Friday, July 4, 2025

"The United States slide into a fascist politics demands a revitalized understanding of the historical moment in which we find ourselves..."--Henry A. Giroux

DEFEAT FASCISM BEFORE FASCISM DEFEATS YOU
All,
The vicious hatred and relentless oppression and exploitation of African Americans in particular is the foundational template for the deadly economic and fiscal policies (known as the "big beautiful bill”) currently being enacted on a national scale by a criminally corrupt, deeply xenophobic, ruthlessly anti-labor, virulently misogynist, and deadly white supremacist Trump administration/regime. Its major aim and objective is to fundamentally eviscerate and eventually destroy the social safety net that enables the poor, working, and middle classes in the United States in general to live even a halfway affordable life in the United States. This is a fascist program of sheer evil and its only going to become much worse very soon. STAY TUNED AND STAY WOKE because at this rate this country will not survive the next six months. 

This is not merely a rhetorical claim but one rooted in a close and careful critical analysis of the facts on the ground as they have metastasized and mushroomed since 2016 (Here then is the major receipt/takeaway of the past eight years: 

The Scumbag-in-Chief Donald J. Trump has received an astonishing alltime record of 214 million votes over the course of three straight presidential elections from 2016-2024 in which 80% of those votes have come from white American voters and in which a robust majority of 60% of those votes came from both white male and female voters. Keep in mind that this national demographic is currently 65% of all voters in the United States). 

My prediction on the given evidence as of today is that the national economy of the United States will completely collapse by early next year (March/April) at the latest...
 
Kofi 

A TRIBUTE TO LEGENDARY CIVIL RIGHTS LEADER AND MISSISSIPPI ACTIVIST MEDGAR EVERS (1925-1963) ON THE 50th ANNIVERSARY OF HIS TRAGIC ASSASSINATION, June 12, 1963

https://panopticonreview.blogspot.com/…/a-tribute-to-legend…

FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on June 12, 2013):

Wednesday, June 12, 2013

A TRIBUTE TO LEGENDARY CIVIL RIGHTS LEADER AND MISSISSIPPI ACTIVIST MEDGAR EVERS (1925-1963) ON THE 50th ANNIVERSARY OF HIS TRAGIC ASSASSINATION

MEDGAR EVERS 
(b. July 2, 1925--d. June 12,1963)

All,

Medgar Evers (1925-1963) is one of the central and thus most important figures to emerge in the modern Civil rights movement that began directly after WWII in the United States. A brilliant visionary, shrewd political strategist, and deeply courageous man who had served his country with great honor, distinction, and bravery throughout Europe fighting fascism in the second world war, a 21 year old Medgar returned to the United States as did hundreds of thousands of his fellow African American veteran soldiers in 1945-46 absolutely determined to confront, challenge, and defeat the ruthlessly racist system of Jim Crow segregation that absolutely ruled his home state of Mississippi as well as the entire southern region of the country with an iron fist and the morally bankrupt sanction of the law--and tellingly in most of the rest of the country as well. Arriving back in his hometown of Jackson, it didn't take long for the ambitious and dynamic Evers to take full advantage of the higher educational opportunities provided by the GI bill that financially enabled an entire generation to attend college. Medgar immediately enrolled in and successfully completed a B.A. program in business administration at Alcorn State College, a well regarded historically black college where he met and soon married Myrlie Beasley in 1951. They had three children and raised a strong family together first in Mound Bayou, Missisippi, and later in Jackson, Miss. while Evers worked as a life insurance salesman for an independently successful black insurance company. Evers's boss T.R.M. Howard was a prominent civil rights activist in his own right and was local President of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL). Through its auspices Evers played a major role in organizing the RCNL's boycott of filling stations that denied black people use of the stations' restrooms. Over the next couple years from 1952-1954 Evers and his brother Charles were very active representatives and organizers of the RCNL's annual conferences which attracted thousands of local black residents.

In 1954 Evers became an even more high profile figure in the burgeoning--and very dangerous--Mississippi civil rights struggle when a highly qualified Evers in a NAACP sponsored legal test case applied to the then completely segregated University of Mississippi. Predictably his application was rejected but Evers's effort galvanized many other black activists throughout the country who were inspired by Evers's courageous example and emulated his activity in many similar anti-segregation cases in the United States. In late 1954 the NAACP officially named Evers its first field secretary in Mississippi. In this leadership capacity Medgar organized many boycotts and established many local chapters of the NAACP. Medgar was also at the epicenter of the heroic desegregation efforts of James Meredith to successfully enroll at the University of Mississippi in 1962 after major violence by enraged white Mississippi students and many local racist thugs who rioted both on and off campus in protest of Meredith's admission were confronted and disarmed by federal troops that President John Kennedy sent to quell the racist violence.

Evers continued as he always had as a dedicated local civil rights leader and organizer in Mississippi who also worked as an investigator in various civil rights cases and incidents around the issues of voter registration (which like in most of the south was still denied to African American citizens), education, and labor rights. For these and other activities Evers was targeted by the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and many other racist organizations throughout the region. For his important public investigations into the vile racist murders of 14 year old Emmitt Till in 1955 and his outspoken support for Clyde Kennard an innocent and brilliant black man (and also WWII veteran) who after trying vainly to transfer from the University of Chicago following his junior year after returned to his native Mississippi to aid a sick and infirm family relative and tried to enroll in a prominent and racially segregated all white Mississippi college. After leading an unsuccessful legal and political effort during the late '1950s to enroll in the school Kennard was framed and falsely imprisoned for burglary because he was seen as a local "troublemaker" for trying to enroll in the school. His case was later thrown out of court years later because of false arrest.

From this point in 1960 onward Medgar was a marked man by the Klan and others for his leadership and on May 28, 1963a Molotov cocktail bomb was thrown into the carport of his home and a week later on June 7, 1963 Evers was nearly run down by a car after he emerged from his Jackson, Mississippi NAACP office. Then just five days later only a few minutes past midnight on June 12, 1963 Medgar was assassinated by a well known KKK and white citizens council member and murderer by the name of Byron De La Beckworth. After being acquited in two all white male deadlocked jury trials in 1964 it would be another 30 years before De La Beckworth was finally convicted and sent to prison where he died at the age of 80 in 2001. It was the fiercely dedicated persistence and deep commitment by Medgar Evers's extraordinary wife and widow who was and is also a civil rights leader and organizer in her own right (and later chairperson during the late 1990s of the NAACP) who diligently fought for the successful reopening of his husband's case over a three decade period that led to finally bring Medgar's racist murderer to justice. At age 80 Mrs. Evers-Williams continues her now 50 year old fight to carry on and implement the tremendous legacy of Medgar's astonishing human and civil right activism on behalf of genuine justice, freedom, and equality today.

The following collection of original texts, videos, recordings, photographs and other pertinent archival information about Medgar Evers's inspiring life and work follows. We offer it all in humble recognition and deep appreciation for what Medgar fought for and achieved during his exceptional life and what now remains for all the rest of us to do both in his personal honor and on behalf of our own collective humanity. Long Live Medgar Evers!...

Kofi

http://mshistorynow.mdah.state.ms.us/…/medgar-evers-and-the…
 
Medgar Evers and the Origin of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi
by Dernoral Davis
Mississippi Historical Society


Mississippi became a major theatre of struggle during the Civil Rights Movement of the mid-20th century because of its resistance to equal rights for its black citizens. Between 1952 and 1963, Medgar Wiley Evers was one of the state’s most impassioned activist, orator, and visionary for change. He fought for equality and fought against brutality.

Born July 2, 1925, in Decatur, Mississippi, Medgar was one of four children born to James and Jesse Evers. His father worked in a sawmill and his mother was a laundress. Evers’s childhood was typical in many ways of black youths who grew up in the Jim Crow South during the Great Depression of the 1930s and in the years preceding World War II. As a youth, Evers’s parents showered him with love and affection, taught him family values, and routinely disciplined him when needed. The Evers home emphasized education, religion, and hard work.

Among his siblings, Evers spent the most time with Charles, whom he idolized. As Evers’s older brother, Charles protected him, taught him to fish, swim, hunt, box, wrestle, and generally served as a sounding board for many of Medgar’s early experiences. He attended all-black schools in the dual and segregated public educational system of Newton County. Segregated public education meant long walks to school for the Evers children. The schools had few resources and operated with outdated textbooks, few teachers, large classes, and small classrooms without laboratories and supplies for the study of biology, chemistry, and physics.

Besides his under-funded public education, Evers on occasion saw and witnessed acts of raw violence against blacks. On these occasions, Evers’s parents and older brother could not shield him from the realities of a society built on racial discrimination. At about age 14, Evers observed to his horror the dragging of a black man, Willie Tingle, behind a wagon through the streets of Decatur. Tingle was later shot and hanged. A friend of Evers’s father, Tingle was accused of insulting a white woman.

Evers later recalled that Tingle’s bloody clothes remained in the field for months near the tree where he was hanged. Each day on his way to school Evers had to pass this tableau of violence. He never forgot the image.

A World War II soldier

At the end of his sophomore year of high school and several months before his eighteenth birthday, Evers volunteered and was inducted into the United States Army in 1942. The decision to volunteer was prompted by a desire to see the world and to follow Charles, who had enlisted a year earlier. During his tour of duty in World War II, Evers was assigned to and served with a segregated port battalion, first in Great Britain and later in France. Though typical at the time, racial segregation in the military only served to anger Evers. By the end of the war, Evers was among a generation of black veterans committed to answering W.E.B. Dubois’s clarion call of nearly three decades earlier: “to return [home] fighting” for change.

Upon returning home, the initial “fight” for Evers was to register to vote. For Evers voting was an affirmation of citizenship. Accordingly, in the summer of 1946, along with his brother, Charles, and several other black veterans, Evers registered to vote at the Decatur city hall. But on election day, the veterans were prevented by angry whites from casting their ballots. The experience only deepened Evers’s conviction that the status quo in Mississippi had to change.

A college student

Evers spent the next decade preparing to become part of the vanguard for change in Mississippi. He returned to school to complete his education under the military’s GI Bill, which was passed by Congress in 1944 to provide education to people who had served in the armed forces during World War II.

In 1946, he enrolled at Alcorn A&M College in Lorman, Mississippi, where he roomed with his brother Charles. At Alcorn, which had both high school and college courses of study, Evers first completed high school and remained to pursue a college degree with a major in business administration.

While in college, Evers met and courted Myrlie Beasley, an education major from Vicksburg. They were married Christmas Eve 1951. Myrlie remembers her initial impressions of Evers as a well-built, self-assured veteran and athlete. Soon afterward she realized he was a “rebel” at heart. “He was ready,” Myrlie recalls, “to put his beliefs to any test. He [even] saw a much larger world than the one that, for the moment, confined him; but he aspired to be a part of that world.”

During his years at Alcorn, Evers enjoyed reading and worked hard to pass all classes. Participation in extracurricular activities remained Evers’s real passion from his freshman year through his senior year. As a freshman he joined the debate team, the business club, played football, and ran track. As a junior he was elected president of his class and vice president of the student forum. By his senior year he had become editor of the Alcorn Yearbook, the student newspaper, the Alcorn Herald, and was named to Who’s Who Among American College Students.

The decision to attend college afforded Evers critical exposure and experiences that contributed to his development as an emerging activist and eventual leader of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi. A crucial experience occurred during his senior year when each month he drove to Jackson to participate in an interracial seminar jointly sponsored by then all-white Millsaps and all-black Tougaloo colleges. It was at one of the interracial seminars that Evers became aware of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which he subsequently joined.

An insurance agent

After Evers’s graduation, he and Myrlie moved to the all-black town of Mound Bayou, Mississippi, where he began work as an insurance agent for the Magnolia Mutual Insurance Company, selling life and hospitalization policies to blacks in the Mississippi Delta. The insurance company was owned by Dr. T. R. M. Howard, a black physician in Mound Bayou and a political activist. It was largely because of Howard’s influence that Evers, from 1952 to 1954, not only traveled his Delta route selling insurance, but organized new chapters of the NAACP. The NAACP organizing travels convinced Evers that Jim Crow rendered the state a virtual closed society and that mobilizing at the grassroots level was essential for building a movement for social change. Increasingly, too, Evers saw himself in the vanguard to put an end to Mississippi’s infrastructure of segregation. Other people in the still-young Mississippi Civil Rights Movement also began thinking of Evers as a leader.

The leadership prospects for Evers only increased when he volunteered to become the first black applicant to seek admission to the University of Mississippi. University and state officials reacted to Evers’s January 1954 application for admission to the law school in Oxford with alarm and sought to handle the matter with dispatch. His application was rejected on the “technicality” that it failed to include letters of recommendation from two individuals in the county (Bolivar) where he lived at the time.

NAACP state field secretary

The law school application soon catapulted Evers from relative obscurity to broader name recognition and to serious leadership consideration within the emerging state Civil Rights Movement. E.J. Stringer, president of the NAACP Mississippi State Conference, was so impressed with Evers’s leadership potential that he recommended him for the newly created position of state field secretary of the civil rights organization. The National Office of the NAACP voted in favor of Stringer’s recommendation.

In December 1954, Evers’s appointment as state field secretary was officially announced. The new position required that Evers move from Mound Bayou to Jackson and establish an NAACP field office. Evers negotiated with the NAACP National Office for Myrlie to be appointed as the office’s paid secretary. The Medgar Evers family, which now included two children, Darryl Kenyatta and Reena Denise, came to Jackson in January 1955 – the couple in 1960 had another son, James. Once in Jackson a residence for the family was quickly secured followed by the selection of the new NAACP office in the business hub of the local black community on North Farish Street. Evers relocated the field office ten months later to the Masonic Temple on Lynch Street.

When Evers assumed his position as state field secretary, he began an eight-year career in public life that was both demanding and frustrating. The 1950s proved frustrating and anxiety-laden as some white Mississippians responded with massive resistance to the civil rights activities of the NAACP and to the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision which declared segregated schools unconstitutional. There was widespread racial violence against blacks and from 1955 to 1960, Evers faced a range of daunting challenges. He investigated nine racial murders and countless numbers of alleged maltreatment cases involving black victims during the period.

And, Evers’s organizing efforts on behalf of the NAACP proved just as demanding. He worked to promote the growth of adult-lead chapters and to encourage involvement of younger activists in local youth councils across the state. The inclusion of youth, Evers believed, was critical to a winning strategy in the crusade against Jim Crow. In several areas of the state – Jackson, Meridian, McComb, and Vicksburg most notably – youth councils emerged and were quite active. Statewide membership in NAACP chapters nearly doubled between 1956 and 1959 from about 8,000 to 15,000 dues-paying activists.

In the 1960s the agitation for civil rights grew more radical and diverse in its protest strategies. The dominant protest strategies became direct action with civil disobedience, such as boycotts against white merchants. Evers had only limited knowledge of these protest strategies but willingly embraced them to advance the struggle.

On the morning of June 12, 1963, around 12:20 a.m., Medgar Evers arrived home from a long meeting at the New Jerusalem Baptist Church located at 2464 Kelley Street. He got out of his car, arms filled with “Jim Crow Must Go” T-shirts, and walked toward the kitchen door when a shot was fired from a high-powered rifle, striking Evers in the back. Myrlie heard the shot, ran outside with the children behind her, and saw Medgar lying face down in the carport. Next-door-neighbor Houston Wells heard the shot and called the police. The police arrived only minutes later and provided an escort as Wells drove Evers to the emergency room of the University of Mississippi Medical Center on North State Street. Evers died shortly after 1:00 a.m. of loss of blood and internal injuries.

In the initial police investigation, a rifle, which was thought to have fired the fatal shot, was discovered in a thicket of honeysuckle approximately 150 feet from Evers’s carport. White leaders publicly expressed shock and regret. Governor Ross Barnett called the shooting a “dastardly act.” On behalf of the city, Mayor Allen Thompson offered a $5,000 reward for the arrest of the shooter and added that he was “dreadfully shocked, humiliated and sick at heart.”

The day after Evers’s death, several demonstrations broke out in the local black community in reaction to the murder. Black ministers and businessmen joined other angry blacks as they surged out into the streets. Jackson police used force to stop the demonstrations.

On June 15, 1963, Evers’s funeral was held at the Masonic Temple, with Charles Jones, Campbell College chaplain, officiating the service. A special permit was obtained from the city in anticipation of a large funeral cortege and march from the site of the services to Collins Funeral Home. The permit prohibited slogans, shouting, and singing during the funeral procession. After the service about 5,000 mourners joined the procession from the Masonic Temple on Lynch Street, east to Pascagoula, then north onto Farish to the funeral home. When the cortege reached the funeral home, approximately 300 young mourners began singing and moving south in mass toward Capitol Street, the main street of the capital city. The police, who had been shadowing the cortege, responded to mourners by using billy clubs and dogs to disperse them. The crowd then began hurling bricks, bottles, and rocks. A potentially deadly incident was averted when several civil rights workers, and John Doar, a U.S. Justice Department lawyer, beseeched the mourners to stop, which they soon did.

The loss of Medgar Evers was a serious blow to the civil rights struggle across the state. Gone were his imposing presence, compelling oratory, and committed leadership. In a mere eight years, Evers had advanced the civil rights struggle in Mississippi from a fledgling organization to a formidable agent for change.

Medgar Evers is buried in Arlington National Cemetery. Despite the loss of Evers’s leadership, the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement forged ahead. The remaining years of the 1960s saw the emergence of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (1964), Freedom Summer (1964), James Meredith’s March Against Fear (1966), and other protests for racial equality.

On June 22, 1963, Byron De La Beckwith, a member of the White Citizens’ Council, was arrested and charged with the slaying of Medgar Evers. Beckwith was tried twice for Evers’s murder, first in February and later in April 1964. Both trials (before all-white male jurors) ended in hung juries. Beckwith was not retried for the Evers murder until 30 years later. In a two-week trial, held in February 1994 before a jury of eight blacks and four whites, Beckwith was found guilty of the murder of Evers, for which he received a life sentence. Beckwith served only seven years of his life sentence at the Central Mississippi Correctional Facility in Rankin County before dying of a heart attack January 21, 2001.

Dernoral Davis, Ph.D., is chairman of the history and philosophy departments, Jackson State University.

Posted October 2003

Bibliography:

Books:


Chafe, William. Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, North Carolina and the Black Struggle for Freedom. New York: Oxford University Press, 1980.

Delaughter, Bobby. Never Too Late: A Prosecutor’s Story of Justice in the Medgar Evers Case. New York: Scribner, 2001.

Dittmer, John. Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995.

Evers, Charles. Evers. New York: The World Publishing Company, 1971.

Evers, Myrlie (with William Peters). For Us the Living. New York: Doubleday, 1967. Reprint. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1996.

Johnston, Erle. Mississippi’s Defiant Years, 1953-1973. Forest, Mississippi: Lake Haber Publishers, 1990.

Lawson, Steven, and Payne, Charles. Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968. New York: Rowman, Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1998.

McMillen, Neil, ed. Remaking Dixie: The Impact of World War II on the American South. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997.

Mendelsohn, Jack. The Martyrs: Sixteen Who Gave Their Lives for Racial Justice. New York: Harper and Row, 1966.

Mottley, Constance Baker. Equal Justice Under Law. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1998.

Numan, Bartley. The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South During the 1950s. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969.

Payne, Charles. I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.

Salter, John. Jackson, Mississippi: An American Chronicle of Struggle and Schism. Malabar, Florida: Robert Krueger Publishing Company, 1987.


Articles
 
Crittendon, Denise. “Medgar Evers Killer Finally Convicted.” Crisis, April 8, 1994.

Evers, Medgar. “Why I Live In Mississippi.” Ebony, September, 1963, 44.

Evers, Myrlie. “He said he wouldn’t mind dying if.” Life, June 28, 1963, 35.

Mitchell, Dennis. “Trial for Honor.” Mindscape (Publication of the Mississippi Committee for the Humanities), 1986, 3-5.

Wynn, Linda. “The Dawning of a New Day: The Nashville Sit-Ins, February 13-May 10, 1960.” Tennessee Historical Quarterly, Vol 50 (1991), 42-54.

Pamphlet

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). M is for Mississippi and Murder. New York: NAACP, 1955. This NAACP publication was based on the investigations of Medgar Evers, the newly appointed field secretary for the civil rights organization in Mississippi. The pamphlet provided details on three racial murders in 1955. The three victims were George W. Lee of Belzoni, Lamar Smith of Brookhaven, and Emmett Till, a 14-year-old teenager from Chicago who was visiting his grandfather in Money, Mississippi. At least ten other Black men were racial murder victims during the 1950s in Mississippi.

Mississippi Historical Society © 2000–2013. All rights reserved.


Remembering Medgar Evers: Writing the Long Civil Rights Movement (Mercer University Lamar Memorial Lectures)
by Minrose Gwin
University of Georgia Press, 2013



http://www.democracynow.org/…/medgar_evers_murder_50_years_…

Medgar Evers’ Murder, 50 Years Later: Widow Myrlie Evers-Williams Remembers "A Man for All Time"

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 12, 2013

Medgar Evers’ Murder, 50 Years Later: Widow Myrlie Evers-Williams Remembers "A Man for All Time"

Fifty years ago today — June 12th, 1963 — 37-year-old civil rights organizer Medgar Evers was assassinated in the driveway outside his home in Jackson, Mississippi. In the early 1960s, Evers served as the first NAACP field secretary for Mississippi, where he worked to end segregation, fought for voter rights, struggled to increase black voter registration, led business boycotts, and brought attention to murders and lynchings. We hear from Edgers’ widow, Myrlie Evers-Williams, on how she wants her husband to be remembered "a man for all time, one who was totally dedicated to freedom for everyone — and was willing to pay a price."

TRANSCRIPT:

NERMEEN SHAIKH: We end today’s show remembering the life of African-American civil rights activist Medgar Evers. In the early 1960s, Evers served as the first NAACP field secretary for Mississippi, where he worked to end segregation and fought for voter rights. It was 50 years ago today, June 12th, 1963, when the 37-year-old organizer was assassinated in his driveway.

AMY GOODMAN: I recently caught up with his widow, Myrlie Evers, at an NAACP dinner here in New York and asked her how people should remember her husband, for whom she sought justice for so many years.

MYRLIE EVERS-WILLIAMS: Well, what I would encourage young people to do is to go online and find out as much as they can about him, his contributions, to go, believe it or not, to their libraries and do research, and to say to them that he was a man of all time, one who was totally dedicated to freedom for everyone, and was willing to pay a price. And he knew what that price was going to be, but he was willing to pay it. As he said at one of his last speeches, "I love my wife, and I love my children, and I want to create a better life for them and all women and all children, regardless of race, creed or color." I think that kind of sizes him up. He knew what was going to happen. He didn’t want to die, but he was willing to take the risk.

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about where he was coming from that night that he was killed in your driveway.

MYRLIE EVERS-WILLIAMS: Medgar was coming from a mass rally that we had two or three times a week, actually. And there had been a meeting after that session, and he was on his way home. I know how weary he was, because he got out of his car on the driver’s side, which was next to the road where the assassin was waiting, and we had determined quite some time ago that we should always get out on the other side of the car. And that night, he got out on the driver’s side with an armful of T-shirts that said "Jim Crow must go." And that bullet struck him in his back, ricocheted throughout his chest, and he lasted 30 minutes after that. And the doctors said they didn’t know how he did. But he was determined to live. The good thing, his body is not here, but he still lives. And I’m very happy, proud and pleased to have played a part in making that come true.

AMY GOODMAN: Myrlie Evers, 50 years ago today, June 12th, 1963, her husband, the civil rights leader Medgar Evers, 37 years old, was assassinated in his driveway in Jackson, Mississippi.


Medgar Evers, Mississippi Martyr
by Michael Vinson Williams
University of Arkansas Press, 2011


Myrlie Evers-Williams On Medgar's Assassination:

The widow of Medgar Evers, Mississippi civil rights activist and former chairperson of the NAACP, Myrlie Evers-Williams talks about both the events leading up to her husband's assassination and the tragic incident itself in interview:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ibJFzOBtmag

 

Myrlie Evers-Williams On Medgar's Accomplishments:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QlunCuiojAs
  
 
The Autobiography of Medgar Evers: A Hero's Life and Legacy Revealed Through His Writings, Letters, and Speeches

Edited by Myrlie Evers-Williams and Manning Marable
Basic Civitas Books 2006

"What to the Slave is the 4th of July?": FREDERICK DOUGLASS ON THE MEANING OF THE 4TH OF JULY TO BLACK PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES

https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/douglassjuly4.html

https://panopticonreview.blogspot.com/2015_06_28_archive.html 


Excerpt from a speech given in Rochester, New York, July 5, 1852:

"What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy, a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour.

Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival..."


FREDERICK DOUGLASS
(1817-1895)


FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on July 4, 2015):

Saturday, July 4, 2015


"What to the Slave is the 4th of July?": James Earl Jones Reads Frederick Douglass's Historic Speech from July 5, 1852

James Earl Jones Reads Frederick Douglass’ Historic Speech:

VIDEO:  
 
https://www.democracynow.org/embed/story/2015/7/3/what_to_the_slave_is_4th 

"What to the Slave is the 4th of July?": James Earl Jones Reads Frederick Douglass's Historic Speech from July 5, 1852

In a Fourth of July holiday special, we begin with the words of Frederick Douglass. Born into slavery around 1818, Douglass became a key leader of the abolitionist movement. On July 5, 1852, in Rochester, New York, he gave one of his most famous speeches, "The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro." He was addressing the Rochester Ladies Antislavery Society. This is actor James Earl Jones reading the speech during a performance of historian Howard Zinn’s acclaimed book, "Voices of a People’s History of the United States." He was introduced by Zinn.

TRANSCRIPT:

AMY GOODMAN: In this holiday special, we begin with the words of Frederick Douglass. Born into slavery around 1818, Douglass became a key leader of the abolitionist movement. On July 5, 1852, in Rochester, New York, he gave one of his most famous speeches, "The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro." He was addressing the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society. This is James Earl Jones reading the historic address during a performance of Howard Zinn’s Voices of a People’s History of the United States. He was introduced by Howard Zinn.


HOWARD ZINN: Frederick Douglass, once a slave, became a brilliant and powerful leader of the anti-slavery movement. In 1852, he was asked to speak in celebration of the Fourth of July.


FREDERICK DOUGLASS: [read by James Earl Jones] Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?


I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you this day rejoice are not enjoyed in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity, and independence bequeathed by your fathers is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak today?

What, to the American slave, is your Fourth of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days of the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is a constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy—a thin veil to cover up crimes that would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation of the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of these United States at this very hour.


At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could reach the nation’s ear, I would, to-day, pour forth a stream, a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and the crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

AMY GOODMAN: James Earl Jones reading Frederick Douglass’s famous 1852 Independence Day address in Rochester, New York. That was part of a performance of Howard Zinn’s Voices of a People’s History of the United States.


http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/douglassjuly4.html

FREDERICK DOUGLASS ON THE MEANING OF THE 4TH OF JULY TO BLACK PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES

FREDERICK DOUGLASS
(1817-1895)


Excerpt from a speech given in Rochester, New York, July 5, 1852:

"What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy, a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour.

Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival…"


Posted by Kofi Natambu at 11:30 AM

Labels: Abolitionism, American Slavery, Civil War, Emancipation, Fourth of July, Frederick Douglass, Human and Civil Rights, White Supremacy

Our Actual Political, Economic, Cultural, Ideological, and Ethical Enemies Under the Fascist and Ruling Class Rule of MAGA. the Trump Regime, and the GOP

America Is Being Destroyed By The Dumbest People on Earth


Wajahat Ali

July 2, 2025

VIDEO:
 
 
Trump's cruelty is perhaps only matched & surpassed by his ignorance. He allegedly is unaware that his own billionaire bill cuts Medicaid, and his Vietnam trade deal just increased prices. Lovely. During my guest-hosting stint at Mary Trump Live, I discussed all these stories, including the establishment’s attacks on Zohran Mamdani and Republicans beginning to publicly fight each other.

https://thelefthook.substack.com/p/am...

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/03/upshot/republican-bill-faq.html

9 Questions About the Republican Megabill, Answered

Who benefits, and who gets hurt? How much does it really add to the debt? And what’s the deal with Alaska?

Listen to this article · 10:13 minutes

Learn more
Two senators, Lindsey Graham (top) and Chuck Schumer, displayed battling signs on the Senate floor Sunday. Credit:  C-SPAN

President Trump’s sprawling domestic policy bill has passed the House and Senate, and now awaits the president’s signature. Below, some answers to questions you may have.


This bill is truly enormous, in terms of its:

  • Scope: There is no modern precedent for a bill that simultaneously cuts taxes and the social safety net while providing new spending for priorities like immigration enforcement.

  • Tax cuts: $4.5 trillion over a decade, most with no expiration date. A major goal was to extend the Trump tax cuts that were passed in 2017 and set to expire, but the cost to the government is higher this time.

  • Spending cuts: $1.7 trillion, including a 12 percent cut to Medicaid, an unprecedented reduction in spending on the federal-state health insurance program for poor Americans.

  • New spending: $450 billion, including a 150 percent boost to the Immigration and Customs Enforcement budget over the next five years.

  • Contribution to the federal debt: Nearly $3.4 trillion as written ($4.1 trillion including interest), and $5.5 trillion if temporary provisions are extended. That’s more than the combination of the 2022 CHIPS Act, the 2021 infrastructure act and the two largest Covid relief bills.

  • Number of provisions: 309. Among them are a new $250 fee for the issue of student or worker visas and a $1,000 government contribution to tax-advantaged savings accounts for babies called “Trump accounts.”

A lot depends on your individual circumstances. Do you have a parent in a nursing home who uses Medicaid? Do you have a child who is going to need a student loan? Do you make a lot of money in tips? Do you plan to put solar panels on your roof? The bill has provisions that affect all of these things and many more, some positive, some negative. In general, most Americans will pay less in federal income taxes under this bill than they would if the tax cuts passed in 2017 were instead allowed to expire.

But Americans at the bottom of the income spectrum will see many of their benefits cut. Most poor Americans don’t pay federal income taxes and won’t get a boost from the tax cut. The bill reduces spending on food assistance and Medicaid, which many poor Americans rely on.

For the most part, the more you earn, the more you are likely to benefit from the bill. Certain tax provisions disproportionately benefit the top 10 percent of earners, such as changes to the tax treatment of local taxes, changes to the estate tax, and a lasting extension of a deduction for certain business income that high earners tend to use the most.

Overall, the package is more regressive than any major law in decades.

For a lot of middle-income Americans, this bill mainly prevents taxes from going up. But most of the new tax cuts will kick in quickly, so if you benefit you’ll get some savings when you file taxes early next year. If you are hoping to claim a tax credit to buy an electric vehicle or make your home more energy efficient, you should move fast.

The cuts to social spending, on the other hand, are mostly delayed: Many of the biggest cuts to food assistance and Medicaid are a few years away. Those delays, until after the 2026 midterm elections, can be explained partly by political considerations, and partly because states need time to set up new systems to change the way they administer benefits.

The indirect effects of the bill may come along a less predictable timeline. Because the bill increases federal deficits so significantly, it could affect bond markets, which could ripple into the economy in the form of higher interest rates for mortgages, business loans and other kinds of debt. The bill is also expected to offer a tiny boost to the economy by stimulating certain types of business investment in the short term.

Many of the bill’s changes to Medicaid don’t technically change who is eligible for the program, but they make it harder to sign up and stay enrolled. The bill dials up the paperwork requirements on Medicaid beneficiaries, asking them to renew their plans twice as often, for example.

It also imposes a strict new work requirement on many adult beneficiaries, requiring them to prove they have worked at least 80 hours a month before they can enroll. Many Republican lawmakers have said that Medicaid beneficiaries who do not work enough are cheating the system.

The history of work requirements in Medicaid and other social welfare programs suggests that compliance and documentation challenges trip up far more people than the requirement to work itself. The reality is that many working people will lose their coverage.


6. What about the programs the president has been trying to cut? Does this bill change the N.I.H. budget?

Much of what happens in Washington is described as a “budget” debate, and the bigness of the bill makes it easy to think it encompasses every possible policy involving federal spending. But the megabill actually leaves out some big categories of spending.

The bill was passed using a special fast-track process that allowed Republicans to move the bill through the Senate without risking a filibuster. That process is reserved for some parts of the budget — generally speaking, taxes and programs whose funding is largely automatic and doesn’t require Congress to set aside money each year. (There are a few exceptions, including major new funding for immigration enforcement and defense.)

The part of the budget that is funded every year by Congress, including spending on federal agencies, is usually handled through a separate appropriations process. Congress will probably vote on its next appropriations bills this fall.

The president also releases a “budget” every year, with the White House’s recommendations for Congress. The most recent White House budget recommended steep cuts in government science funding, including a 40 percent cut for the National Institutes of Health. That presidential budget has no force of law on its own. So far, Congress has not embraced any of the recommended cuts to scientific research. The Trump-led N.I.H. has been canceling or pausing some grants anyway, but numerous courts have ruled against them.


7. What about the tariffs?

Tariffs are another signature Trump policy, and he has imposed many of them in recent months. Those tariffs bring in new revenues that also affect deficits and could reduce long-term debt. But they were not a part of this particular legislative package.

The Congressional Budget Office offered some guidance on how it thinks tariffs may affect federal finances, saying they could reduce deficits by trillions of dollars, but it noted that a lot depends on whether they’re lasting. The analysis also highlighted that tariffs will increase the prices of goods and decrease economic output, and affect certain types of business investment.

8. Can you explain the politics around this bill in less than 100 words?

Mr. Trump had instructed Republicans in Congress to pass much of his domestic agenda — what he calls the “big, beautiful bill” — by July 4. A version passed the House in May after Speaker Mike Johnson was able to appease some conservative holdouts. Then the Senate made some major changes and upended longstanding budget norms to pass its version narrowly Tuesday, with Vice President JD Vance casting a tiebreaking vote. Then House members passed the bill again, after staying up all night. Some of those same conservatives said they were opposed at first, but most voted for the bill.
9. What’s one fact I can bring to my Fourth of July cookout?

Alaska’s fishing industry was a big winner in the bill. Credit:  Nathaniel Wilder for The New York Times

Among the bill’s 309 provisions are a few that would benefit Alaska in particular:

A tax break for Native Alaskan subsistence whaling captains, allowing them to treat more equipment purchases as charitable donations on their taxes.

A tax break for fishing companies “located in the United States north of 50 degrees north latitude,” allowing them to deduct the full cost of employee meals.

Tax-exempt status for certain “fisheries in the Bering Sea and Aleutian Islands statistical and reporting areas.”

Special exceptions for “noncontiguous states” and states with high payment error rates in food assistance (Alaska’s is the highest) to lessen the effects of cuts to that assistance.

Why? Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska was among a handful of Republicans who expressed concerns about the bill’s cuts to Medicaid and food assistance. Leaders needed her vote to pass the bill, and she used this leverage to her state’s advantage. “Do I like this bill? No,” she told NBC News after the vote. “But I tried to take care of Alaska’s interests.”


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


Alicia Parlapiano i
s a Times reporter covering government policy and politics, primarily using data and charts.

Margot Sanger-Katz is a reporter covering health care policy and public health for the Upshot section of The Times.


https://zeteo.com/p/everyone-is-at-risk-trump-and-his?utm_



'Everyone Is at Risk': Trump and His Cronies Obliterate the Rule of Law

There's nothing hyperbolic about what just happened in DC.

by Kim Wehle
July 4, 2025

ZETEO 

Trump on June 27, 2025. Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images

The unraveling of the rule of law in the United States is almost complete. Not only is there evidence indicating that Department of Justice officials lied to a federal judge, floated saying “fuck you” to court orders, and fired a star DOJ lawyer for refusing to play along, but the far-right majority of the Supreme Court – in a ruling that has been widely distorted as mere procedural housekeeping – just effectively suspended the Constitution’s limits for presidents.

If this seems hyperbolic, please read on.

Let’s start with Trump v. CASA, in which a 6-3 majority technically held that so-called “[u]niversal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has given to federal courts.” The justices accordingly granted a “partial stay” of three injunctions entered by lower courts that had halted Trump’s executive order attempting to outmaneuver the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of citizenship by birth. The Court took up the issue of universal injunctions in this particular case gratuitously – on an allegedly “emergency” basis after its traditional term had already ended, the theory being that the Trump administration would suffer “irreparable harm” in not being able to deny birthright citizenship in the interim.

Although the decision is roundly being touted as narrow and discrete, the exact opposite is the case.

The Real Zohran Mamdani Is Completely Different From the Endless BIG LIES Being Told About Him And What He Represents And Embodies As Human Being, Grass Roots Activist, and Public Official Running For the Office Of Mayor of New York City

 
Why Are National Democrats Attacking Zohran Mamdani?
It’s Not Because He Threatens Jews. It’s Because He Believes Palestinian Lives Matter.


June 30, 2025


Every week I link to the GoFundMe page for Hossam and Mariam Alzweidi, who live in Gaza with their four children and have been injured by Israeli bombs and displaced ten times since October 7, and are trying to leave. I know putting up a Go Fund Me for one family is totally inadequate given the scale of the horror in Gaza, and the millions of people there who need our help— and most of all, need an end to this monstrous slaughter. Still, it’s something.

On June 24, Hossam sent the following message:

Today, I had the heart-wrenching experience of carrying my injured son, Mu’ayyad, through the rubble-strewn streets to the Ministry of Health headquarters. With the bombings intensifying around us, even reaching the building felt like a small miracle.

At the Ministry, the head of the Overseas Treatment Department examined Mu’ayyad. His words shattered us: Mu’ayyad’s injuries are extensive and life-threatening. He urgently needs surgery and specialized care that are simply not available here in Gaza.

While others in our family were also injured in the blast in 2024 and need medical attention, Mu’ayyad’s condition is far more severe. When the bomb hit, he was standing closest to the window—facing it—while the others had their backs turned. He absorbed the full force of the explosion, and his body bears the deepest wounds.

Yet in the midst of despair, there is a glimmer of hope. The department has arranged for Mu’ayyad—and another child in serious condition—to meet with a specialist doctor. This appointment is critical. The doctor’s assessment will help determine whether we can complete Form No. 1, required to seek urgent treatment abroad.

My wife, Miriam, our children, and I are holding on to this hope with all that we have. We are waiting to hear the appointment date, God willing. Each day, I reach out to everyone involved, praying for positive developments that could lead to a brighter future for Mu'ayyad. It aches to see him enduring these terrible injuries, and I pray that God grants him the strength and patience he needs during this incredibly tough time. Your support means a great deal to us; it fuels our determination to keep moving forward. Your presence inspires us as we strive to overcome this tragedy and seek the medical help that we urgently need.

Please considering helping.

Friday Zoom Call

This Friday’s Zoom call, for paid subscribers, will be at our regular time, 1 PM Eastern. Our guest will be Brad Lander, the Jewish City Comptroller of New York, and mayoral candidate, who cross-endorsed Zohran Mamdani and helped propel him to victory. In my opinion, Lander’s behavior modeled what a decent Jewish politics in America might look like. We’ll talk about Mamdani, the responses of Jewish New Yorkers to his victory, and why Lander did what he did.

Cited in Today’s Video

Democratic Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, Democratic House Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Democratic members of Congress Eric Swallwell and Laura Gillen attack Zohran Mamdani.

Things to Read

(Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.)

In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Mari Cohen details how, across the US, support for Palestinian freedom became considered a hate crime.

For the Jewish Currents podcast, I talked with Arielle Angel, Mari Cohen, and Alex Kane about how Zohran Mamdani defeated the pro-Israel machine.

For the Foundation for Middle East Peace’s Occupied Thoughts podcast, I interviewed Iranian-American journalist Negar Mortazavi.

Muhammad Shehada on the ISIS-related gangs Israel is backing in Gaza.

See you on Monday and Friday,

Peter


VIDEO TRANSCRIPT:

So, what’s been really depressing to me about the response to Zohran Mamdani’s victory kind of in mainstream media discussion, particularly on TV, is not the response of Republicans. I mean, many Republicans have been kind of blatantly Islamophobic. But in the era of Donald Trump, why would anyone be surprised, you know, by that? It’s really the response by Democrats, and the kind of the conversations between Democrats in mainstream, not right-wing political anchors, on TV that I find really most dispiriting. Because the only thing that they’re interested in when it comes to the subject of Israel is Mamdani’s, you know, statements about globalize the intifada.

Now, again, if you do an interview and you only talk to people about Mamdani’s, you know, record about New York, I think that’s legitimate. I mean, the guy ran on making New York affordable. But if you’re going to ask Democrats about things having to do with his views on Israel, right, how on earth is it justified to have the only thing that you ask about, his claim about globalizing the intifada? For the record, I don’t think his answer in that Bulwark interview on globalize the intifada was a good answer. The thing about intifada is that it’s an ambiguous term. It can mean non-violent uprising. It can mean violent uprising against soldiers. It can mean a violent uprising against civilians, which is a war crime, a violation of international law. Mamdani doesn’t know how other people are using the term. He should have just said that the term can be inverted in, you know, that’s not my term, here’s what I believe, and talk about his belief in nonviolence and his belief in inequality.

But to claim that Zohran Mamdani represents a threat to Jewish New Yorkers, is just ridiculous, right? I mean, if you just listen to what the guy has said in any kind of good faith, he’s again and again and again and again said he wants to keep Jewish New Yorkers safe. He’s talked about how serious antisemitism is as a problem. He talked about increasing funding to fight hate crimes by 800%, right? So, yes, there’s anti-Semitism. But Zora Mamdani does not pose a threat to Jewish New Yorkers, and most Jewish New Yorkers actually really know that, which is part of the reason why Mamdani’s actually done pretty well, according to polls among Jewish New Yorkers.

The people whose lives are in grave threat, who are threatened by a state, right, are Palestinians in Gaza, right? It’s not on the front page of the news anymore, but Palestinians continue to be slaughtered, actually an escalating numbers, right? The slaughter goes on and on, the bombing goes on and on, it’s just more and more hellish. It becomes more and more hellish every single day. So, how on earth, if you are a Democratic politician, like these Democrats who were asked about Mamdani, like Jefferies, and Gillibrand, and Swalwell, this Congressman from California, this Congresswoman from Nassau County on Long Island, how on earth can you justify making your one comment about this question, about Israel, being the question of kind of attacking Mamdani for globalize the Intifada, right?

And if you’re a news anchor, right, because the Democratic Party claims to believe that human lives are equal, right? It’s not like the Republican Party. It claims to believe that human lives are equal, right? And if you’re a mainstream news anchor who, again, also supposedly operates within some kind of broadly liberal framework, how can you justify having the one question you ask which relates to Israel and Palestine be this question about global the intifada, when you have an active slaughter going on, which has now been ruled a genocide by both of the world’s most prominent human rights organizations in different ways, Amnesty and Human Rights Watch. Again, I’m gonna keep repeating this, because it doesn’t seem to get through, right? I mean, like, in mainstream media. And basically, by most of the international legal scholars who focus on this. The Dutch newspaper NRC basically went out and interviewed a whole bunch of them, including Israelis. They all said it’s now a genocide.

If you believe in human equality, how could you possibly justify asking about globalize the intifada and not asking about this catastrophic, genocidal starvation and slaughter. What it suggests is an assumption, right, which is so hardwired that I guess these people, these politicians, and these media figures are not even thinking about it, right, that Jewish lives matter infinitely more, right, than Palestinian lives. And that’s a racist assumption, right? It’s also an assumption that fundamentally violates my understanding of Jewish tradition, which starts with the recognition that all human beings, all human beings, irrespective of religion, race, ethnicity, anything, have infinite value because they’re created in the image of God. And these democratic politicians should face some consequence, some political cost, for engaging in what is this fundamentally supremacist, racist discourse, which imagines that Palestinian lives don’t matter.

And these media anchors should really have to wrestle with their consciences about the fact that they are participating in this. No one is forcing them to have the only question they ask which deals with Israel and Palestine and Gaza, be a question about globalize the intifada. Again, if you asked four questions about what’s actually happening to Palestinians, and one question about globalizing Intifada, fine. But to not ask anything to politicians who are actually in Congress, who are in a position to do something about it, about America’s role in providing weapons in an act of genocide, right, it’s just fundamentally immoral. And it’s so depressing to see how this just perpetuates itself on, kind of, mindless autopilot, as if all of this death, all of this killing, all of this starvation, it just doesn’t register, it doesn’t matter because the lives of Palestinians are not considered to matter. And this is part of the reason Zohran Mamdani is different, and he broke through, is because he actually acts as if they did matter. I just wish we had a Democratic Party and a mainstream media that agreed.
 
Democrats Are PANICKING Over Mamdani's Win (w/ David Sirota)