Showing posts with label Muhammad Ali. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Muhammad Ali. Show all posts

Monday, January 18, 2016

In Tribute to Michael Marqusee (1953-2015): Outstanding historian, critic, scholar, journalist, and social activist


http://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jan/15/mike-marqusee

Mike Marqusee obituary

Journalist, political activist and author with eclectic tastes in sport, art and music

by Colin Robinson
4 February 2015
The Guardian  (UK) 

Mike Marqusee in 2009. He was born in New York but made his home in Britain, where he developed a love of cricket. Photograph: Felix Clay

Michael John Marqusee, writer, born 27 January 1953; died 13 January 2015

The writer and political activist Mike Marqusee, who has died of cancer aged 61, enjoyed an intellect as dazzling as it was unique. A true polymath, he made the most of a boundless curiosity and a powerful memory to educate himself, and others, about a kaleidoscope of topics: Renaissance art, cricket and empire, British labour politics, Indian history and culture, Zionism, the music of AndalucĂ­a and Tamil Nadu, the poetry and art of William Blake, the American civil rights movement, the films of John Ford, the songs of Bob Dylan. The list could go on and on.

He sometimes speculated that such eclecticism resulted in his work being undervalued by specialists. If that was true, those in error failed to see how his range of interests often enabled one sphere of knowledge to provide an exhilaratingly original insight into another. Further, beneath the panoply lay a set of core values: a commitment to socialism, a belief in the transformative nature of art, a rigorous internationalism and a prioritising of intellectual and personal honesty heedless of cost. A joyful, hedonistic appreciation that life’s pleasures were there for the sampling was also a vital part of Mike.

He was born in New York, the son of John and Janet Marqusee, who were involved in property development, publishing and radical politics. Seeking to escape the pressures exerted on a precocious anti-war leader at his high school in Scarsdale, an conservative and affluent suburb of New York, Mike left the US for Britain in 1971. He read English literature at Sussex University before moving to north London, where he was to settle for the rest of his life.

Mike started out as a youth leader, based at Highbury Roundhouse, driving minibuses full of inner-city children on field trips around Britain. He later said that he learned more about politics from his work on the youth schemes there than in any of his subsequent activism.

Though a lifelong Marxist, Mike eschewed membership of the competing revolutionary tendencies that attracted many young radicals of the period. Indeed, in later years, he endured a bitter falling out with Socialist Workers party sectarians in the Stop the War Coalition, of which he was a founding member. He joined the Labour party around 1980, supporting the leadership of Haringey council in its fight against cuts and resisting Neil Kinnock’s attacks on the left that would pave the way for the emergence of New Labour, a development that saw Mike eventually leave the party. He chronicled Labour’s rightwing drift in a book co-authored with Richard Heffernan, Defeat from the Jaws of Victory (1992). He also became involved in the radical publication Labour Briefing, going on to become its editor. It was through his engagement with the Labour party that he met his partner, the housing rights barrister Liz Davies, who survives him. Together they formed an alliance that was as formidable in the political arena as it was supportive at home.

Mike had already written one book, his only published novel, Slow Turn (1988), which featured the game of cricket, a sport he had come to love while watching county matches in Sussex as a student. He turned his focus to the overlap between the game and nationalism, drawing openly on the legacy of CLR James to produce a rivetingly original analysis. Anyone But England (1994) went on to be shortlisted for the William Hill Sports  Book of the Year award and laid the foundation for Mike’s regular cricket commentary in publications such as Wisden and The Hindu.

Two years later, he published another book on the game, War Minus the Shooting, that dealt with events surrounding the 1996 World Cricket Cup in South Asia. He co-founded Hit Racism for Six and could often be found practising his own swing in the nets at Finsbury Park, providing ample evidence that, in his case, the pen was mightier than the bat.

Mike now transferred his attention to another sport. Redemption Song (1999) was a paean to Muhammad Ali, setting the world heavyweight’s sporting achievements in the context of the political battles in the US. Moving seamlessly from descriptions of Ali’s bouts in the ring to the music of Sam Cooke, from the machinations of the Nation of Islam to the burgeoning of the anti-war movement, it was a fine example of Mike’s ability to weave together strands from different disciplines into a rich new cloth.

The distinction, so often snobbish, between high and popular culture held little appeal for Mike. He had a deep familiarity with Quattrocento art and I was lucky enough to be among a small group of friends that he introduced to the sublimity of Giovanni Bellini’s paintings on a trip to Venice. His mother was both a painter and a successful art dealer and Mike’s ability to scrutinise the formal qualities of a painting was probably acquired from her. But he was equally at home analysing the wider meanings of the plots of John Ford westerns or the character development in TV series such as Rome or The Wire. A large TV, a comfortable sofa and a strong joint was always a combination that made Mike happy.

His taste in music was equally catholic. Mike was a big fan of the driving rock of Springsteen and Steve Earle while, at the same time, his engagement with Indian culture resulted in several trips with Liz to the Carnatic music festival in Chennai. A subsequent enthusiasm for Cante jondo music saw expeditions to the flamenco bars of southern Spain and an immersion in the poetry of Lorca.

Mike wrote poems himself and published two collections, and it was the ear of a poet that he employed in his next book, Wicked Messenger (2003), an analysis of the lyrics of Bob Dylan. At the end of his life he was working on a book that examined the relationship between Thomas Paine and yet another poet, William Blake.

Mike’s penultimate book was perhaps his most daring and controversial. A firm atheist, he delighted in describing himself as a “deracinated Jew”. In If I Am Not For Myself (2008), he melded together, in characteristic fashion, his own family history, political theory and close reading of canonical religious texts, separating out Jewishness from its co-option by the state of Israel.

In 2007 Mike was diagnosed with the bone marrow cancer multiple myeloma. Though it took him a couple of years, he predictably reverted to type, responding to his illness by writing about it. His last book, The Price of Experience, a collection of pieces about his disease (several of them for this paper), ranges over withering contempt for the mercenary activity of the big drug companies, an appreciation of the fastidious care provided to him by the NHS and its selfless staff and quiet sensitivity concerning how we talk to each other about illness.

In his introduction to the book, which, like a number of his titles, I had the privilege of publishing, he wrote: “Writing itself was a precious continuity with ‘life before cancer’. While so many of my other capacities had been taken away from me, I could still write.” Now he no longer can. However, through his books and journalism, we will still be able to remember his voice, with its glorious combination of profusion and singularity.


http://theallrounder.co/2015/01/22/tribute-to-a-scholar/
 

All,

I was frankly shocked and very saddened to discover today that the outstanding historian, critic, scholar, and social activist Michael Marqusee passed away a year ago on January 13, 2015 at the age of 61 from cancer. I find myself at a loss for words at this moment to describe just how important and truly groundbreaking Marqusee's work was. As I collect my thoughts and feelings about his untimely death I will take some time to reflect on his profound contributions to a wide range of interests and activities that encompassed social and cultural history, radical political thought and practice, music criticism, philosophy, and sports. I was always a huge fan and devoted follower of his work and I considered him one of the few major American public intellectuals of the past half century. I will deeply miss him and his extraordinary work.

Kofi

TRIBUTE TO A SCHOLAR
by Amy Bass
22 January 2015


Author and activist Mike Marqusee passed away on January 13. A common theme in the obituaries was that he was a writer of remarkably diverse  interests. Marqusee himself wondered if this wide-ranging nature of his work would lead specialists to discount it. But one specialist in a subject he covered, the history of sport and race in the 1960s, answers to the contrary: Marqusee was a journalist whose work is respected by scholars, and a scholar whose work is loved by students.

The news arrived by Facebook post that Mike Marqusee had died, losing his battle with cancer at the age of 61. Historian David Roediger shared the obituary written by Colin Robinson for The Guardian. Sitting no more than six inches away from my computer was a copy of Marqusee’s book  Redemption Song: Muhammad Ali and the Spirit of the Sixties (1999). The book had yet to make it back on the shelf after the fall semester. As in years past, it had been on the students’ reading list for my seminar, “Race, Sport, and Society.”

To anyone with eclectic tastes, Marqusee’s writing career was enviable – his work moved among subjects as varied as cricket, art, music, and Zionism. “He sometimes speculated that such eclecticism resulted in his work being undervalued by specialists,” Robinson writes in his tribute. “If that was true, those in error failed to see how his range of interests often enabled one sphere of knowledge to provide an exhilaratingly original insight into another.”

Robinson’s words describe exactly the riches of Redemption Song. While Marqusee wrote buckets of good stuff, it is his book on Ali that will remain at center stage for me. As I wrote last spring for the Journal of American History, in an essay on the state of the field of sport history, I can think of no other book that better demonstrates the power of scholarship about sport.

Without question, to write about the history of boxing is to enter a rich field of work. Relatively early on, Elliot Gorn’s work on boxing showed just  how beautifully sport history could transcend sport itself, particularly in revealing the cultures of racial politics. For the vigilant scholar, boxing offered a range of consequential racial dramas populated by a series of prominent athletes. Whether reading Randy Roberts’s carefully researched histories of Jack Johnson, Jack Dempsey, and Joe Louis, or Michael Ezra’s more recent take on Ali, work on boxing has enabled sport history to take seriously topics that range from masculinity to national identity to – of course – violence.

At the center of the scholarship on boxing, and on sport in general, stands Muhammad Ali. A complex and colorful character who came to personify an era of domestic and global revolution, Ali – arguably the most renowned athlete the world has ever seen – has been at the center of so many celebrated works, from Gorn’s edited collection Muhammad Ali: The People’s Champ to David Remnick’s smart biography, King of the World: Muhammad Ali and the Rise of an American Hero.

Marqusee the eclectic writer not only ventured into this rich field of boxing scholarship, he doubled down and wrote about Ali. His work stands alone. Marqusee posed Ali as a gateway to the radical politics and culture of black life in the 1960s, offering a spectacular panorama of the era, from a history of Elijah Muhammad and the Nation of Islam to the influence of Malcolm X and pan-African ideologies on militant black movements in the U.S. For Marqusee, the only Ali that mattered was the radical Ali, a figure who helped fuse the rising militancy of Black Power with the growing tide of anti-war sentiment. In contrast, the Ali who stood in Atlanta in 1996 to light the Olympic flame, the Ali who accepted a new gold medal to replace the one from the Rome Olympics, which he allegedly had thrown into the Ohio after being refused service at a restaurant, did not matter. For Marqusee, this newly imagined and patriotic Ali could not, and should not, overshadow the combative politics that were so entrenched in his coming of age as an athlete. In Redemption Song, Ali stands tallest as the young man who transformed himself from Cassius Clay into something America had never seen before. Marqusee’s book is near flawless in presenting the life of this athlete as the ideal window to view a decade of social turmoil.

To say that Redemption Song blows students away, each and every semester, would be a gross understatement. In addition to their love of the book’s central characters, their awe and admiration for Ali, Malcolm X, Sam Cooke, and so on, they are in wonderment of the book, a reaction that can be hard to get from undergraduates. They are amazed by what they take away from reading it. They are amazed by how much more they know because they have read it.

Without question, Redemption Song will remain on my syllabus for many semesters to come. And while Marqusee’s career has been sadly cut short, there is no doubt that his legacy is clear for anyone interested in thinking about sport in historical, political, social, and cultural terms. Rest in peace, Mike.


Amy Bass teaches history at The College of New Rochelle. She is author of Not the Triumph But the Struggle: The 1968 Olympics and the Making of the Black Athlete, and earned an Emmy Award in 2012 as supervisor of the Research Room for NBC’s Olympics coverage. Amy tweets at @bassab1.

Sunday, January 17, 2016

MUHAMMAD ALI IS 74 YEARS YOUNG TODAY--HAPPY BIRTHDAY CHAMP!

http://www.netflix.com/watch/80015777…

BORN ON JANUARY 17, 1942 MUHAMMAD ALI IS 74 YEARS OLD TODAY. TEMPUS FUGIT...AND HAPPY BIRTHDAY CHAMP!

http://www.mikemarqusee.com/?p=82

Redemption Song: 
Book Review by Kofi Natambu
Posted on 4/3/2000


by Kofi Natambu
Ishmael Reed’s Konch Magazine,
20 March 2000


MUHAMMAD ALI
(b. January 17, 1942) 

This is an extraordinary book. It is especially astonishing because just when I began to despair that any one text could possibly do justice to accurately documenting and analyzing the often badly misunderstood and largely misrepresented complexity of either Muhammad Ali, the African American civil rights and black power movements, or that endlessly fascinating and elusive historical moment known forever as “the sixties,” an heretofore obscure author restores my faith in the illuminating power of great writing to do much more than merely chronicle legendary events. That the author would be a white American expatriate who left the U.S. in 1971 at the age of eighteen to settle in England and become an award-winning sports historian is all the more amazing and, in this particular case, gratifying.

For what Mike Marqusee has accomplished with this elegantly written book is nothing short of providing the most lucid, succinct, intellectually honest and even-handed account I have ever read of what Ali, and the various black political and cultural movements for radical social change both in this country and abroad (especially in Africa) of that volatile period really meant to its massive legions of fans and supporters throughout the world.

But Marqusee doesn’t stop there. His highly insightful and sharply analytical prose, which always somehow manages to remain both graceful and completely devoid of dogma, also incorporates an analysis of the significant social and cultural impact of such archetypal figures of the ’60s era, as well as earlier 20th century American history, as Malcolm X, Bob Dylan, Elijah Muhammad, Paul Robeson, Jackie Robinson, Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. DuBois, Louis Armstrong, Jack Johnson, Joe Louis, Sam Cooke and Martin Luther King. In doing so we learn how and why these seemingly disparate figures had such a profound effect on the anti-war movement against the American intervention in Vietnam, as well as the on-going struggles for human rights and social revolution in the United States, the African continent, the Caribbean, Latin America and Europe.

Toward that end Marqusee ties in the revolutionary movements against colonialism and for political and economic democracy in what was formerly known as the Congo (now Zaire), Ghana, and South Africa. Thus the reader is also treated to an analysis of U.S. complicity (through the CIA and the State Department) in the the military overthrow and assassination of the first and only democratically elected President in the Congo, Patrice Lumumba, in 1960 by none other than the vicious military officer and subsequent dictator Joseph Mobutu (who bankrolled the famous ‘Rumble in the Jungle’ heavyweight championship fight between Ali and George Foreman with state funds in 1974).

In fact it is one of the many engaging aspects of this book that it seriously investigates the many links between individuals like Ali, Malcolm X, Dr. King and Elijah Muhammad within the broader context of such major institutional forces as the Nation of Islam, SCLC, SNCC, the Organization of African Unity (founded by Ghanaian president and Pan-Africanist Kwame Nkrumah), the FBI, the CIA, and the American government. What emerges from this meticulously detailed attention to the intricate nuances of history is a book that tells us precisely who Muhammad Ali was as both boxer and human individual without sacrificing an understanding of how massive political, economic and social forces of the 1960s and ’70s impacted Ali’s perceptions of himself and the world. At the same time Marqusee allows us to see the champion’s considerable strengths and weaknesses in a way that doesn’t dehumanize him through either too much misplaced adulation or petty criticism. In fact the truly heroic dimensions of Ali’s stand against the war in Vietnam and his sincere commitment to his chosen religious and philosophical beliefs at great personal and professional cost is even clearer and more profound after reading this text.

As a result the extended and brilliantly written passages on the champion’s personal and political relationships with such icons of the period as Malcolm X, the major mentor and confidant of Ali’s before the acrimonious split between Malcolm and the authoritarian patriarch of the Nation of Islam, Elijah Muhammad, in March 1964 (and which helped lead to the tragedy of Malcolm’s assassination just eleven months later) is filled with well-researched and captivating accounts of the complex personalities and stances of all three men. For example, we learn that Ali, who first began secretly attending meetings of the Nation of Islam as early as 1962 (some two years after he received a gold medal as the American representative in boxing at the Olympic Games, and two years before he fought and defeated Sonny Liston in February 1964 for the world heavyweight crown), was already fascinated with the militant black nationalist oratory of Malcolm X (the leading national minister of the NOI) at a time when the Nation was still almost completely unknown to the general American public.

It was Ali’s intense interest in the sect as well as his highly confident and independent attitude that supported Malcolm’s typically prescient insight that a then relatively unknown 20-year-old kid named Cassius Marcellus Clay would very soon become world heavyweight champion. Thus began Malcolm’s recruitment of a young man that he insisted from the beginning was more than capable of becoming a very important force in the organization. That this prophecy was not shared by the then sixty-five-year-old founder and leader of the NOI, Elijah Muhammad, is a major understatement since the old man not only considered boxing to be a morally inferior pastime but the idea of the young Clay as an important member of his organization struck him as pure folly. Of course none of this kept him from fully endorsing and embracing Clay as a leading (and now wealthy) member once he did become champion or bestowing on him the very rare privilege of a new Islamic name, Muhammad Ali, on the very night he became champion. This resulted in the older man being able to not only wean Ali away from Malcolm who, after being suspended by the Nation in December 1963, formed his own organization just two weeks after Ali won the title on February 25, 1964 but also enabled the elder Muhammad to take over the new champion’s financial affairs through his appointment of his own son Herbert as Ali’s business manager.

Ali admits years later that his painful split with Malcolm at Elijah’s bidding was a big mistake on his part and the major regret of his life. As Ali put it: “It was a pity and a disgrace he died like that [assassination] because what Malcolm saw was right, and after he left us, we went his way anyway. Color didn’t make a man a devil. It’s the heart, soul and mind that counts.”
Marqusee also provides us with a particularly astute and dynamic comparative analysis of Ali and another ’60s cultural hero and icon, singer and songwriter Bob Dylan. What is revealed in this luminous comparison is how Ali and Dylan, who were only eight months apart in age, both symbolized and represented in strikingly similar and different ways the alienation, restlessness, rebellion and deep thirst and desire for social and cultural change that was so characteristic of an entire generation throughout the world.
As Marqusee writes: “Ali and Dylan were first generation children of the burgeoning electronic audio-visual culture, which was still at that time largely unrecognized as anything other than an inferior and distant cousin to the mature forms of “high culture.” Their public achievements and the controversies that surrounded them helped compel the in telligentsia to take pop culture seriously. By their boldness, their ambitions and, paradoxically, their playfulness, they made their disciplines–sport and popular music–worthy of study…”

The deep appreciation for, and understanding of, popular culture that Marqusee consistently demonstrates in this book is never smug or condescending. In fact his clarity regarding how cultural values, politics, and ideology intersect and influence each other is echoed in his riveting accounts of the rise, rapid expansion and agonizing decline of the black power movement in the 1965-1975 period. This section of the book is framed by a dizzying number of major historical events, two of the most pivotal being the public assassinations of Malcolm X and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who both died at the age of thirty nine only three years apart in 1965 and 1968. In recounting and critically examining these earth-shattering incidents Marqusee very deftly weaves the parallel narrative of not only Muhammad Ali but the history of the Vietnam war (and the intense national anti-war activity and draft resistance against it) and such well-known organizations as SNCC, the Black Panther Party, SDS, and SCLC. In highly dramatic yet measured prose we see in great and fastidious detail how Ali’s courageous stands play a key role in the tremendous explosion of black political and cultural consciousness among young African Americans, as well as the millions of whites who were just beginning to seriously question and oppose the government’s war in Vietnam.

We also witness Ali’s impact on global affairs as the U.S. moves swiftly to prosecute him for his public opposition to the war and the draft. In England, France, Germany, Africa, South America and throughout the Caribbean island nations Ali is universally hailed as a hero moving everyone from the philosophers Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre to foreign government leaders, political revolutionaries, peasants and workingclass people alike to sing his praises and openly defend his position.

Meanwhile Marqusee takes us on a philosophical journey of his own, musing about the historical implications and consequences of Ali’s role in terms of the ultimate meaning of sports in the United States as well as a scintillating critique of what dramatic changes have occured in American political economy and culture (and in the national African American community) since Ali was banned from boxing and had his passport revoked in 1967, was finally legally reinstated (by a 5-4 vote in the Supreme Court in June 1971), and defeated Joe Frazier in 1973, George Foreman in Zaire in 1974, and Leon Spinks in 1978 to become world heavyweight champion for a record three times. During this critique Marqusee demonstrates how and why the conservative white and black American establishment began to embrace and coopt the former militancy of Ali after 1975. Thus begins the media’s concerted (and on-going) attempts to distort and manipulate the true meaning of his public legacy.

Finally Marqusee takes the reader full circle from his opening paragraph where he ponders the sobering yet curious fact that where once Ali had been fiercely opposed and reviled by the government, sports writers and media executives he was now in the 1990s being openly lionized and feted by the same powerful public figures and corporate institutions that had once denounced him, took his championship title away and tried to send him to prison. It is also revealed that because of backstage lobbying by NBC Sports Ali was chosen to light the famous torch at the 1996 Olympic Games in Atlanta, Georgia before a sold-out crowd of 83,000 people (paying $600 per ticket), and a global TV audience estimated at three billion. However in the final chapter to this seemingly dense, but never boring or ponderous, three-hundred-page masterpiece, Marqusee provides an eloquent, powerful and compelling counterstatement and critique of this cynical appropriation by American and other global capitalists who use the symbolic power and authority of Ali’s international image to sell the Olympic Games and its endless spinoff products.

In a parallel, and very interesting, assessment of the contemporary sports scene Marqusee openly criticizes the global corporate and media absorption of Michael Jordan who, unlike Ali, has always been willingly complicit in the highly profitable exploitation of his image:

“Nothing could be further from the ethos of Muhammad Ali than the no-risk business acumen of Jordan. When campaigners trying to draw attention to the plight of low-paid workers in Nike’s Southeast Asian sweatshops appealed to Jordan for help, they got the brushoff. So did black Democrats in Jordan’s homestate of North Carolina when they asked him to endorse their efforts to defeat the racist, homophobic tobacco champion, Jesse Helms…Ali’s embrace of an alternative nationality, in the form of the Nation of Islam, evolved under the pressure of events into a humanist internationalism, a sense of responsibility to the poor and powerless of all nations. Jordan’s subordination of himself to “America” made him an emblem of “globalization”, a form of rule from above by multinational corporations. His astonishing achievements on the basketball court, and the huge rewards he has reaped from them, are advanced as justifications for “the American way,” the capitalist way. Jordan has become the embodiment of the Social Darwinism of the new world order…”
By historical constrast then we learn the real reasons why Ali and his mythic yet all too real example continues to be of great value today despite the greed-based blandishments of advertisers, promotors, athletes, and consumers alike. It is a fitting coda to a great book that, like its main subject, continually inspires, educates, entertains and transforms our understanding of ourselves, our shared history and the incredibly complex world that we live in. Nothing could be a greater tribute to a true champion of the people.

 
 
 
 
 
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Friday, October 17, 2008

Cool We Can Believe In: The Political Artistry of Barack Obama

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/16/us/politics/16web-healy.html?_r=1&nl=pol&emc=polb1&oref=slogin

"Float like a butterfly/sting like a bee"
--Muhammad Ali

All,

One of the things that I most admire and respect about Barack politically is his consummate ability to stay cool, focused, and disciplined no matter what the external circumstances happen to be. Like one of his major idols--Muhammad Ali--Obama has the poise, shrewdness, insight, and self confidence to realize that one's own vision and agenda (and thus behavior) is not dependent on what one's opposition says or does, but is established and carried out by one's own disciplined adherence to those ideas and values that one is independently motivated by. It's an important and fundamental political lesson that many progressives and radicals could and should learn from no matter what they may otherwise think of Obama or his politics...

Kofi




October 16, 2008
ON THE TRAIL

Staying Cool and Irritating Your Opponent
By PATRICK HEALY
New York Times


From Bill Clinton to John McCain, Senator Barack Obama has proved adept at driving very smart politicians out of their comfort zone, leading them to make comments or embrace tactics that end up backfiring.

Maybe it was one tsk-tsk too much, but at Wednesday night’s debate, something seemed to snap inside Senator McCain after listening to Senator Obama’s cool, high-minded lecture about inappropriate conduct at Republican rallies.

“What is important is making sure that we disagree without being disagreeable,” the 47-year-old freshman Democrat told the 72-year-old four-term Republican. “What we can’t do, I think, is try to characterize each other as bad people.”

Mr. McCain, who had appeared composed and confident up to that point, responded by veering into heated denouncements of Mr. Obama’s loose ties to Bill Ayers, the former Weather Underground leader, and the community organizing group Acorn, which has been accused of voter fraud. Mr. McCain did not explain what Acorn was, probably confusing many viewers, and he never regained control of the debate.

“All of these things need to be examined,” Mr. McCain said about Mr. Ayers and Acorn.

To which Mr. Obama delivered a final hit that reflected that many Americans are more concerned with the economy than with Bill Ayers.

“I think the fact that this has become such an important part of your campaign, Senator McCain, says more about your campaign than it says about me,” Mr. Obama said.

While Mr. Obama is known for giving stirring speeches before stadium-sized crowds, less recognized is his shrewd oratory against his opponents. He has been able to turn a relative weakness — his inexperience in government and politics — into a strength: Messrs. Clinton and McCain and their aides have held Mr. Obama in low regard at times, seeing him as an untested upstart, and so his easy-going manner and ongoing success have unsettled them that much more.

“Never let ‘em see you sweat: Barack Obama has mastered that concept, and it has thrown off political opponents for the past 20 months,” said William O’Reilly, a Republican political consultant in New York. “It prevented John McCain from knowing when he was scoring points last night. McCain needs to trust his instincts. Senator Obama will never look wounded, but that doesn’t mean he’s invulnerable.”

The Clintons came to believe that during the Democratic nomination fight, their advisers say, but it did not stop Mr. Clinton from lapsing into some undisciplined behavior.

Mr. Obama spent 2007 and the winter of 2008 getting under Mr. Clinton’s skin, prompting any number of missteps by a former president who is regarded as a master of politics. Mr. Obama repeated so often that he had been against the Iraq war from the start — unlike Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, his rival for the Democratic nomination — that Mr. Clinton finally let loose in New Hampshire with a rant that the Clinton campaign had not authorized, about how Mr. Obama’s claims were a “fairy tale.”

Many Democrats were disgusted with the remark, including many black voters who supported Mr. Clinton but were offended that he would challenge the narrative of one of their own. Soon after, Mr. Clinton started attacking Mr. Obama in South Carolina — again, to the Clinton camp’s dismay. Mr. Clinton said it was “understandable” that people would vote along race and gender lines — a comment that some voters said was condescending — and he said that Mr. Obama had “put out a hit job on me” once.

After Mr. Obama won the South Carolina primary in a landslide, Mr. Clinton compared the victory to Jesse Jackson’s wins there in 1984 and 1988 — the last straw for some Democrats and black voters, who said Mr. Clinton was belittling Mr. Obama in a patently racial context. Mr. Clinton has adamantly denied doing so.

The fact is, Mr. Obama probably won points with voters by keeping his cool throughout the various Clinton episodes. And there is no question that he goaded Mr. Clinton and his wife’s campaign into making some questionable tactical moves, such as going to war with some reporters and media outlets. At times it seemed like Mrs. Clinton was the only one keeping her cool in her camp.

Had Mrs. Clinton won the nomination, she planned to run against Mr. McCain with a similar strategy that Mr. Obama has pursued: Portraying the Republican nominee as a like-minded handmaiden to President Bush. But one could easily suggest that Mr. Obama is getting under Mr. McCain’s skin with this argument more than Mrs. Clinton would have; Mr. McCain respects Mrs. Clinton quite a bit, while he could barely bring himself to look Mr. Obama in the eyes or treat him with any deference in their first two debates.

Mr. Obama’s pokes, indeed, have had the effect of drawing patronizing comments from Mr. McCain. In May, for instance, Mr. Obama taunted Mr. McCain for his lack of support on a veterans’ benefit bill in the Senate, causing Mr. McCain to invoke his and others’ military service compared to Mr. Obama’s — something the Republican candidate had indicated he would not do.

“I will not accept from Senator Obama, who did not feel it was his responsibility to serve our country in uniform, any lectures on my regard for those who did,” Mr. McCain said in a statement.

On Wednesday night, Mr. McCain also “categorically” defended the people at his rallies after Mr. Obama mentioned the nasty comments by a few. Mr. McCain said that people who have used harsh language -- one news report said one person yelled “kill him,” referring to Mr. Obama, at a Florida rally -- were among the “fringe people” who come to any huge rally. Then he turned to Mr. Ayers and Acorn and Mr. Obama’s work was done.


Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company