering into courtrooms.

No one seems to know the rules of the list, if there are any. For everyone in line, there’s no choice but to turn up for their court appointment where federal immigration agents roam the corridors. The place feels like a trap, a game that immigrants are forced to play to have the possibility of a future here. Over the course of only three months last year, ICE grabbed thousands of people coming in for hearings and routine check-ins in hallways like these, according to one analysis of federal data.


Government officers at the immigration court at 26 Federal Plaza, New York City, Oct. 23, 2025.

 
Federal agents fanned out in waiting rooms and corridors, 26 Federal Plaza, New York City, Oct. 22, 2025.

Agents detain a Russian family, Oct. 22, 2025. The little girl was consoled by her mother as she stared at the masked men, who escorted the family to another floor “to ask a few questions.”

A woman cries outside the immigration court at 26 Federal Plaza, New York City, Nov. 25, 2025. Next to her is a volunteer detention-aid coordinator for a church.

The woman above arrived with her family from Venezuela three years ago. At New York City’s immigration court, ICE agents detained her son, a 20-year-old high school student. He was eventually released after community outcry and the help of legal volunteers. But the shock lingered. “They didn’t explain anything,” his mother told me later. “They just grabbed my son and took him away.

 
ABOUT THE PHOTOGRAPHER:

Ashley Gilbertson is an Australian photographer and writer living in New York City, recognized for his critical eye and progressive approach to social issues. He is a frequent contributor to major media outlets and a collaborator with the United Nations. For more than 20 years, Gilbertson’s work focused on refugees and conflict, an interest that in 2002 led him to Iraq. His work from that country was awarded the Robert Capa Gold Medal, and in 2007 his first book, Whiskey Tango Foxtrot, was released. After Iraq, Gilbertson shifted his focus to the home front, drawing public attention to post-traumatic stress disorder and suicide. His second book, Bedrooms of the Fallen, a collection of photographs depicting the intact bedrooms of service members killed in Iraq and Afghanistan — including work that won a National Magazine Award — was published in 2014. Today, Gilbertson documents social issues facing the United States. In 2021, his photographs of the Jan. 6 U.S. Capitol insurrection, including an image of Capitol Police Officer Eugene Goodman, was part of a New York Times group entry that was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize.

Hammer & Hope is free to read. Sign up for our mailing list, follow us on Instagram, and click here to download this article.

 
VIDEO:  

Is This Who Trump Meant by the ‘Worst of the Worst’?


The columnist Jamelle Bouie argues that the Trump administration’s immigration policy has more in common with ethnic cleansing than actual immigration enforcement.

by Jamelle Bouie and Ingrid Holmquist
January 23, 2026
New York Times

TRANSCRIPT:

Is This Who Trump Meant by the ‘Worst of the Worst’?

The columnist Jamelle Bouie argues that the Trump administration’s immigration policy has more in common with ethnic cleansing than actual immigration enforcement.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement is obviously and technically an immigration enforcement agency. But when you look at what’s happening in Minnesota and across the country, this doesn’t look like immigration enforcement. “Can I go check a pulse?” “This is a school.” Immigration enforcement is largely an administrative issue. And so why do we have these paramilitaries on the streets taking children and using them as bait to get their parents? That’s essentially what happened in Columbia Heights, Minn., where a 5-year-old prekindergartner, Liam Conejo Ramos, and his father were taken and sent to a detention facility in Texas. They are legal immigrants. They have a valid asylum claim, but that doesn’t matter to Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Why is it, in fact, the status of the people in question is irrelevant to ICE agents, and why is it that the architect of these policies, White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, is so obsessed with the number of removals? “A minimum of 3,000 arrests for ICE every day.” If you think, as I think many Americans thought, when they voted for Trump in 2024, that immigration enforcement primarily means removing people who have committed some kind of criminal offense, then you’ll never reach 3,000 people a day. “I’m a U.S. citizen.” “I was born and raised here.” The only way you’ll reach 3,000 people a day is if you’re yanking people from their communities. “We’re going to come back for your whole family.” “These are kids. What’s wrong with you?” “Where is your warrant?” Is if you’re taking people who are legally here, or who have valid claims to be here. If you are destroying communities, trying to root out whoever happens to look wrong in your eyes. “Were you born here?” We do know that ICE is utilizing people’s race, ethnicity and language to determine if they’re going to be detained. This is in part thanks to an opinion by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, which allowed for this kind of behavior. “The color of my skin was the reason I was assaulted that day.” “C.B.P. officers yelled at me, saying: Get him. He’s Mexican.” Essentially describing it as an acceptable cost of immigration enforcement. Thank you, Justice Kavanaugh. in any case, this obsession with numbers, with arresting as many people as possible, makes communities less safe, both in a very literal way. You do not feel safe when there are armed, masked men roaming the streets looking for people to detain. And it takes the focus on the potential criminals who might need to be removed from the country. The answer to all of this is that what ICE is doing, what the administration is pushing, is not immigration enforcement. It has much more in common with ethnic cleansing, with trying to change the overall ethnic and racial mix of the country. There are campaigns of indiscriminate mass deportations that targets anyone who authorities believe simply does not belong, And their belief that these people do not belong rests on a racialized idea of what an American is. “We only take people from [EXPLETIVE] countries.” “We’re under invasion from within.” “I mean, we’re taking people from Somalia. Why can’t we have some people from Norway, Sweden? Just a few.” And if that doesn’t persuade you of what is actually happening here, Imagine this is happening in another country and another place that isn’t the United States. Imagine you see political leaders in some other nation talking like our president does, talking like Stephen Miller does, sending masked armed paramilitaries through the streets to go door to door looking for various ethnic and racial minorities. Would you call it ethnic cleansing then? I think you might. We have to defend that culture and rediscover the spirit that lifted the West from the depths of the Dark Ages. Why are they taking people with legal status? People who are naturalized citizens, people who are natural-born citizens, and treating them as if they could be potentially deported to where? I do not know, because these are, again, citizens and legal residents. And here, you don’t need to take my word for it. Just listen to the president of the United States, who describes any number of different immigrant groups as essentially unable to be American, Filthy, dirty. Disgusting. Ridden with crime. Do we have any individuals from Somalia? Integral. Please raise your hand. These are low IQ people. How do they go into Minnesota and steal all that money? So in Somalia, the Somalians, you know what they’re good at, that’s about the only thing they’re good at is they’re good at pirating ships I Fox. don’t know. it. Yeah! Oh, You’re hurting your community. You’re an orphan...

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: Wajahat Ali and Jessica Zweng On the Heinous Real History of ICE and Why and How It Is Now Doing Exactly What It was Always Designed To Do Surveil, Harass, and Kill On Command

The Violence Is the Point: ICE Was Built to Kill


Wajahat Ali 

January 28, 2026  

VIDEO: 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E-TlSiaQ2nw

#AbolishICE #ICE #CBP  

ICE and CBP aren’t out of control they’re operating exactly as designed. From dehumanizing language to unchecked power, violence has always been the point. Immigrant rights attorney Jessica Zweng joins the show to trace how America built a system rooted in white supremacy, why recent ICE killings weren’t accidents, and how history is repeating itself in real time. 

http:// Thelefthook.substack.com #AbolishICE #ICE #CBP #StateViolence #Fascism #Immigration #HumanRights #Trump #DHS #PoliceState #trending #ice #trump #news

Wednesday, January 28, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: Stop the Terror of the ruthless rapacious and murderous Trump/MAGA Regime Now! Abolish ICE and Preserve the Human, Constitutional, and Civil Rights Of Everyone In These United Hates No Matter What. The Real Deadly Criminals in this country are in the White House, Congress, and Supreme Court As Well As the Utterly Corrupt Corporate World and are represented and embodied by both major political parties-–and especially the GOP. Our very lives and that of all our loved ones–especially children–are at stake in this despicable State Sanctioned Madness so wake the fuck up and act like you know…

 
Renee Good's Murder and Other Acts of Terror - Boston Review 
PHOTO: A January 14 ICE sweep in Minneapolis, MN. Image: AP

Politics
Race


BOSTON REVIEW 
 
Renee Good’s Murder and Other Acts of Terror

An interview with Robin D. G. Kelley on how to think about ICE—and the broader history of police violence.

Robin D. G. Kelley 
Deborah Chasman 
Interview

January 17, 2026

On January 7, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent Jonathan Ross shot and killed Renee Good, a thirty-seven-year-old woman who had been observing ICE raids from her car in her Minneapolis neighborhood. In videos of the incident, we can see Ross firing through Good’s windshield and open window as she begins to drive away. The horrific footage of the killing felt like a stark symbol of today’s authoritarian moment—but at the same time, I knew that anyone involved in the struggle against police violence would find it tragically familiar. To put Good’s killing in context, I spoke with historian and Boston Review contributing editor Robin D. G. Kelley, whose forthcoming book, Making a Killing: Capitalism, Cops, and the War on Black Life, covers the history of county, state, and municipal police violence—as well as the activism against it. In an email exchange, we discussed the pitfalls of the “perfect-victim narrative,” policing’s terror tactics, why agents don’t need more training, and where we go from here.
—Deborah Chasman


Deborah Chasman:

Good’s killing shocked Americans. But much about it reflects violence that’s very familiar to you. Can you put the murder in the context of your research?

Robin D. G. Kelley:

Despite having spent more than thirty years studying and writing about police violence, I am still shocked by every death—even when the outcome is predictable. But the killing of Good shocked even the most seasoned organizers. She was a white woman and a mother—two things you’re not supposed to be when armed agents of the state put you in a body bag. (That she was queer and a poet, not so much.)

“We’ve fallen into the trap of distinguishing ICE and CBP (bad) from local police (good).”

Of course, the very idea that certain people, by virtue of their characteristics, don’t deserve to be brutalized, caged, or killed by police is the problem. Mariame Kaba warns against “perfect-victim narratives,” which reinforce what Ruth Wilson Gilmore calls “the problem of innocence.” Centering someone’s innocence clouds the case for abolition, which seeks to create a world where no one is caged or gunned down even if they broke the law. No matter who she was, what she looked like, her marital or citizenship status, or what she might have done in the past or even in the moment, Good had the absolute right not to be shot for driving away.

What doesn’t surprise me is why and how Jonathan Ross shot her and the federal government’s efforts to cover up of what happened. Researching Making a Killing, I found too many incidents to count where police fatally shot people for attempting to drive away. These were not high-speed chases, by the way—sometimes it was just a car lurching forward or an engine revving up that prompted a shooting. They all have one thing in common: police justify the shootings as acts of self-defense. The alleged “suspect,” the story goes, intended to ram the officer, who opened fire because he feared for his life. After these shootings, cops rarely argue they were simply trying to stop a fleeing suspect, because it opens them up to two objections: that firing at a driver puts others in harm’s way, and that they could have taken down the license plate and pursued the person later. Fearing for one’s life is always used to absolve cops from having to explain why they didn’t act differently.

This is why, in videos of the moments before the shooting, we can hear Good’s wife Rebecca saying, “We don’t change our plates every morning, just so you know. It will be the same plate when you come talk to us later.” And this is also why, for many years and in different cities, movements fighting police misconduct demanded that officers be banned from using lethal force against fleeing suspects who do not pose an imminent threat, whether on foot or in a car.

I’m also not shocked by the utter refusal of the federal government to investigate or consider bringing charges against Ross. I’ve lived through and documented so many cases of officers whose egregious acts of violence led to no indictments and no investigations; so many cases of police and even prosecutors destroying incriminating evidence. The question is, why are so many people surprised and indignant about the feds’ unqualified defense of Ross? Maybe because we’ve fallen into the trap of distinguishing ICE and CBP (bad) from local police (good). Maybe it’s a residual effect of the January 6 insurrection, in which some police officers had been victims of right-wing mobs (which themselves included a disproportionate number of cops and soldiers). In any case, the narrative has taken hold that ICE agents are rogue cops or cops on steroids, trained to terrorize or simply untrained. Strangest of all in this story is the liberal pipe dream that local police will stand up against ICE and CBP, when police have collaborated with ICE and been deployed to protect agents from protesters, even in so-called sanctuary cities.

I’m not sure if it’s amnesia or just wishful thinking, but it seems like the well-documented terror tactics of municipal, county, and state police have just disappeared from people’s memory. Chicago and Los Angeles, where resistance to ICE has been extraordinary and well-organized, have histories of police violence that rivals anything ICE agents are doing. Indeed, it is precisely the long experience of organizing against this violence that prepared activists in these cities to resist ICE.

Chicago, which takes up a very long chapter in my book, is known for police torture, the maintenance of secret “black sites,” assassinations and executions, and prosecutors who have consistently protected police even to the point of hiding evidence. This is the city where the second Black police superintendent, LeRoy Martin, bragged in 1987, “When you talk about gangs, I’ve got the toughest gang in town: the Chicago Police Department.” And it is the same city that has been a model of resistance to police repression for more than half a century, culminating in the collective struggles for justice for Rekia Boyd, Laquan McDonald, and victims of torture that brought down the ruling regime of Rahm Emanuel.

This is not to diminish ICE and CBP’s violent tactics. These outright abductions are terrifying, though again, not without precedent. Police have abducted Black men standing on a street corner or a stoop and tossed them into unmarked vans just for looking suspicious, and there are numerous cases of young Black women abducted off the streets and sexually assaulted by police. But there is a fundamental difference between these abductions and ICE’s: the former were intended to be secret, the latter publicized. ICE and CBP agents are either filming these acts of terror themselves (Ross had one hand on his gun and the other holding to cell phone to film!), or they are arriving with a film crew. The point is to create fear, to terrorize people into submission, to create a state of emergency.

“Cities with well-organized resistance to ICE have histories of police violence that rivals anything ICE agents are doing.”

Finally, let’s try not to make these attacks about Trump or even Stephen Miller. Both ICE and CBP have histories of violence dating back to well before 2016. My colleague Kelly Lytle Hernandez has written on the history of the Border Patrol, which has been terrorizing people since 1924.

DC: Republicans and right-wing pundits have been relentless in blaming Good for her murder, or calling her a domestic terrorist and warning that any activism will put you in harm’s way. Clearly there’s a legal element to blaming Good—it’s meant to exonerate the agent. But how do those narratives function politically?

RK: Anyone organizing against state power will be a target, whether their protest abides by the law or involves civil disobedience. Either way, nothing justifies the harm, which is what these narratives attempt to do. Just last night, after ICE shot another person in Minnesota and protesters were in the streets battling federal agents, there was a lot of talk—including from Governor Tim Walz and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey—about the need for peaceful protest: code for candlelight vigils and silent prayer. Militant civil disobedience, aggressively confronting a phalanx of masked agents in riot gear, or blocking traffic is nonviolent, but these tactics are not considered by the political class to count as “peaceful protest.” And by now, it should be clear that peaceful protest, whatever form it takes, will not get ICE or CBP out of your city; it will not stop the terror or the abductions.

And yet, when we return to Good’s death, we must remember that she actually wasn’t protesting. She was a legal observer doing her job, and when told to leave she was complying. Unsurprisingly, J. D. Vance and all the right-wingers who blame Good for her death are simply lying. Calling her a domestic terrorist—it’s the oldest trick in the book. The subtext to which we ought to pay attention is how her gender and sexuality constituted the real threat to Ross, his fellow agents, Vance, Stephen Miller, and MAGA. One must imagine what it meant to Ross for a smiling queer woman to tell him, “I’m not mad at you.” After shooting her in the head three times, Ross or an agent near him mutters, “Fucking bitch!” That says it all.

Nearly every victim of an ICE or CBP shooting is blamed for being either a fugitive or domestic terrorist. When ICE agents fatally shot Silverio Villegas-González, a thirty-eight-year-old immigrant from Mexico, as he tried to drive away from what amounted to an ambush in Chicago, DHS released a brazenly false statement claiming that he “refused to follow law enforcement officers’ commands” and used his car as a weapon, hitting and dragging one of the officers. And so the same old story goes: “Fearing for his own life and broader public safety, the officer fired his weapon.” We know now that no officer was hit or dragged, and the one officer allegedly hurt suffered minor cuts from breaking Villegas-González’s window.

Likewise, when CBP agents shot Marimar Martinez, a thirty-year-old schoolteacher and U.S. citizen—also in Chicago—they labeled her a domestic terrorist and charged her with ramming a federal law enforcement officer. We know now that the agent, Charles Exum, rammed her vehicle, jumped out with his gun drawn, and said “Do something bitch” before shooting her five times. The DHS lies were so egregious (and Exum didn’t help their case by bragging about it in text messages) that the prosecution had no choice but to drop all the charges.


DC: In the wake of Good’s murder, many have called for better training for ICE officers—a response that activist Kelly Hayes, among others, has forcefully rejected. I know you agree. Can you explain why?


RK: Jonathan Ross wasn’t one of those cats recruited with a $50,000 bonus and handed a gun. Besides being a veteran of the Iraq war, he had spent a decade as a member of the special response team of ICE’s enforcement and removal operation. He got more training than most of the other masked goons running the streets of the Twin Cities. The argument for more and better training was thoroughly discredited after George Floyd’s murder in 2020. As it turned out, Derek Chauvin had lots of training: he had taken the crisis intervention training, use-of-force training, de-escalation vs. restraint training, and even training in implicit bias, which became mandatory for Minneapolis police officers beginning in 2018. The result? Chauvin racked up seventeen misconduct complaints over nineteen years on the force. And after 2018, cases of police brutality and excessive force complaints increased across the city.

But if training hasn’t worked, why does it continue? Why is it always trotted out, alongside new technologies, as the solution? Because training and technologies (body cams, Tasers, so-called less-than-lethal weapons, predictive policing software) are a boondoggle for corporate interests. Training costs money, which increases police budgets, which are paid for through taxes and bonds—a hidden source of revenue for financial institutions that administer the bonds. The money for training flows to private companies, usually run by former police chiefs and so-called criminal justice experts—not community organizations that have been fighting for accountability. Sometimes the investment in new technologies and training come from corporate-funded private police foundations, whose donations enable departments to purchase equipment, such as surveillance technology, guns, ballistic helmets, cameras, and drones, and assist officers with bonuses or legal fees, with no oversight or public input. But corporations like Amazon and Google get a great return on their investment since law enforcement agencies adopt technologies of surveillance, data mining and management, etc., coming from these companies.

To understand what “training” produces, let’s focus on one company: 21st Century Policing Solutions, LLC (21CP), which grew directly out of an Obama-era task force formed in late 2014 after the killing of Michael Brown. 21CP is made up of law enforcement officials, lawyers, and academics, and it’s paid by municipalities and university public safety forces to train police in a host of areas: gaining community trust, racial equity, changing use-of-force policies, communication, transparency, strategic management, and community policing. Usually, this work entails producing reports that ultimately just repeat boilerplate recommendations. Oklahoma City paid 21CP $193,000 for a report many Black residents found to be useless—nothing changed. Aurora, Colorado, paid 21CP $340,000 to “investigate” the police missteps that resulted in the death of Elijah McClain, a young Black man who had been injected with ketamine under police custody and died. 21CP produced a 161-page report that primarily described the operations of the Aurora Police Department, compared it with other departments in similar-sized cities, repeated what we all know about the death of McClain, and offered obvious and fairly innocuous recommendations: prohibiting chokeholds, retaliatory violence, using force on people who are handcuffed—in other words, prohibiting behavior that is already prohibited. And worse, these reports often suggest recruiting and training more officers. I want to suggest that when we talk about training and technology, we need to follow the money. And in the case of CBP and ICE, the last thing we should be doing is proposing reforms that give them more money.

“The money for training flows to private companies, usually run by former police chiefs and so-called criminal justice experts.”

As the coercive arm of the state, the police—including CBP and ICE—are the primary instruments of state violence within the borders of the United States. They function as an occupying force in America’s impoverished ghettos, barrios, reservations, on the Southwest border, and in any territory with high concentrations of subjugated communities. For people who reside in these communities, keeping us safe is not the objective. Instead, the modern police force—whether local, state, or federal—wages domestic war. Whether we call it a war on crime, a war on militants, or a war on drugs, law enforcement at every level has turned many Black working-class neighborhoods in particular into killing fields and open-air prisons, stripping vulnerable residents of equal protection, habeas corpus, freedom of movement, and even protection from torture. The attack on non-white immigrants is just another front in a war the police have waged since their inception.

And despite the handwringing and outrage over the Trump administration’s flagrant violation of the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 limiting the use of the military in domestic matters, the police have long functioned as an army against dissident social movements. The police are the first line of defense against strikes and left-wing protests, while often serving as a cordon to protect Klansman, Nazis, and the alt-right.


DC: What are the chances of that Ross will be held accountable? How does this end?


RK: Simply put, Ross will not be held accountable, nor will anyone else responsible for the death or injury of victims of ICE or CBP attacks. As I document in my book, we can’t get accountability from the “regular” police, whatever that means: after decades, we haven’t been able to achieve something as basic as an honest civilian review board with subpoena powers and the ability to hire and fire officers! Since Trump’s second term, things have gotten even worse. Guided by the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, the Trump administration rescinded Biden-era police and criminal justice reforms; shuttered the National Law Enforcement Accountability Database (NLEAD) created in 2023 to allow prospective employers to access the records of federal law enforcement officers on order to check their backgrounds for misconduct; halted all open federal investigations into law enforcement, notably in Jackson, Mississippi, and New York City; ended federal consent decrees mandating reforms of Louisville and Minneapolis police departments; made the extraordinary offer of free private-sector legal services for officers accused of misconduct.

It is not enough to abolish ICE. We need to abolish the police and cages and build other institutions and relationships that can bring us genuine safety. Abolition is less an act of demolition than a construction project. It is creative creation, the boundless, boundary-less struggle to make our collective lives better, what Ruth Wilson Gilmore calls “life in rehearsal.”

Ironically, the federal government’s escalation of violence and its spillover into other communities have actually forced people to find their own strategies to keep each other safe, through communication, patrols, whistles, trainings in nonviolent resistance, and old-fashioned organizing. It’s not just about keeping ICE out, but making sure that the medical and child care needs of neighbors are being met, that people who can’t leave their homes out of fear are fed, and that some homes can become designated safe houses.

I’m reminded of a 2009 statement issued by the abolitionist organization Critical Resistance. Instead of police, the statement asks,

What if we got together with members of our communities and created systems of support for each other?. . . . Relying on and deploying policing denies our ability to do this, to create real safety in our communities.

We’re seeing this in action now in the mobilizations against ICE. The question is whether it can be sustained and turned into something that can replace our dependence on armed agents of the state to solve human problems.

Independent and nonprofit, Boston Review relies on reader funding. To support work like this, please donate here
 
 
ABOUT THE PARTICIPANTS: 



Robin D. G. Kelley is Distinguished Professor and Gary B. Nash Endowed Chair of U.S. History at UCLA and a contributing editor at Boston Review. His many books include Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination.  
 
Deborah Chasman is publisher and coeditor of Boston Review. Her writing has also appeared in New York magazine and the Chronicle of Higher Education.
 

Snyder: Trump administration using words like ‘terrorist’ and ‘extremist’ is what tyrants do


MS NOW

January 28, 2026

VIDEO:  
 
#trump #ice #immigration

Historian Timothy Snyder joins MS NOW’s Lawrence O’Donnell to discuss what Professor Snyder calls “political logic of Trump's violent lawlessness.” Professor Snyder says Donald Trump and ICE are using the border as a zone where “citizens will accept that the law doesn’t apply.