Showing posts with label Intellectual history. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Intellectual history. Show all posts

Tuesday, February 6, 2024

The Mis-Education of the Negro by Dr. Carter Godwin Woodson (excerpted): First published in 1933 this legendary text is still in print


https://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/misedne.html

The Mis-Education of the Negro
by Dr. Carter Godwin Woodson
Edited with an Introduction by Charles H. Wesley and Thelma D. Perry

First published in 1933 this legendary text is still in print


[NOTE:  The following excerpts from Dr. Woodson’s book is taken from the introduction, foreword, preface, and chapter one of the text]

 

 The Mis-Education Of The Negro



Contents:


INTRODUCTION

v


FOREWORD

xxv


Preface

xxix


CHAPTER


PAGE


I.

THE SEAT OF THE TROUBLE

1


II.

HOW WE MISSED THE MARK

9

III.

HOW WE DRIFTED AWAY FROM THE TRUTH

17

IV.

EDUCATION UNDER OUTSIDE CONTROL

26

V.

THE FAILURE TO LEARN TO MAKE A LIVING

38

VI.

THE EDUCATED NEGRO LEAVES THE MASSES

52

VII.

DISSENSION AND WEAKNESS

62

VIII.

PROFESSIONAL EDUCATED DISCOURAGED

74

IX.

POLITICAL EDUCATION NEGLECTED

83

X.

THE LOSS OF VISION

96

XI.

THE NEED FOR SERVICE RATHER THAN LEADERSHIP

111

XII.

HIRELINGS IN THE PLACES OF PUBLIC SERVANTS

120

XIII.

UNDERSTAND THE NEGRO

132

XIV.

THE NEW PROGRAM

144

XV.

VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE

157

XVI.

THE NEW TYPE OF PROFESSIONAL MAN REQUIRED

173

XVII.

HIGHER STRIVINGS IN THE SERVICE OF THE COUNTRY

181

XVIII.

THE STUDY OF THE NEGRO

190


APPENDIX

199


INDEX

207



Introduction


Considerable time has passed since the first printing of this volume, but it is significant that it has meaning and direct implications for today's consideration. While it does not relate exclusively to Black History it does emphasize its instruction, research and writing. In substance Carter Woodson has produced a definitive and constructive critique of the educational system, with special reference to its blighting effects on the Negro; and the term he used, Mis-education, was the most apt and descriptive word available. It is still, in 1969, equally as relevant and expressive. Now, however, it is loudly articulated by many voices of Whites as well as Blacks, who likewise challenge the system.


The most imperative and crucial element in Woodson's concept of mis-education hinged on the education system's failure to present authentic Negro History in schools and the bitter knowledge that there was a scarcity of literature available for such a purpose, because most history books gave little or no space to the black man's presence in America. Some of them contained casual references to Negroes but these generally depicted them in menial, subordinate roles, more or less sub-human. Such books stressed their good fortune at having been exposed, through slavery, to the higher (white man's) civilization. There were included derogatory statements relating to the primitive, heathenish quality of the African background, but nothing denoting skills, abilities, contributions or potential in the image of the Blacks, in Africa or America. Woodson considered this state of affairs deplorable, an American tragedy, dooming the Negro to a brain-washed acceptance of the inferior role assigned to him by the dominant race, and absorbed by him through his schooling.


Moreover, the neglect of Afro-American History and distortion of the facts concerning Negroes in most history books, deprived the black child and his whole race of a heritage, and relegated him to nothingness and nobodyness. This was Woodson's conviction as he stated it in this book and as he lived by it. In his Annual Report of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History for the year ending June 30, 1933, the publication period of Mis-Education, he stated:


Regarding the Negro race as a factor in world culture rather than as an element in a sequestered sphere, the Director (Woodson) has recently made two trips to Europe to extend the study of the notice taken of Negroes by European authors and artists, and to engage a larger number of Europeans and Africans in the study of the past of the Negro. 1

Thus it is evident that the stress which Dr. Woodson places on historical research, writing, and teaching in this volume was not theoretical jargon. It represented rather, a firm belief; also a judgement of the available type of education that was so strongly oriented as to warrant his complete and selfless dedication to its betterment. This devotion became a crusade which, in the above instance, carried him to Europe in an effort to open new avenues for recreating and writing of the black man's past. This was in line with his basic charges against the omission by most historians of such an important part of history.


Mis-Education criticizes the system, and explains the vicious circle that results from mis-educated individuals graduating, then proceeding to teach and mis-educate others. But the book is by no means a study in negation. The author goes to great lengths in tracing the historical foundations of the problem, its development, and its influence on interpersonal relations and historical scholarship. Numerous other scholars now follow its example.


The youths of the race were Woodson's particular concern because he recognized that it was with, the boys and girls that Mis-education began, later crystallizing into deep-seated insecurities, intra-racial cleavages, and interracial antagonisms. All of these factors have been discussed over and over in the immediate past, by historians, sociologists, psychiatrists, and laymen, but Dr. Woodson, and a pitifully small number of others, had pointed the way a full generation earlier.


More so than most of his contemporaries did Woodson contribute because he gave up a prestigious educational career, including a school principalship in Washington, D.C., the position of Dean at both Howard University and West Virginia State College. He decided instead to devote his finances and energies to an association which would help to overcome the inadequacies of the system which promoted mis-education. This was not by any means his first book but the views expressed herein form a sort of core or center, to and from which his texts and other writings protrude and revert.


All of this scholar's researches and writings were designed to provide educational sustenance, to fill the void which existed by reason of neglect of Black Studies. As has been already observed, however, he was no mere theorist, he was an activist and a pragmatist. He knew that writing alone would be inadequate for the enormity of the need. Consequently he, with four others, founded The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, established the Journal of Negro History, and concentrated mightily on the educational aspect of his program, trying to counteract the poison of mis-education. In regard to these efforts he reported

The calls on the Research Department for assistance to teachers and students have multiplied so as to make this phase of the work a heavy burden on a small staff. Instructors now taking up the study of the Negro require help in working out courses in this new field; and their students are urged to make frequent use of the Department by correspondence or a visit to the home of the Association. 2

That statement is just as relevant in today's situation as it was when Woodson made it! As a matter of fact it might be copied and used by the present Director of the Association and it would be true except that the demand for services has increased a thousand-fold. The study of the Black man is still new in this generation, but such advances as have been made are in large part due to the vision, insight, writings, and publishing of pioneers like Carter Woodson. Indeed his analyses and conclusions regarding the entire educational system and its unrelatedness to future needs of the students stand firm, on solid ground. They were extendable to the 1960's, and student attitudes and actions make it quite clear that the reasoning and recommendations of Mis-Education constitute a convenient point of departure for the current reformation of educational institutions.


If Woodson had been content with merely writing his own articles and books his contribution would have been monumental, because his production was tremendous and his methodology was scientific. He, however, conceived of this historical vacuum in terms of such magnitude that no one historian could possibly do enough research and writing to seek the facts, organize and present them, and correct the false and distorted information which had been passed off for true history for many generations. Consequently he sought, encouraged, and published the works of other scholars who shared his convictions and his sense of urgency in the premises.


As one noteworthy example, Lawrence D. Reddick has an analytical article of forty pages in the Journal of Negro History entitled "Racial Attitudes in American History Textbooks of the South." 3 In line with Woodson's complaints this author pointed out that the average pupil received a picture of slavery which generally managed to justify it, to explain the climate and economic conditions which fastened it to the South, and to minimize the hardships for blacks by emphasizing their good nature and song-singing. The textbook authors stressed the fact that there had been no practical way to free southern slaves, and blamed the northern abolitionists for the hardening of southern attitudes.


There was virtually nothing in the textbooks he explored that referred to the role and development of the Negro in national life after Reconstruction. His activities in the wars and national defense were completely ignored, and illustrations for all periods were almost non-existent. Thus this article, accepted, edited, and published by Woodson, in all respects bore out his grievance against Mis-education, and it went to the very heart of his thesis.


In the same issue of the Journal of Negro History another article reinforced his views from a different investigative angle. Thomas L. Dabney made a survey of Negro and white colleges to determine the ones which offered courses in Negro History and/or Literature, or Race Relations; the Negro public schools which offered Negro History and/or Negro Literature; and the enrollment figures for both colleges and pre-college students. He also explained the purposes and progress of Negro History Week, as well as the home study courses offered by the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, and its clubs in their states. 4


Another respected educator, Dr. Horace Mann Bond, was strongly aware of the substantive character of Dr. Woodson's charges of Mis-Education, particularly with regard to the curriculum under which the southern Negro child studied. In that connection he wrote, "The activities of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History may ... be said to represent a Negro nationalism which is a reaction against the 'white' nationalism of the American people." 5


Then, referring to the curriculum builders who took "for granted that white supremacy had to be maintained," Bond declared:

The load of what appears to the present writer, and Dr. Woodson, as propaganda, was not so considered by the former writers of southern textbooks, nor is it today. 6

Thus it is apparent that Dr. Bond was either influenced by or was in agreement with the mis-education ideas which constituted so vital a part of Dr. Woodson's entire theory of the unfavorable effect of the American educational system on black children.


Many of the investigations were concentrated on the Southland and that is understandable. The hulk of the Negro population then lived below the Mason-Dixon line where no blacks were admitted to the white schools or colleges, and the dual system of education was obviously and definitely designed to perpetuate the Negro-inferiority image of the slavery period. Dr. Woodson also condemned the North for discrimination. As one who had studied at northern universities, The University of Chicago, and Harvard University, where he received the Ph.D degree, his experiences and observations enabled him to make valid judgments about that section.


One of his intellectual contemporaries, another Harvard-trained scholar, W. E. B. DuBois, was especially outspoken on northern education for Negroes, believing with Woodson, that it propagandized and indoctrinated youth, draining them of self-confidence, self-respect, and self-knowledge.


In 1935 DuBois wrote:

... race prejudice in the United States today is such that most Negroes cannot receive proper education in white institutions ... many public school systems in the North where Negroes are admitted and tolerated but they are not educated; they are crucified ... certain Northern universities where Negro students ... cannot get fair recognition, either in classroom or on the campus, in dining hall or student activities, or in human common courtesy ... at Harvard, Yale, and Columbia, Negroes are admitted but not welcomed; while in other institutions like Princeton they cannot even enroll. 7

In further development of his thesis that Blacks needed special education, Dr. DuBois made a point-blank statement with respect to a constructive means of overcoming the mis-education to which they were subjected:

Negroes must know the history of the Negro race in America, and this they will seldom get in white institutions. Their children ought to study textbooks like Brawley's "Short History," the first edition of Woodson's "Negro in Our History," and Cromwell, Turner, and Dykes' "Readings from Negro Authors." Negroes who celebrate the birthdays of Washington and Lincoln, and relatively unimportant "founders" of various Negro colleges, ought not to forget the 5th of March,—that first national holiday of this country, which commemorates the martyrdom of Crispus Attucks. They ought to celebrate Negro Health Week and Negro History Week. They ought to study intelligently and from their own point of view, the slave trade, slavery, emancipation, Reconstruction and present economic development. 8


Dr. DuBois proceeded then to explain in careful detail that he was making no special plea for segregated schools, or mixed schools, but for education. To use his language:

... a separate Negro school where children are treated like human beings, trained by teachers of their own race, who know what it means to be black in the year of salvation 1935, is infinitely better than making our boys and girls doormats to be spit and trampled upon and lied to by ignorant social climbers, whose sole claim to superiority is ability to kick "niggers" when they are down. 9

The foregoing observations relate directly to the problems of mis-education, well understood and posed by Woodson; and the same problems are at long last being faced and attacked by the very universities identified by DuBois and many others. These institutions, formerly known only as "white" colleges, are now heeding the black demands, and are soliciting black students, even at the expense of the "quota systems," once so firmly entrenched. The "cry in the wilderness" of Woodson in Mis-Education, and his few like-minded cohorts, has become a resounding chorus, and the reverberations will in time shake the mis from Mis-education.


The scholars under discussion all shared a common goal, namely, to provide for Negro youth access to historical information and education which would be true and thus nullify or diminish the false and belittling propaganda type of history which had been handed to them by whites. This, it was felt, would build up the black child's self and race knowledge as well as his self-respect. In a larger sense they expected that their publications would at least partly fill the unjustifiable void in American History and its antecedents, reveal the existing distortions of actual facts, and constitute a service to the entire field of historical and social science writing and understanding.


Ultimately, thought Woodson and those who had similar beliefs, the program would be a responsible factor in regenerating race relations in all areas and not only in education. Without detracting from any other efforts (and there were others) it is reasonably certain that those writers who tried so zealously to right the wrongs of mis-educationexerted a positive influence in that direction. As a result the democratic practices of this society are beginning to reach for its ideology, thus narrowing the long-existing cultural lag.


It is, in fact, quite clear that Woodson regarded this book as historical only in its most inclusive sense—history as interrelated with social customs, literature, economic and political matters and all else that affects society. This is a sensible and legitimate approach, as such historians as Spengler and Toynbee have demonstrated by popularizing broad areas and issues. Woodson was familiar with the tendency to include the intangible factors that influence the course of history—psychological elements and traditional sensitivities, based of course on valid historical methodology. He fitted Mis-Education into that framework.


Necessarily he thought in terms of other aspects of society which influenced education and which were, in turn influenced by it, because all of his writings show that he was convinced of the interrelations of all types of social phenomena. Furthermore, when he published Mis-Education, the nation was in the throes of a paralyzing economic depression, and President Franklin D. Roosevelt was on the verge of his vigorous and innovative administration. The "separate but equal" myth then afforded respectable legal sanction for an unequal, caste-like society, in education and all areas of national life. Permissive resignation had settled over much of the Negro population, and a majority rationalized that the caricature of education that they received was at least "better than it used to be."


The debilitating depression had thrust the problems of the Negro, as the lowest socioeconomic class, into the forefront of those in dire need. As an educator of stature who was already engaged in his intensive writing and publishing program, the role of the disadvantageous educational system in keeping the black people on the lowest level, became abundantly clear to Woodson. Hence his attempts to analyze the problem and to define and castigate the type of education that confined Negroes in a vice-like grip of inferiority was designed not only to inform other historians and educators of their own derelictions, but to arouse the black people from their apathy. Mis-Education did not immediately have the impact that he hoped, but in the long run it merges now with the researches of the awakened historians and other educators; the demands of several minority groups, which have discovered each other; the insistence of students on racial equality and relevant curricula; and the clamor of the downtrodden masses for appropriate treatment as fellow human beings.


Dr. Woodson, in adopting a comprehensive, overall view of the problem of education in this book, was strongly prophetic, and showed a rare intellectual kinship with those who would move to the forefront in the next generation. His statement (p. 114), "The warring area, then, is in the cities," is highly pertinent to current circumstances, as are also the points in context which he connected with it. Another idea that he expressed with clarity (p. 117) in the sentences which follow, will be recognized at once for its present relevance:

The race will free itself from exploiters just as soon as it decides to do so. No one else can accomplish this task for the race. It must plan and do for itself.

Another matter connected with Mis-education should be noted. The inferior character of black education was made inevitable by virtue of the poor financing of the segregated school systems. Although most Northern states had some racially-mixed schools, education in the sixteen southern, former slave states, plus Oklahoma and the District of Columbia, forming a bloc, provided the pattern, the atmosphere, and the reflection of Negro problems and general attitudes of whites about black education in the United States.


This southern bloc maintained a completely segregated system, and though there were differences in one category or another in spending money for education among its jurisdictions they had one common denominator—there were great differentials between moneys allocated for white education and black education. In 1930 the average expenditure per school-age child was $45.00 per white pupil and $14.95 per Negro pupil. Average southern investment in public school property per school-child amounted to $120.09 for whites and $29.62 for Negroes. Figures for 1928-1929 disclose that the average southern white teacher's pupil load was 31 for a school term of 164 days, while the average black teacher instructed about 44 pupils for 144 days. The average white teacher's salary was $1020, while the average black teacher earned $524. 10


These figures were frustratingly well known to Dr. Woodson. As a participator in the field of education, an observer, a scholar and a reformer, he had long studied the disparities in the dual system. Before 1930 he had become thoroughly alarmed because the differentials between white and black education were increasing rather than diminishing, and that knowledge undoubtedly motivated some of the pessimism which creeps through in this volume. 

Early in his Preface to Mis-Education the author takes a positive stand for tax money to be allocated in such manner that "every individual in the social order" should be given the opportunity to do his best. He rejected the objective notion of "progress" taken from statistical data, and injected a qualitative criteria which would judge the effectiveness of education by whether it was instrumental in making an individual "do and think for himself." With respect to Negro education in particular, it would require much study of the race and the role of its members in society. The dual system did not afford the opportunity for such study. As Woodson evaluated then, the inequity of the two societies within the nation, black and white, with its financial and propagandistic suppression of blacks through education and otherwise, was efficiently responsible for the social ills that he so deplored. He was really aiming a direct blow at the rationale which the South used to justify the dual school system; and his position was vindicated by the United States Supreme Court in the 1950's, and subsequently by public opinion. When he suggested equal educational opportunities regardless of financial status or race he was more or less anticipating the "social citizen" concept of the incoming administration, although President Roosevelt did not implement his concept to its logical conclusion.

When Woodson likewise made observations to the effect that information alone was not education, he was not stating a unique or isolated theory. Other educators agreed, but many who professed to adhere to the notion did so in a merely abstract fashion. The author of this book very carefully elaborated and illustrated the thesis. He sought for meaningful, qualitative training, yet most educational institutions held fast to their rigid, inflexible programs, under which much of the required subject-matter might prove useful as intellectual discipline, but not to the life interests of the hapless, captive students. It was Woodson's idea that this system was most devastating to the black children whose schools were inferior, and whose future life interests were farthest removed from the traditional curricula. In recent years, and frequently by reason of student pressures, colleges have been reappraising and restructuring their programs, not necessarily because of Woodson's long-ago reasoning but surely in line with it.


The Preface to Mis-Education also contains a statement that the educational systems of both Europe and the United States were antiquated and failed to hit the mark for either race. A bold and daring assertion in 1933, to be sure, but Woodson had successfully pursued education in both Europe and America. It is evident now that his judgement was projected far beyond its utterance, as witness the student movements which are presently accelerating, and assuming differing and ever more demanding forms. In further attestation note also the trend toward "vocational" education; and the frenzied effort to incorporate Black Studies at all educational levels.

Indeed long before this present climactic phase, there had been a rising racial consciousness and a new stridency to the demands by American Negroes. By the start of World War II the sacred cow of segregation was being reexamined more vigorously than ever before. Such scholars as Frazier, Myrdal, Silberman and others were writing sociologically with candor and verve on racial problems, while Woodson continued his even and uninterrupted interpretation of these problems, plus writing historical books, papers, and engaging in other journalistic endeavors. Cynicism and disillusionment among blacks had spread and become crystallized into a determination to make equality real. The indictments against discrimination were even more virile than Woodson's had been in Mis-Education some years earlier, and they covered more thoroughly the entire spectrum of race relations, but there was a direct line of descent from the educational castigation of 1933 to the more vigorous racial agitation and writings of the next decade.

Carter G. Woodson did not propose, in Mis-Education, such drastic action as the mass protest movement of A. Phillip Randolph in 1941, but then he did not have the type of support which later materialized; nor had there been in 1933 the mass militancy to which World War II gave birth. His was a modest demand, as really were the goals of Randolph's movement when judged by the scope of later demands and achievements. But if one seeks to comprehend the present culmination period in race relations, he must turn back to those earlier efforts and acknowledge the ideas and the work which "seeded the ground" as it were, and made possible a climate of opinion within which concerted action for equality could germinate and grow to fruition. This intellectual climate was possible because the research, writings, and publications of a dedicated scholar like Woodson had provided the historical information, the impetus, and the inspiration for black people to acquire a worthwhile self and race image, to make a start toward overcoming the inferiority complex which had for so long been an emotional prison. Looking back in such manner is a major purpose of history, and in that context the reissuing of this book is both appropriate and necessary.


It will be of great interest for readers to note the similarity in Woodson, the critic, as he looks at education in his day and the day in which we live. Black youth seems to be asking for what Woodson wanted as he expressed it in these pages. His philosophy was not only sound for him but it is sound for them, as they make the same demands of administrators for Black Studies, Black Curricula and Black personnel. It is for this reason that we publish this volume. It had a message for Yesterday and it has a message which Black and white should know for Today.

--Charles H. Wesley and Thelma D. Perry (Editors)

Foreword

THE thoughts brought together in this volume have been expressed in recent addresses and articles written by the author. From time to time persons deeply interested in the point of view therein presented have requested that these comments on education be made available in book form. To supply this demand this volume is given to the public.

In the preparation of the volume the author has not followed in detail the productions upon which most of the book is based. The aim is to set forth only the thought developed in passing from the one to the other. The language in some cases, then, is entirely new; and the work is not a collection of essays. In this way repetition has been avoided except to emphasize the thesis which the author sustains.
--Carter Godwin Woodson Washington, D. C.
January, 1933.

Preface

HEREIN are recorded not opinions but the reflections of one who for forty years has participated in the education of the black, brown, yellow and white races in both hemispheres and in tropical and temperate regions. Such experience, too, has been with students in all grades from the kindergarten to the university. The author, moreover, has traveled around the world to observe not only modern school systems in various countries but to study the special systems set up by private agencies and governments to educate the natives in their colonies and dependencies. Some of these observations, too, have been checked against more recent studies on a later tour.

Discussing herein the mistakes made in the education of the Negro, the writer frankly admits that he has committed some of these errors himself. In several chapters, moreover, he specifically points out wherein he himself has strayed from the path of wisdom. This book, then, is not intended as a broadside against any particular person or class, but it is given as a corrective for methods which have not produced satisfactory results.

The author does not support the once popular view that in matters of education Negroes are rightfully subjected to the will of others on the presumption that these poor people are not large taxpayers and must be content with charitable contributions to their uplift. The author takes the position that the consumer pays the tax, and as such every individual of the social order should be given unlimited opportunity make the most of himself. Such opportunity, too, should not be determined from without by forces set to direct the proscribed element in a way to redound solely to the good of others but should be determined by the make-up of the Negro himself and by what his environment requires of him.

This new program of uplift, the author contends, should not be decided upon by the trial and error method in the application of devices used in dealing with others in a different situation and at another epoch. Only by careful study of the Negro himself and the life which he is forced to lead can we arrive at the proper procedure in this crisis. The mere imparting of information is not education. Above all things, the effort must result in making a man think and do for himself just as the Jews have done in spite of universal persecution.

In thus estimating the results obtained from the so-called education of the Negro the author does not go to the census figures to show the progress of the race. It may be of no importance to the race to be able to boast today of many times as many "educated" members as it had in 1865. If they are of the wrong kind the increase in numbers will be a disadvantage rather than an advantage. The only question which concerns us here is whether these "educated" persons are actually equipped to face the ordeal before them or unconsciously contribute to their own undoing by perpetuating the regime of the oppressor.

Herein, however, lies no argument for the oft-heard contention that education for the white man should mean one thing and for the Negro a different thing. The element of race does not enter here. It is merely a matter of exercising common sense in approaching people through their environment in order to deal with conditions as they are rather than as you would like to see them or imagine that they are. There may be a difference in method of attack, but the principle remains the same.

"Highly educated" Negroes denounce persons who advocate for the Negro a sort of education different in some respects from that now given the white man. Negroes who have been so long inconvenienced and denied opportunities for development are naturally afraid of anything that sounds like discrimination. They are anxious to have everything the white man has even if it is harmful. The possibility of originality in the Negro, therefore, is discounted one hundred per cent to maintain a nominal equality. If the whites decide to take up Mormonism the Negroes must follow their lead. If the whites neglect such a study, then the Negroes must do likewise.

The author, however, does not have such an attitude. He considers the educational system as it has developed both in Europe and America an antiquated process which does not hit the mark even in the case of the needs of the white man himself. If the white man wants to hold on to it, let him do so; but the Negro, so far as he is able, should develop and carry out a program of his own.

The so-called modern education, with all its defects, however, does others so much more good than it does the Negro, because it has been worked out in conformity to the needs of those who have enslaved and oppressed weaker peoples. For example, the philosophy and ethics resulting from our educational system have justified slavery, peonage, segregation, and lynching. The oppressor has the right to exploit, to handicap, and to kill the oppressed. Negroes daily educated in the tenets of such a religion of the strong have accepted the status of the weak as divinely ordained, and during the last three generations of their nominal freedom they have done practically nothing to change it. Their pouting and resolutions indulged in by a few of the race have been of little avail.

No systematic effort toward change has been possible, for, taught the same economics, history, philosophy, literature and religion which have established the present code of morals, the Negro's mind has been brought under the control of his oppressor. The problem of holding the Negro down, therefore, is easily solved. When you control a man's thinking you do not have to worry about his actions. You do not have to tell him not to stand here or go yonder. He will find his "proper place" and will stay in it. You do not need to send him to the back door. He will go without being told. In fact, if there is no back door, he will cut one for his special benefit. His education makes it necessary.


The same educational process which inspires and stimulates the oppressor with the thought that he is everything and has accomplished everything worth while, depresses and crushes at the same time the spark of genius in the Negro by making him feel that his race does not amount to much and never will measure up to the standards of other peoples. The Negro thus educated is a hopeless liability of the race.

The difficulty is that the "educated Negro" is compelled to live and move among his own people whom he has been taught to despise. As a rule, therefore, the "educated Negro" prefers to buy his food from a white grocer because he has been taught that the Negro is not clean. It does not matter how often a Negro washes his hands, then, he cannot clean them, and it does not matter how often a white man uses his hands he cannot soil them. The educated Negro, moreover, is disinclined to take part in Negro business, because he has been taught in economics that Negroes cannot operate in this particular sphere. The "educated Negro" gets less and less pleasure out of the Negro church, not on account of its primitiveness and increasing corruption, but because of his preference for the seats of "righteousness" controlled by his oppressor. This has been his education, and nothing else can be expected of him.

If the "educated Negro" could go off and be white he might be happy, but only a mulatto now and then can do this. The large majority of this class, then, must go through life denouncing white people because they are trying to run away from the blacks and decrying the blacks because they are not white.

Chapter I: The Seat of the Trouble

THE "educated Negroes" have the attitude of contempt toward their own people because in their own as well as in their mixed schools Negroes are taught to admire the Hebrew, the Greek, the Latin and the Teuton and to despise the African. Of the hundreds of Negro high schools recently examined by an expert in the United States Bureau of Education only eighteen offer a course taking up the history of the Negro, and in most of the Negro colleges and universities where the Negro is thought of, the race is studied only as a problem or dismissed as of little consequence. For example, an officer of a Negro university, thinking that an additional course on the Negro should be given there, called upon a Negro Doctor of Philosophy of the faculty to offer such work. He promptly informed the officer that he knew nothing about the Negro. He did not go to school to waste his time that way. He went to be educated in a system which dismisses the Negro as a nonentity.

At a Negro summer school two years ago, a white instructor gave a course on the Negro, using for his text a work which teaches that whites are superior to the blacks. When asked by one of the students why he used such a textbook the instructor replied that he wanted them to get that point of view. Even schools for Negroes, then, are places where they must be convinced of their inferiority.

The thought of the inferiority of the Negro is drilled into him in almost every class he enters and in almost every book he studies. If he happens to leave school after he masters the fundamentals, before he finishes high school or reaches college, he will naturally escape some of this bias and may recover in time to be of service to his people.

Practically all of the successful Negroes in this country are of the uneducated type or of that of Negroes who have had no formal education at all. The large majority of the Negroes who have put on the finishing touches of our best colleges are all but worthless in the development of their people. If after leaving school they have the opportunity to give out to Negroes what traducers of the race would like to have it learn such persons may thereby earn a living at teaching or preaching what they have been taught but they never become a constructive force in the development of the race. The so-called school, then, becomes a questionable factor in the life of this despised people.

As another has well said, to handicap a student by teaching him that his black face is a curse and that his struggle to change his condition is hopeless is the worst sort of lynching. It kills one's aspirations and dooms him to vagabondage and crime. It is strange, then, that the friends of truth and the promoters of freedom have not risen up against the present propaganda in the schools and crushed it. This crusade is much more important than the anti-lynching movement, because there would be no lynching if it did not start in the schoolroom. Why not exploit, enslave, or exterminate a class that everybody is taught to regard as inferior?

To be more explicit we may go to the seat of the trouble. Our most widely known scholars have been trained in universities outside of the South. Northern and Western institutions, however, have had no time to deal with matters which concern the Negro especially. They must direct their attention to the problems of the majority of their constituents, and too often they have stimulated their prejudices by referring to the Negro as unworthy of consideration. Most of what these universities have offered as language, mathematics, and science may have served a good purpose, but much of what they have taught as economics, history, literature, religion and philosophy is propaganda and cant that involved a waste of time and misdirected the Negroes thus trained.

And even in the certitude of science or mathematics it has been unfortunate that the approach to the Negro has been borrowed from a "foreign" method. For example, the teaching of arithmetic in the fifth grade in a backward county in Mississippi should mean one thing in the Negro school and a decidedly different thing in the white school. The Negro children, as a rule, come from the homes of tenants and peons who have to migrate annually from plantation to plantation, looking for light which they have never seen. The children from the homes of white planters and merchants live permanently in the midst of calculations, family budgets, and the like, which enable them sometimes to learn more by contact than the Negro can acquire in school. Instead of teaching such Negro children less arithmetic, they should be taught much more of it than the white children, for the latter attend a graded school consolidated by free transportation when the Negroes go to one-room rented hovels to be taught without equipment and by incompetent teachers educated scarcely beyond the eighth grade.

In schools of theology Negroes are taught the interpretation of the Bible worked out by those who have justified segregation and winked at the economic debasement of the Negro sometimes almost to the point of starvation. Deriving their sense of right from this teaching, graduates of such schools can have no message to grip the people whom they have been ill trained to serve. Most of such mis-educated ministers, therefore, preach to benches while illiterate Negro preachers do the best they can in supplying the spiritual needs of the masses.

In the schools of business administration Negroes are trained exclusively in the psychology and economics of Wall Street and are, therefore, made to despise the opportunities to run ice wagons, push banana carts, and sell peanuts among their own people. Foreigners, who have not studied economics but have studied Negroes, take up this business and grow rich.

In schools of journalism Negroes are being taught how to edit such metropolitan dailies as the Chicago Tribune and the New York Times, which would hardly hire a Negro as a janitor; and when these graduates come to the Negro weeklies for employment they are not prepared to function in such establishments, which, to be successful, must be built upon accurate knowledge of the psychology and philosophy of the Negro.

When a Negro has finished his education in our schools, then, he has been equipped to begin the life of an Americanized or Europeanized white man, but before he steps from the threshold of his alma mater he is told by his teachers that he must go back to his own people from whom he has been estranged by a vision of ideals which in his disillusionment he will realize that he cannot attain. He goes forth to play his part in life, but he must be both social and bisocial at the same time. While he is a part of the body politic, he is in addition to this a member of a particular race to which he must restrict himself in all matters social. While serving his country he must serve within a special group. While being a good American, he must above all things be a "good Negro"; and to perform this definite function he must learn to stay in a "Negro's place."

For the arduous task of serving a race thus handicapped, however, the Negro graduate has had little or no training at all. The people whom he has been ordered to serve have been belittled by his teachers to the extent that he can hardly find delight in undertaking what his education has led him to think is impossible. Considering his race as blank in achievement, then, he sets out to stimulate their imitation of others The performance is kept up a while; but, like any other effort at meaningless imitation, it results in failure.

Facing this undesirable result, the highly educated Negro often grows sour. He becomes too pessimistic to be a constructive force and usually develops into a chronic fault-finder or a complainant at the bar of public opinion. Often when he sees that the fault lies at the door of the white oppressor whom he is afraid to attack, he turns upon the pioneering Negro who is at work doing the best he can to extricate himself from an uncomfortable predicament.

In this effort to imitate, however, these "educated people" are sincere. They hope to make the Negro conform quickly to the standard of the whites and thus remove the pretext for the barriers between the races. They do not realize, however, that even if the Negroes do successfully imitate the whites, nothing new has thereby been accomplished. You simply have a larger number of persons doing what others have been doing. The unusual gifts of the race have not thereby been developed, and an unwilling world, therefore, continues to wonder what the Negro is good for.

These "educated" people, however, decry any such thing as race consciousness; and in some respects they are right. They do not like to hear such expressions as "Negro literature," "Negro poetry," "African art," or "thinking black"; and, roughly speaking, we must concede that such things do not exist. These things did not figure in the courses which they pursued in school, and why should they? "Aren't we all Americans? Then, whatever is American is as much the heritage of the Negro as of any other group in this country."

The "highly educated" contend, moreover, that when the Negro emphasizes these things he invites racial discrimination by recognizing such differentness of the races. The thought that the Negro is one thing and the white man another is the stock-in-trade argument of the Caucasian to justify segregation. Why, then, should the Negro blame the white man for doing what he himself does?

These "highly educated" Negroes, however, fail to see that it is not the Negro who takes this position. The white man forces him to it, and to extricate himself therefrom the Negro leader must so deal with the situation as to develop in the segregated group the power with which they can elevate themselves. The differentness of races, moreover, is no evidence of superiority or of inferiority. This merely indicates that each race has certain gifts which the others do not possess. It is by the development of these gifts that every race must justify its right to exist.

Tuesday, May 17, 2011

On Malcolm X, Manning Marable, Marxism and the Contentious Legacy of Revolution in the United States


Amiri Baraka, b. 1934
Malcolm X, 1925-1965
Manning Marable, 1950-2011
EDITOR'S NOTE: In response to the review below I have posted my own extended critical assessment of Mr. Baraka's critique and analysis directly following the end of his review

Manning Marable’s Malcolm X book

A Book Review
by Amiri Baraka
Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention
by Manning Marable

Viking, 2011

On March 30, 2011 I waited for a car that Manning Marable was supposed to send to pick me up at my house so that we could meet later that day in his office at Columbia University because he wanted to interview me as part of an oral history project. I had met with him two weeks before to discuss how Columbia would handle my papers, that is when we scheduled this last project. But the car never came. I called another driver I knew, a friend of mine and we drove to Columbia, but Marable was not there. It seemed no one at the Africana studies department knew where he was. Finally some word got to me that Manning had gone back into the hospital. I went back home, the next day I got the news on the internet that he had died.

The strangeness of that missed appointment was weird enough, but the fact that his last work on Malcolm X was to be released two days later made the whole ending of our living relationship a frustrating incomplete denouement.

Initially, a friend of mine gave me a copy of the book at a happy discount. Taking it on one of my frequent trips out of town, I began to read. I gave that first copy to my wife when I returned because she had also, as many other people had, been clamoring to read it. As well as asking me relentlessly had I read it. I bought another copy of the book at the Chicago airport, and I guess started to get into the book seriously.

I have known Manning for a number of years. Actually I met him while he was still teaching in Colorado. I even worked under him, when I taught briefly at Columbia University, when he was chairman of the Africana Studies Dept. at Columbia. As well, I have appreciated one of his books, the DuBois (“Black Radical Democrat”) work and at least appreciated the theme of “How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America”, as well as the entire stance of his acknowledgement of the important aspects of American (Black American) history which had to be grasped.

But as recently as a few weeks ago, ironically I had written him a letter about his journal Souls about an essay that quoted a man* who had been accused of participating in the assassination, making some demeaning remarks about Malcolm. My letter questioned the “intelligence” of including the quote since it offered nothing significant to the piece. This was not just loose criticism; I really wanted to know just what purpose the inclusion served. ( *This man Thomas 15X is the same one quoted by Marable as saying that it was the Nation of Islam that burned Malcolm’s house down.)

But with the publication of what some have called “his magnum opus” “Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention” It is not just Marable’s inclusion of tidbits of presumed sexual scandal that should interest readers, that I question, but more fundamentally, what was the consciousness that created this work?

First of all I don’t think we can just bull’s-eye the writer’s intentions, we must include Marable’s consciousness as the overall shaper of his intentions, as well as his method. Originally from Ohio, Marable was a freshman in college in 1969; he did not graduate until 1971. He has been attached to Academic institutions since 1974, Smith, Tuskegee, Univ. of San Francisco, Cornell, Colgate, Purdue, Ohio State, University of Colorado, Columbia. It is no denigration of his life to say that Manning was an academic, a well principled one, but an academic nevertheless.

But Marable did have a political aspect to his life, which I understood and why I think he was a very principled academic. He did understand that the “purely” academic was fabrication of the essentially unengaged. That whatever you might do, there was a conscious political stance that your political consciousness had to assume, even if you refused to take it. So his “membership” in the 1970’s National Political Assembly chaired by Richard Hatcher, Mayor of Gary, Indiana, Rep Charles Diggs, the congressman from Detroit and myself as chairman of the Congress of African Peoples, signified that he was aware and a partisan of that attempt to raise and institutionalize Black political consciousness as a way to organize Black people nationally to struggle for Black political power.

In 1974 Marable joined the Democratic Socialists of America, and for a time was even a Vice Chairman of that organization which is called “Left” but is not a Marxist and certainly not a Marxist-Leninist organization. It is one of those organizations like the group that split from Lenin’s 2nd International which he called socialists in word but chauvinists in reality. So that it is important that we recognize the specific political base upon which Manning’s “observations” may be judged. He is not simply “observing”. He is making judgments.

So that, for instance, for Marable to consistently, throughout his book, call the Nation of Islam a “sect” is a judgment not an observation. The NOI certainly has and had more influence on society than DSA, certainly on Black people. The meaning of this term to suggest a small breakaway group of a religious order that is only used now to connote a “jocular or illiterate” character (according to the OUD) is spurious. But then in relationship to revolutionary Marxism or Marxism –Leninism, DSA certainly fits the description.

My point being that Marable must be judged by what he says not by what others say he “intended”. The best thing about the book, of course, is that it raises Malcolm X to the height of our conversation again, and this is a very good thing in this Obama election period. (Post racial it ain’t!)

The very profile of Malcolm’s life, the outline of his life of struggle needs to be spread across the world again, if only to re-awaken the fiercest “blackness” in us to fight this newly packaged “same ol’ same ol”’emergence of white supremacy and racism.

Whatever Marable is saying or pointing out, in the end, is to convince us of the superiority of social democracy which he refers to as “the Left”, which is anything from DSA to the Trotskyists. The characterization of Bayard Rustin’s “superior” reasoning in a debate with Malcolm or the response of James Farmer to Malcolm’s bringing a “body guard” to Farmer’s house, “Do you think I want to kill you?” tries to render Malcolm some paranoid case when indeed there were people plotting very actively to kill him.

Ultimately, it is Marable’s own political line that renders the book weakened by his consistent attempts to “reduce” Malcolm’s known qualities and status with many largely unsubstantiated injections, many described by Marable himself as “rumors”. Is there, for instance, any real evidence of Malcolm’s or Betty’s sexual trysts. People who knew Charles Kenyatta, for example, in Harlem, will quickly recall a vainglorious fool & liar. Could much of this rumor material actually have come from Marable’s “official” sources, the FBI, CIA, BOSS, NYPD, as well as those in the NOI who hated him. About Malcolm, a sentence like Marable’s “That evening Sharon 6X may have joined him in his hotel” is inexcusable.


When I wrote the FBI asking them to release surveillance materials they had gathered on me, at first the director even denied such papers existed. It was Allen Ginsberg’s lawyer that finally got an admission that such papers existed, and that I could get them for ten cents a page. But when I got the papers, it was my wife, Amina, who said how do we know that the information they haven’t crossed out is stuff they want us to see and so confuse us about what was really going on.

I would submit that is exactly what those agencies would do in this case! To assume because you are given “access” to certain information, that that information is not “cooked”, as people around law enforcement say, is to labor in deep naiveté as to whom you are dealing with!

Marable never made any pretensions about being a “revolutionary”. His hookup with the DSA is open acknowledgment that he rejected Lenin’s prescription for a revolutionary organization, or party of the advanced, or such concepts as “The Dictatorship of the Proletariat”. In fact the DSA says they are not a party, aligning themselves very clearly with Lenin’s opponents in the 2nd International.

Such people, social democrats, are open opponents of revolution, so that at base Marable was opposed to the political logic of Malcolm’s efforts to make revolution. Marable is even more dismissive of the Nation of Islam which he brands a “cult” a “sect” dismissing the fact that even as a religious organization, the NOI had a distinct political message, and that it was this message, I think, more than the direct attraction of Islam, that drew the thousands to it.

If Marable was giving a deeper understanding of Elijah Muhammad’s call for Five States in the south, he would have mentioned the relationship of this concept to Lenin’s formulation of an Afro American Nation in the black belt south (called that because that is the largest single concentration of Afro Americans in the US). It was not simply some Negro fantasy.

If Marable actually understood the political legitimacy of Malcolm’s Black Nationalism and how Malcolm’s constant exposure to the revolutionary aspects of the Civil Rights movement and the more militant Black Liberation Movement shaped his thinking and made his whole presentation more overtly political and that this was not only negative to the core of the NOI bureaucracy but certainly to the FBI, &c. They have even written Malcolm X was much safer to them in the Nation than as a loose cannon roaming the planet outside of it. They understood that what Malcolm was saying, even in The Ballot or the Bullet was dangerous stuff. That his admission that all white people might not be the Devil was not morphing into a Dr. King replica but an understanding, as he said at Oxford University, that when Black people made their revolution there would be some white people joining them.

The meeting with the Klan was not Malcolm’s idea, certainly it was Elijah Muhammad’s as it had been Marcus Garvey’s idea before him. Malcolm’s Black Nationalism became more deliberately a Revolutionary Nationalism, such as Mao Tse Tsung (or Cabral or Nkrumah) spoke of, necessary to rally the nation’s forces together to make lst a national revolution to overthrow foreign domination and followed by a revolution to destroy capitalism.

Importantly, Marable does draw a clearer picture of Malcolm’s childhood and early days, especially indicating the Garvey influence his parents taught him and how that would make him open to what Elijah Muhammad taught. Unlike the obscure flashbacks of Spike Lee’s version of Malcolm’s early days. Though Marable ascribes some wholly political “defiance” to the conked hair and zoot suits of the 40’s rather than understanding that there was also a deep organic cultural expression that is always evident in Black life. It is not just a formal reaction to white society. African pants are similarly draped. Access to straightening combs or conkolene are a product of the period, and certainly if any straight hair is gonna be imitated, there was some here before the Latinos.

The “antibourgeois” attitude of the Black youth culture is organic and an expression of the gestalt of black life in the US and Marable seems not to wholly understand it. For instance his take on BeBop as the music of “the hepcats (sic) who broke mostly sharply from swing, developing a black oriented sound at the margins of musical taste and commercialism.” But BeBop was a revolutionary music, dismissing Tin Pan Alley commercialism and raising the blues and improvisation again as principal to black music.

The essential “disconnection “ in the book is Marable’s failure to understand the revolutionary aspects of Black Nationalism, as a struggle for “ Self Determination, Self Respect and Self Defense”. A struggle for equal democratic rights expressed on the sidewalks of an oppressor nation by an oppressed Afro- American nationality.

What the book does is try to remove Malcolm from the context and character of an Afro American revolutionary and “make him more human”, by dismantling that portrait by redrawing him with the rumors, assumptions, speculations, questionable guesses and the intentionally twisted seeing of the state and his enemies.

Was Captain Joseph (who later changed his name to Yusuf Shah) close to Malcolm? He appeared on television calling Malcolm “Benedict Arnold” and told Spike Lee that I had come up to the Mosque and stood up to question Malcolm and Malcolm told me to “sit down until you get rid of that white woman”. I met Malcolm only once, the month before he was murdered. This was in Muhammad Babu’s room at the Waldorf Astoria. Babu had just finished leading the revolution in Zanzibar, and would later become Minister of Economics for Tanzania( which was Zanzibar and Tanganyika).

At that meeting Malcolm responded to my demeaning of the NAACP by saying I should be trying, instead, to join the NAACP, to make a point about Black people needing a “United Front”. That idea was not an attempt at “trying to become respectable”, to paraphrase Marable, Malcolm had come to realize that no sectarianism could make the revolution we needed. Interestingly, Stokely Carmichael also called for the building of a Black United Front, and Martin Luther King, when he visited my house in Newark, a week before he was murdered, called for the same political strategy. It was such a front that was a major part of the national democratic coalition that elected Obama.

As for Yusuf Shah, when Spike Lee repeated Shah’s wild allegations about me in his book How I Made The Movie X, I asked a college friend mine, who had become my part time lawyer, Hudson Reed,to file a suit against Shah demanding he be questioned in court for any “exculpatory” evidence relating to the murder of Malcolm X, particularly as to the involvement of himself and organized crime. A short time later, Shah, who had moved to Massachusetts, died in his sleep. Marable reports that Captain Joseph/Yusuf Shah’s FBI file was “empty”!

It is Marable’s misunderstanding of the revolutionary aspect of Black Nationalism that challenges the portrait not only of Malcolm but of the period and it’s organizations as well. He treats the split between Malcolm X and the NOI much like he assumes the police did. (Though this is patently false.) As a struggle between “two warring black gangs”, a sect splitting from the main.

So that there is much more from Marable framing Malcolm’s murder as directed by the NOI, rather than the state. Marable’s general portrait of Malcolm is as doomed and confused individual about whom he could say that “Malcolm extensively read history but he was not a historian”. As if the academic title “HISTORIAN” conferred a more scientific understanding of history than any grassroots’ scholar might have. Simple class bias.

To say of the NOI that it was not a radical organization obscures the Black Nationalist confrontation with the white racist oppressor nation. Marable thinks that the Trots of the SWP or the members of the CP or the Committees of Correspondence are more radical. That means he has not even understood Lenin’s directive as pointed out in Stalin’s Foundations of Leninism, in The National Question,

“…The revolutionary character of a national movement under the conditions of imperialist oppression does not necessarily presuppose the existence of proletarian elements in the movement, the existence of a revolutionary or a republican programme of the movement, the existence of a democratic basis of the movement. The struggle that the Emir of Afghanistan is waging for the independence of Afghanistan is objectively a revolutionary struggle, despite the monarchist view of the Emir and his associates, for it weakens, disintegrates and undermines imperialism; whereas the struggle waged by such ‘desperate’ democrats and ‘socialists’, ‘revolutionaries’ and republicans…was a reactionary struggle. …Lenin was right in saying that the national movement of the oppressed countries should be appraised not from the point of view of formal democracy but from the point of view of the actual results , as shown by the general balance sheet of struggle against imperialism” –Foundations of Leninism, p77

Marable thinks that the Trots like the SWP or the soi disant Marxists in CPUSA or the Committees of Correspondence (a breakaway from the CPUSA) or the DSA are more radical than the NOI or Malcolm X. Perhaps on paper. But not in the real world of the Harlem streets. Malcolm came out the NOI, Dr. King from the reformist SCLC. But both men were more objectively revolutionary on those Harlem streets or in those southern marches than any of the social democratic formations and the social democrats ought to face this.

Marable spends most of his time trying to make the NOI Malcolm’s murderers. Information from FBLI, BOSS, CIA, NYPD, would tend to push this view, for obvious reasons. In this vein Marable says that Malcolm’s Africa trips “made his murder all the more necessary from an institutional standpoint.” That Malcolm’s actions “had been all too provocative” to Elijah Muhammad and the NOI. But what about the Imperialist U.S. state and its agencies of detection and murder? They would be more provoked and better able to end such provocation. If there’s a well-known murderer of Malcolm X still running loose as Marable and others have pointed out, how is it he remains free and we must presume that those agencies of the state know this as well as Marable and the others!

But even as he keeps hammering away that it was the Nation of Islam, he still says contradictorily “The fatwa, or death warrant , may or may not have been signed by Elijah Muhammad, there is no way of knowing.” Many of Marable’s claims fall under the same category.

He even quotes Malcolm after he was refused entrance into France that he had been making a “serious mistake” by focusing attention on the NOI Chicago headquarters “thinking all my problems were coming from Chicago and they’re not”. Asked then from where, Malcolm said “From Washington”.

Marable also tells us that even today the FBI refuses to release its reports on Malcolm’s assassination. Yet he will quote one of those agencies without question. Of Betty Shabazz’ death Marable says flatly, of Malcolm’s daughter Qubilah…”her disturbed twelve-year old son set fire one night to his grandmother’s apartment”. How does he know this? Is an official government “information” release that impressive? There are many doubts about that murder; shouldn’t some of them have been investigated?

Some of the characterizations in the book are simply incorrect and suffer from only knowing about the movement on paper. Marable saying about Stokely Carmichael, after splitting with “pacifist” Bob Moses and SNCC that he would subsequently join the Black Panthers” is such an example. Carmichael didn’t join the Panthers; he was “drafted” along with Rap Brown.

Marable says in effect that Malcolm misunderstood Martin Luther King’s influence on Black people. He didn’t misunderstand that influence he was trying to provide an alternative to it. Though ultimately I believe both leaders later conclusion that a United Front would be the most formidable instrument to achieve equal rights and self-determination for the Afro American people. I would have liked to see Malcolm and Martin in the same organization, and for that matter Garvey & DuBois. They could argue all day and all night and in the end some of us might not agree on the majority’s decision, but like the Congress of the United States we’d have to say “I don’t even agree with that…but that’s what we voted to do”!

Interestingly, on the back of the book are three academics who represent the same social democratic thought as Prof Marable. Gates who disparages Africa, looks for racism in Cuba not Cambridge and says the Harvard Yard is his nation.

My friend Cornel West who in response to me calling out at the Left Forum, “Where are the socialists, where are the communists” shouts “I’m a Christian!” And Michael Eric Dyson who wrote a book on Dr. King calling it the “True Dr. King’ somewhat like Marable’s approach to Malcolm. So it is necessary that we rid ourselves of the real leaders of our struggle, in favor of Academics who want to tell us we were following flawed leaders with flawed ideas. We don’t need equal rights and self-determination, an appointment to an Ivy League school will do just fine.

Amiri Baraka5/4/11
New Ark


Kofi Natambu's critical response to Amiri Baraka's review and critique of Manning Marable's new book about Malcolm X

Amiri,

I've read and reread your Marable on Malcolm essay three times now and while I find it to be a very insightful, perceptive, and useful analysis in some particular, specific respects, I also find a number of your fundamental conceptions, premises, and generalizations about Manning, his politics, and general intellectual work-- as well as your own competing and critical/subjective notions of "revolution", "social democracy", "academia", and "Marxism" (or Marxist-Leninism) in your specific critical assessments of Manning's "personal" or ideological/theoretical takes on Malcolm-- to be somewhat flawed and not quite accurate either historically, politically, or analytically. I hasten to add that my own personal perspective on what you and Manning have written about Malcolm is NOT a matter of me simply "defending" or "attacking" either you or Manning or your respective stances on who and/or what Malcolm X was or wasn't with respect to U.S. history, political/cultural ideology, and social/revolutionary activism. I find those kinds of either hagiographic and/or ad hominem approaches to important larger critical questions and analyses of thought and practice to be hopelessly irrelevant and beside the much larger and far more important point of developing and pursuing a critique that is truly worthy of further investigation, study, and "objectively" critical/self critical thought and practice.

With that said I hope and trust you will take and respond to my own comments on what you have written below in that spirit and context.

First: It is not clear at all that what you identify in your essay as "social democracy" is in fact what Manning's position was with respect to either Malcolm or the idea of "revolution" generally. Whether one considers one group or theoretical position "soi disant" or not, it is important to note that many various competing tendencies of Marxist thought and practice vary widely in form and content according to various particular sets of historical, social, cultural, and economic circumstances and realities vis-a-vis others. So while, for example, Lenin, Trotsky, or Stalin would make theoretical and practical determinations based on or rooted in the specific dynamics of their own particular historical experiences with the analytical and ideological categories of Marxist thought (e.g. class, ethnicity, gender, religion, social structure, "culture" etc.) it is crucial to note that such disparate Marxist and revolutionary activists and theoreticians as Mao, Che, Fidel, Antonio Gramsci, Rosa Luxembourg, Ho Chi Minh, Salvador Allende, Amilcar Cabral, and CLR James etc.--just to name a few-- all had their more or less generally "Leninist", "Stalinist", or "Trotskyist" takes on what they thought and insisted "revolution" and Marxism to mean in the societies and cultures that each of these individuals lived and worked in. But beyond their own personal allegiances to one or the other particular 'brand(s)' of Marxist philosophy and activism throughout history---be they via the 1st, 2nd, or 3rd internationals of the Communist parties of the Soviet Union and their global allies or to other contending formations in other parts of the world--each of these "revolutionary" individuals engaged in their own intense competition with or even opposition to what others said or thought "real" Marxism and social revolution was or wasn't given the particular concerns, dynamics, and contradictions they and their societies happened to be faced with. My point here is that while Manning's ideas about Marxism and revolution were not the same as yours-- as you've forcefully pointed out-- that doesn't mean that Manning was simply or merely a "social democrat" who was opposed to revolution--as either defined by you or previous tendencies of Marxist thought and practice. And it is simply reductionist, intellectually dishonest, and superficially ad hominem to suggest that Manning's career as an 'academic'--which is used rather disingenuously in this context by you as a dismissive perjorative category-- was the full extent of his "revolutionary" activity as either a historian, a scholar, a "Marxist", or an activist. I mean both you and he both did (and should have!) duked it out publically and privately as to what critical interpretations and conceptions were more or less correct and incorrect with respect to the complex and contentious notions of what constituted Marxist/revolutionary doctrine and practice, but to conflate Manning's extensive academic and social activism within fundamentally radical contexts with that of Henry Louis Gates (!), Michael Eric Dyson (!!), or even Cornel West (who rather bizarrely claims that "Christianity" supersedes Marxism in his work when most of his own analyses and stances are in fact drenched in and deeply indebted to Marxist exegesis and theoretical formulations) is not only wrong and inaccurate but FALSE. Manning was emphatically NOT a "social democrat" in the reductive sense that you use the term in your piece--DSA or no DSA membership. Nor was he writing about Malcolm in order to confirm or deny his own attachment to revolutionary activity--regardless of whether he was either 'right 'or 'wrong' about what he thought Malcolm did or didn't do in his life and work. Within that context I should add here that I think by far the strongest and most clearly dialectical part of your analysis of Manning's book are the following very important points:

"If Marable actually understood the political legitimacy of Malcolm’s Black Nationalism and how Malcolm’s constant exposure to the revolutionary aspects of the Civil Rights movement and the more militant Black Liberation Movement shaped his thinking and made his whole presentation more overtly political and that this was not only negative to the core of the NOI bureaucracy but certainly to the FBI, &c. They have even written Malcolm X was much safer to them in the Nation than as a loose cannon roaming the planet outside of it. They understood that what Malcolm was saying, even in The Ballot or the Bullet was dangerous stuff. That his admission that all white people might not be the Devil was not morphing into a Dr. King replica but an understanding, as he said at Oxford University, that when Black people made their revolution there would be some white people joining them... The “antibourgeois” attitude of the Black youth culture is organic and an expression of the gestalt of black life in the US and Marable seems not to wholly understand it. For instance his take on BeBop as the music of “the hepcats (sic) who broke mostly sharply from swing, developing a black oriented sound at the margins of musical taste and commercialism”. BeBop was a revolutionary music, dismissing Tin Pan Alley commercialism and raising the blues and improvisation again as principal to black music. The essential “disconnection “ in the book is Marable’s failure to understand the revolutionary aspects of Black Nationalism, as a struggle for “ Self Determination, Self Respect and Self Defense”. A struggle for equal democratic rights expressed on the sidewalks of an oppressor nation by an oppressed Afro American nationality. What the book does is try to remove Malcolm from the context and character of an Afro American revolutionary and “make him more human”, by dismantling that portrait by redrawing him with the rumors, assumptions, speculations, questionable guesses and the intentionally twisted seeing of the state and his enemies.

And this:
"Marable says in effect that Malcolm misunderstood Martin Luther King’s influence on Black people. He didn’t misunderstand that influence he was trying to provide an alternative to it. Though ultimately I believe both leaders later conclusion that a United Front would be the most formidable instrument to achieve equal rights and self-determination for the Afro American people. I would have liked to see Malcolm and Martin in the same organization, and for that matter Garvey & DuBois. They could argue all day and all night and in the end some of us might not agree on the majority’s decision, but like the Congress of the United States we’d have to say “I don’t even agree with that…but that’s what we voted to do”!"
But beyond these very cogent remarks I find it is a fundamental waste of valuable time, energy, and critical focus to write and act as though Manning's perceptions and analytical strengths (and weaknesses--which we ALL have!) were simply a case of him being a distant academic elitist however "well principled" who didn't fully comprehend or appreciate Marxist ideas and principles. Because that simply ain't the truth no matter who says it! Rather what needs to be acknowledged and said over and over again if necessary is that you and he had different, contradictory, and contending ideas and conceptions of (yes Marxist) revolutionary thought and practice that sometimes dovetailed and sometimes didn't--for either "positive" or "negative" reasons (after all that's what an aporia/blindspot means). Whether one is an "academic" an "artist" a "scholar" an "intellectual" or not (and intellectuals pretending to be superior to other intellectuals because they think one is "real and authentic" and the other is not is simply pinheaded anti-intellectual bullshit and boneheaded demagoguery that is far beneath any of us). So let's indeed FIGHT AND STRUGGLE WITH AND FIERCELY DISAGREE WITH ONE ANOTHER IF NEED BE. But let's also not pretend that we are "superior" to one another because we have and advocate different ideas of what revolution is and what it can or should mean. Manning's actual contributions were in fact far more profound, necessary, and useful than THAT--and so are yours... This was a very valuable lesson that even both Malcolm and MLK had to learn and grow from-- and not so ironically why in the end they were both ultimately assassinated by the State--regardless of what happened to either the NOI or SCLC. In that far more sober and mature context I think it is deeply crucial that like the men and women from history we admire and seek to emulate--regardless of their all too human flaws, shortcomings, or APORIAS--we keep our eyes, hearts, and souls focused on the real targets and not merely on the given limitations and inadequacies that we all face and must continue to struggle with and through. Just like Sisyphus and that eternal mountain you always brilliantly remember to remind us of...

Peace & Struggle,

Kofi
May 17, 2011


Saturday, April 9, 2011

Dr. Manning Marable, 1950-2011: Historian, Scholar, Activist, Journalist, Public Intellectual, Educator, Critic, and Revolutionary

Dr. Manning Marable, 1950-2011



Dr. Manning Marable in his Columbia University office in 2001 beside painting of Malcolm X

Mario Tama/Getty Images



Dr. Manning Marable in his Columbia University Office in 2010
Photo by David Shankbone
Malcolm X : A Life of Reinvention by Manning Marable was published April 4, 2011 (Viking Press)


Beyond Boundaries: The Manning Marable Reader was published April 1, 2011 (Paperback edition), Paradigm Publishers

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/02/arts/manning-marable-60-historian-and-social-critic.html?ref=books

All,

Dr. Manning Marable was a true giant as both an extraordinary scholar and critic and his tireless work as a major African American historian, social theorist, committed radical activist, journalist, public intellectual, and gifted teacher over the past 40 years is legendary. Eloquence, power, wit, insight, and a very sharp and dynamic critical intelligence informed by an encyclopedic knowledge of history, politics, economics, philosophy, and sociology marked everything he did. I'm still in a state of shock over his untimely death. What a huge loss! Manning was one of the most important and prolific historians, theorists, and radical activists in the United States and we owe the man and his work a great debt that can only begin to be repaid by continuing to do serious work in our own lives and to generously SHARE IT WITH OTHERS as Dr. Marable did routinely throughout his astonishing life. It is in this spirit of deep and enduring revolutionary and human solidarity that we offer the following extended tribute to Manning's inspiring life and work.

Kofi


Manning Marable, Historian and Social Critic, Dies at 60
By WILLIAM GRIMES

April 1, 2011

New York Times

Manning Marable, a leading scholar of black history and a leftist critic of American social institutions and race relations, whose long-awaited biography of Malcolm X, more than a decade in the writing, is scheduled to be published on Monday, died on Friday in Manhattan. He was 60.

His wife, Leith Mullings, said that the cause was not known but that Mr. Marable, who lived in Manhattan, had entered the hospital with pneumonia in early March. In July 2010, he had undergone a double lung transplant.

Mr. Marable, a prolific writer and impassioned polemicist, addressed issues of race and economic injustice in numerous works that established him as one of the most forceful and outspoken scholars of African-American history and race relations in the United States.

He explored this territory in books like “How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America” (1983), “Black Liberation in Conservative America” (1997) and “The Great Wells of Democracy” (2003), and in a political column, “Along the Color Line,” which was syndicated in more than 100 newspapers.

At nearly 600 pages, “Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention,” to be published by Viking, presents a hefty counterweight to the well-known account “The Autobiography of Malcolm X.”

The autobiography, long considered a classic of the 1960s civil rights struggle, was an “as told to” book written with Alex Haley and published in 1965.

Mr. Marable, drawing on new sources, archival material and government documents unavailable to Mr. Haley, developed a fuller account of Malcolm X’s politics, religious beliefs and personal life, as well as his role in the civil rights movement and the circumstances of his assassination.

He also offers a revisionist portrait of Malcolm X at odds with Mr. Haley’s presentation of him as an evolving integrationist.

“We need to look at the organic evolution of his mind and how he struggled to find different ways to empower people of African descent by any means necessary,” Mr. Marable said in a 2007 interview with Amy Goodman on the radio program “Democracy Now.”

Mr. Marable’s political philosophy was often described as transformationist, as opposed to integrationist or separatist. That is, he urged black Americans to transform existing social structures and bring about a more egalitarian society by making common cause with other minorities and change-minded groups like environmentalists.

“By dismantling the narrow politics of racial identity and selective self-interest, by going beyond ‘black’ and ‘white,’ we may construct new values, new institutions and new visions of an America beyond traditional racial categories and racial oppression,” he wrote in the essay collection “Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics” (1995).

In a telephone interview on Friday, the scholar and author Cornel West called Mr. Marable “our grand radical democratic intellectual,” adding, “He kept alive the democratic socialist tradition in the black freedom movement, and I had great love and respect for him.”

William Manning Marable was born on May 13, 1950, in Dayton, Ohio. He earned a bachelor’s degree from Earlham College in Richmond, Ind., and a master’s degree from the University of Wisconsin before receiving his doctorate from the University of Maryland in 1976.

He directed ethnic studies programs at a number of colleges, notably the Race Relations Institute at Fisk University and the Africana and Latin American Studies program at Colgate University.

He was the chairman of the black studies department at Ohio State University in the late 1980s and also taught ethnic studies at the University of Colorado, Boulder.

At Columbia University, where he became a professor of public affairs, political science, history and African-American studies in 1993, he was the founding director of the Institute for Research in African-American Studies and the Center for the Study of Contemporary Black History.

In addition to his wife, who teaches anthropology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and who co-edited several of his books, Mr. Marable is survived by three children, Joshua Manning Marable of Boulder; Malaika Marable Serrano of Silver Spring, Md.; and Sojourner Marable Grimmett of Atlanta; two stepchildren, Alia Tyner of Manhattan and Michael Tyner of Brooklyn; a sister, Madonna Marable of Dayton; and three grandchildren.

His other books included Race, Reform and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945-1982” (1984) and “The Great Wells of Democracy : The Meaning of Race in American Life” ( 2002), as well as two biographies published in 2005, W. E. B. DuBois: Black Radical Democrat” and “The Autobiography of Medgar Evers,” which he edited with Myrlie Evers-Williams, Evers’s widow.

He was the general editor of “Freedom on My Mind: The Columbia Documentary History of the African American Experience” (2003).

In 1992 he published “On Malcolm X: His Message and Meaning,” a work that prefigured the consuming project of his later years. “Beyond Boundaries: The Manning Marable Reader,” a selection of his writings, was published in January by Paradigm.


http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/jacketcopy/2011/04/malcolm-x-biographer-manning-marable-has-died.html


Jacket Copy
BOOKS, AUTHORS AND ALL THINGS BOOKISH

Malcolm X biographer Manning Marable has died
April 1, 2011
Los Angeles Times


Manning Marable, whose long-awaited biography of Malcolm X, "Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention," will be published on Monday, died Friday. He was 60 years old.

Marable, who had led African American studies at Columbia University, was a professor there with many titles. Officially, he was the M. Moran Weston and Black Alumni Council Professor of African-American Studies and professor of history and public affairs at Columbia University. Columbia also notes that he was founding director of African American studies at Columbia from 1993 to 2003 and since 2002, he directed Columbia's Center for Contemporary Black History.

As far back as 2005, Marable was talking about "Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention." In February of that year, on Malcolm X's birthday, he told Democracy Now about the materials that he had seen that others had not, including three "missing" chapters from Malcolm's autobiography that he said show the leader in a very different light.

Back then, Marable had already been at work on the biography for a decade -- meaning that he'd spent more than 15 years on the book and died just three days before its publication.

"A Life of Reinvention" by Manning Marable will be published by Viking on Monday.

Marable's other books include "Beyond Black and White: Race in America's Past, Present and Future" (1995), "The Crisis of Color and Democracy" (1995) and "The Great Wells of Democracy: The Meaning of Race in American Life" (2003).

The New York Times reports that Marable suffered from sarcoidosis and had undergone a double lung transplant as treatment for the disease last the summer. Last month he was hospitalized with pneumonia.

-- Carolyn Kellogg


http://www.thenation.com/print/blog/159661/great-wells-manning-marable

The Great Wells of Manning Marable
Melissa Harris-Perry
April 3, 2011
The Nation

We have suffered a great loss in the passing of Professor Manning Marable. As my Nation colleague John Nichols wrote yesterday [1], the coming weeks will be filled with tributes to Manning’s life and work. He was, as John says, “one of America’s truest public intellectuals.”

Manning was an unflinching and breathtakingly prolific scholar whose commitments to racial, economic, gender, and international justice were unparalleled. In decades of weekly columns, hundreds of academic journal articles and a dozen books, Manning has already written his own legacy. But despite the fact that we all have “Manning Marable shelves” in our personal libraries, there are two generations of African-American scholars who will remember him as much for the mentor he was to us as for the research legacy he leaves.

It is still a surprisingly lonely endeavor to be an African-American academic pursuing research on black life. Despite the outward appearance of successful careers, many black social scientists, historians and humanists wage a daily battle for relevance and respect in our departments and on our campuses. The fight begins in graduate school and does not seem to abate even after we have published articles, written books, achieved tenure or garnered professional praise.

In our loneliness and struggle many of us reach out for mentors. It is relatively easy to find senior scholars who will offer encouraging words, well-rehearsed advice and general praise. But Manning managed to do so much more than that. To be a student or a junior faculty member in Manning’s office was to wait for the smile. He would listen intently and seriously as you told him about the project you envisioned, the finding you made or a conclusion you’d drawn. As you spoke, his face was a mask of stillness covering a never-resting intellect just below the surface. It was more than a little intimidating to present an idea to Manning. But if he liked what you were up to or thought you had uncovered a promising direction then his face would crack into a broad and compelling smile that made the whole nerve-wracking experience worth it. If you got the smile then you knew you could keep going.

This was only the most surface way that Manning mentored us. As a student of politics and history, he understood that young race scholars faced steep structural barriers and entrenched academic practices that no amount of well-intentioned professional cheerleading could erase. Instead of just telling us we could do it, Manning helped make “doing it” possible.

As founding director of Columbia University’s Institute for Research in African-American Studies, Manning created a place where students could stretch their intellect in uncoventional ways. He encouraged students to study black life using methods and asking questions that typical disciplinary boundaries so often limit and discourage in our work. His institute was a gathering place for people from all over the world who insisted on critical connections between theory and practice. Through publication of his quarterly journal, Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture and Society [2], Manning gave many race scholars their first academic publications. Those early publications were decisive in the careers of many of the best professors in the academy today. Through his regular column "Along the Color Line" Manning gave us permission to and a model for reaching beyond the walls of the academy. He reminded us that our work was about something other than our own profession and that we owed debts to the communities who were the source material of our academic writing.

Manning did more than encourage us. He made a way for us. He cleared brush. He extended his protections. He shared his resources with uncompromising generosity. And he did all of this without needing to turn us into his personal collection. He very rarely took credit for our successes, despite his important role in all that we were able to do.

Manning Marable’s 2002 book is titled The Great Wells of American Democracy. It is a biting and critical text that challenges simplistic heroic narratives of American history, but simultaneously retains profound optimism about the inherent possibilities of the American experiment. When I think of Manning himself it is as a great well—possessing reserves of energy, intellect and commitment I have never before witnessed.

I have a recurring, Descartes-inspired, dualist fantasy. I imagine how much I could accomplish if I were not hindered by the realities of being embodied. I have so many ideas and intentions. I see so many paths and possibilities. I want to explore so many connections and paths. Think of how much I could accomplish if I were only mind and will unfettered by eyes that grow wearing of reading, hands that become exhausted from typing, a back that aches from sitting at the desk and a body that must eat and rest.

To those of us he mentored, it seemed like Manning had achieved this feat. I wondered if he had somehow bent the rules of the physical world in order to accomplish an unthinkable amount of work in such short periods. He felt like pure energy. But our dearest Manning was in a body. He was in a body that was broken and struggling. It turns out that our beloved mentor was mortal after all. I cannot believe that he is gone. I cannot even believe it is possible that he could be gone.

That we will have his long-anticipated, great and final work [3] even as he leaves us is so classically, tragically appropriate. Manning would never leave us without one more contribution, one more trail blazed, one more bar raised, one more possibility realized, one last drink from the great well of himself.

[1] http://www.thenation.com/blog/159660/manning-marable-public-intellectual-service-democracy
[2] http://www.columbia.edu/cu/ccbh/souls/
[3] http://www.amazon.com/Malcolm-X-Reinvention-Manning-Marable/dp/0670022209
[4] http://itunes.apple.com/us/app/nationnow/id399704758?mt=8


http://www.thenation.com/blog/159660/manning-marable-public-intellectual-service-democracy



Published in The Nation
http://www.thenation.com


Manning Marable: A Public Intellectual in the Service of Democracy
by John Nichols
April 2, 2011
The Nation


Many tributes will be paid in coming days to our friend and comrade from so many struggles, Manning Marable [1]. The accolades will be rich in sentiment and content, the praise high, and appropriately so.

The great historian of the African American political experience who as a Columbia University professor helped to establish the Institute for Research in African-American Studies and the Center for Contemporary Black History,” Marable was an academic heavyweight whose scholarship earned international recognition—and whose new book Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention [2], which will be published Monday by Viking, will reconfirm his status as a groundbreaking historian. His death Friday at age 60, after a long battle with lung disease, was brutally timed, as the diligent scholar’s greatest moment of national prominence was about to arrive with the publication of a biography not just of a man, Malcolm X, but of movements and the transformation of a nation.

Had he lived, Manning would have used that moment, as he always did, to talk not just about his own work but about the many struggles to which he was devoted,

As one of America’s truest public intellectuals, Manning always engaged with the great debates of his days: debates about race, class, gender, war and elections. The record of that engagement is remarkable, and it remains in our possession, in the form of his “Along the Color Line” columns that appeared for years in African-American weekly newspapers (and eventually on the web).

Manning and I shared a passion for weekly newspaper writing. We both started contributing to our local papers as schoolchildren: he in his native Dayton, I in rural Wisconsin. When he was 17, his mother encouraged Manning to attend the funeral of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., after he was slain on April 4, 1968. She wanted her son “to witness a significant event in our people’s history.”

Manning made the trip as the “Youth Speaks Out” columnist for a weekly that served Dayton’s African-American community. Years later, he would write about these experiences in a fine collection of his columns and essays, Speaking Truth to Power: Essays On Race, Resistance, And Radicalism (Westview) [3].

“With Martin’s death, my childhood abruptly ended,” Manning explained. “My understanding of political change began a trajectory from reform to radicalism.”

Even as he embarked upon an educational path that aimed toward academia—gaining an undergraduate degree at Earlham College, a master’s degree from the University of Wisconsin-Madison and a PhD in American history from the University of Maryland—Manning remained a contributor and columnist for African-American weeklies and other publications. He was, as well, a prominent participant in the New America Movement, Democratic Socialists of America, the New Party, the Black Radical Congress and the Movement for a Democratic Society, which he chaired.

Manning was a radical democrat—with the emphasis on the small “d”—who believed in political participation with a purpose. “Progressives can gain positions within the state, especially at municipal and state levels, which can help fund and support grass roots interests and indirectly assist in the development of a socialist majority,” explained the professor whose columns chronicled the campaigns of Jesse Jackson for the presidency but also local contenders from across the country for school board seats and mayoralties.

Manning broke often with the Democratic Party and encouraged independent poitical endeavors. He sympathized with Ralph Nader’s run for the presidency in 2000, as with his friend and frequent intellectual and ideological ally Cornell West. But, in 2008, Manning made the case for why progressives who had doubts about Barack Obama should back the Democrat for the presidency.

When I was preparing my book on the influence of social-democratic movements in America, The “S” Word (Verso) [4], I consulted and quoted Manning’s observations on the Obama campaign. They were, as was consistently the case with his commentary, grounded in understandings of history both studied and experienced.

Manning had few illusions about Obama. At the same time, he had few doubts about the historical and political importance of the movement that elected the first African-American president.

While Manning identified Obama as a “liberal,” he also observed: [5] “What makes Obama different (from many other liberals) is that he has also been a community organizer. He has read left literature, including my works, and he understands what socialism is.”

The point was not to suggest that Obama was a socialist. Rather, it was to suggest that the senator from Illinois brought a broader range of experience—personal and ideological—to the campaign trail and the presidency than did most liberals.

Manning was hopeful about Obama, but not unrealistic [5].

“Most of us on the left have taken a position of critical support toward Obama. We have to press him to carry out his own agenda,” he wrote shortly after the 2008 election. “The analogy of FDR is appropriate. But someone has to play the role of A. Philip Randolph, the black socialist leader who attacked FDR from the left and in 1941 forced him to sign an executive order outlawing racial discrimination in factories producing for the war effort that refused to hire black people. Randolph threatened to bring 100,000 black workers to surround the White House. Roosevelt capitulated and signed an order that was the foundation of affirmative action.”

Perhaps he was being idealistic. But part of Manning’s contribution as a public intellectual in the service of democracy lay in his determination to keep the faith—to believe, and to help others to believe, that progress was possible, and that it was still realistic to speak of mobilizing masses of Americans on behalf of radical change.

In one of his finest “Along the Color Line” columns [6], a missive broadly circulated in the African-American weekly press and online, Manning Marable concluded: “If we can dare to dream politically, let us dream of the world as it should be.”




http://www.theroot.com/views/remembering-manning-marable




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Manning Marable: A Brother, a Mentor, a Great Mind
By Michael Eric Dyson
April 2, 2011 The Root

Michael Eric Dyson recalls the pioneering scholar as a 20th-century Frederick Douglass who nurtured and inspired talented young academics.

I discovered Manning Marable as a 21-year-old freshman at Knoxville College, a historically black college I'd left my native Detroit to attend after working in factories and fathering a son during the time most college-bound kids are in school.

I was in the library stacks, browsing the sociology section, when I came upon a book that grabbed my attention: From the Grassroots: Social and Political Essays Towards Afro-American Liberation. It was clear that Marable's left politics reflected how he had baptized classic European social theory in the black experience. "Wow," I said to myself. "If Karl Marx was a brother, this is how he'd write and think."

The author photo on this intriguing book showed a young man with a handsome face that was crowned by a shock of black hair whose woolly Afro styling conjured a 20th-century Frederick Douglass. As I was to learn later, the comparison to Douglass didn't end at the 'fro, since Marable, like his 19th-century predecessor, was an eloquent spokesman for the democratic dreams of despised black people.

As I devoured Marable's brilliant work -- including his quick 1980 follow-up, Blackwater: Historical Studies in Race, Class Consciousness, and Revolution, and his pioneering 1983 work, How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America -- I knew I was in the presence of a world-class intellectual who lent his learning to the liberation of the vulnerable masses. I was impressed that a man so smart and accomplished could so unashamedly identify with struggling black folk -- and I was really impressed that he was so young, only eight years older than I.

Years later, when he invited me to Columbia to teach as a visiting professor in the late '90s, and I recalled again to Marable my introduction to his work, he flashed that magnetic smile of his and said that he was glad his books could help a brilliant young intellectual find his way. That, of course, was vintage Marable: deflecting attention from his Herculean efforts to parse the meaning of black political destiny by embracing the promise of a younger colleague.

And that wasn't just something he did with me; Marable nurtured and guided a veritable tribe of graduate students and junior professors as they sought sure footing in the academy. He was generous with his time and insight; he had a real talent for spotting rising stars, and a genius for tutelage and inspiration, with either a bon mot if time was short or a hearty, dynamic, luxurious, sprawling conversation when you were blessed to find his inner circle.


What was remarkable about Marable is that he possessed none of the jealousies and backbiting that render the professional academic guild a highfalutin' version of hip-hop culture's lethal fratricidal tensions. Please don't be confused: Marable loved academic gossip and tidbits of underground cultural stories as much as the rest of us, but he was never mean-spirited or vicious in his often humorous relay of the folly or hubris of a colleague or acquaintance.

Marable was kind and sweet, a teddy bear of a patriarch who watched over his young charges with wise forbearance. And he proved, in the tender and enduring companionship that he forged with his life mate, the brilliant anthropologist Leith Mullings, that you can love and learn with a black woman and drink in her beauty and brains in one sweet swig.

Marable's huge hunger to tell the truth about black suffering could never be satisfied. In a relentless stream of articles, essays, newspaper columns and books, he detailed the burdens of race and class and how these forces -- along with gender, age and sexual orientation -- ganged up on black folk and mugged us at every turn, robbing us of our dignity and our right to exist without being ambushed by inequality and injustice.

Long before the term "public intellectual" became the rage, again, Marable showed us just what engaged academics worth their salt and degrees should be up to: offering sharp analysis of the social behaviors and political practices that shape or distort our democratic heritage, while encouraging the powerless to take on the mighty with pen and protest. Marable could never get enough of such work, and he taught us all how to combine sophisticated critical scrutiny and compassionate regard for the lowly, never putting either goal in jeopardy by neglecting the work that must be done to be both smart and good.

And now, even in death, Marable teaches us still. His magnum opus, his summum bonum -- what all of his books on the urgent relevance of black politics, the pitfalls and seductions of capitalism, the ironic opportunities and vices of history, the romance and ruin of culture, and the triumphs and travails of race have built up to -- is his book on Malcolm X, due out on Monday, April 4. It is now, sadly, a posthumously published masterwork that rescues the legendary leader from the catacombs of history, separating him from the hagiography of adoring acolytes and prying him free from the hateful grip of dismissive critics.

In death, Marable gives us a life's work. He speaks to us, too, in another way: the disease from which he perished, sarcoidosis, affects black folk in America far more than it does whites or other groups. Right down to his dying breath, Marable bore witness to the possibilities and pains, the privileges and limitations, of the black identity that he so brilliantly and bravely embraced.

I will sorely miss Marable as my very dear friend whom I love -- my mentor, my colleague and big brother -- and all of us will miss one of the greatest minds and one of the most forceful spirits this land and world have ever known.


Michael Eric Dyson is University Professor of Sociology at Georgetown University and the author of 17 books, including his latest, Can You Hear Me Now? The Inspiration, Wisdom and Insight of Michael Eric Dyson.

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Source URL: http://www.theroot.com/views/remembering-manning-marable

Links:

[1] http://www.theroot.com/users/michaelericdyson
[2] http://www.amazon.com/dp/B002UXRZD0/ref=as_li_ss_til?tag=root04c-20&camp=213381&creative=390973&linkCode=as4&creativeASIN=B002UXRZD0&adid=1JSKAZHB1W27J1NHZR69
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[5] http://www.theroot.com/sites/default/files/manningmarable.jpg



Links:

[1] http://www.columbia.edu/cu/polisci/fac-bios/marable/faculty.html
[2] http://www.amazon.com/Malcolm-X-Reinvention-Manning-Marable/dp/0670022209
[3] http://www.amazon.com/Speaking-Truth-Power-Resistance-Radicalism/dp/0813388287
[4] http://www.amazon.com/Word-Short-History-American-Tradition-Socialism/dp/184467679X
[5] http://www.socialistreview.org.uk/article.php?articlenumber=10628
[6] http://academic.udayton.edu/race/2008electionandracism/raceandracism/race86.htm
[7] http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Manning_Marable_by_David_Shankbone.jpg



Manning Marable Remembered as Public Intellectual and Activist by Jamal Eric Watson
April 5, 2011
Diverse Issues in Higher Education

Categories: African/Afro/Black Studies / Social Sciences /

At the time of his death, Manning Marable held the M. Moran Weston and Black Alumni Council Professorship of African American Studies at Columbia University.

Dr. Russell Rickford hasn’t quite been the same since learning that his mentor and friend, Dr. Manning Marable, passed away at the age of 60, after suffering from complications from pneumonia.

Marable, who was diagnosed with sarcoidosis, underwent a double lung transplant last summer, but friends thought he was on the rebound toward recovery, eager to celebrate the release of his new book, Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention, a project that took him 10 years to research and write.

A self-described Marxist, Marable had a distinguished career in the academy as a social activist and public intellectual. At the time of his death, he held the M. Moran Weston and Black Alumni Council Professorship of African American Studies at Columbia University, after serving as the founding director of the university’s Institute for Research in African-American Studies and establishing the Center for Contemporary Black History at Columbia in 2002.

After writing dozens of books and publishing more than 250 scholarly articles, friends and close associates of Marable say that he was most excited about his latest book, which was released on April 4, 2011.

“He understood this was going to be his magnum opus,” says Rickford, an assistant professor of history at Dartmouth College. “It’s a remarkable book because it transforms the way we understand Malcolm and it should imbue us with a greater respect for Malcolm’s political and intellectual legacy”

Rickford first met Marable in 2002 after arriving at Columbia as a graduate student. After serving as his dissertation advisor, Marable recently entrusted Rickford to edit and publish Beyond Boundaries: The Manning Marable Reader, a major collection of his intellectual writings over the past three decades. The reader was released earlier this month.

Rickford is one of Marable’s "intellectual sons and daughters,” as he puts it. It’s a group to whom the the celebrity scholar was never too busy to provide counsel and advice.

In recent days, many of these scholars took to their Facebook and Twitter accounts to remember Marable and pay tribute to a man who helped steer so many of them into the academy. Others are planning formal academic conferences in upcoming weeks and months aimed at promoting and celebrating Marable’s contributions to the field. His 1983 classic, How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America influenced a generation of scholars.

“Manning did more than encourage us,” says Dr. Melissa Harris-Perry, an associate professor of political science and African-American studies at Princeton University. “He made a way for us. He cleared brush. He extended his protections. He shared his resources with uncompromising generosity. And he did all of this without needing to turn us into his personal collection. He very rarely took credit for our successes despite his important role in all that we were able to do.”

In an interview with Diverse, Georgetown University professor Dr. Michael Eric Dyson described Marable as a “brilliant scholar who believed scholars ought to have an activist background.”

Dyson says that Marable was committed to radical democratic principles and genuinely concerned with gender and class inequality. “Long before the term ‘public intellectual’ became the rage, Marable showed us just what engaged academics worth their salt and degrees should be up to: offering sharp analysis of the social behaviors and political practices that shape or distort our democratic heritage, while encouraging the powerless to take on the mighty with pen and protest.”

Those who have read Marable’s latest book on Malcolm X say it will likely stir up controversy, but seeks to contextualize the Black leader.

“Some people will not like it, but [Marable] was not about hero worship,” says Rickford. ”Marable loved Black folk. He loved us in all of our iterations and complexities and he would tell us about ourselves.”

A native of Dayton, Ohio, Marable graduated from Earlham College in 1971 and received a master’s degree in American history from the University of Wisconsin-Madison and a doctorate in American history from the University of Maryland. He taught at Cornell, Fisk, Colgate, Ohio State and the University of Colorado before arriving at Columbia.

The Marable family is planning to hold a public memorial service on May 27 at a location to be announced. Marable leaves behind a wife, Dr. Leith Mullings, three children and two stepchildren.


http://www.theroot.com/views/manning-marable-s-students-remember-him

Manning Marable's Students Remember Him

APRIL 04, 2011
The Root


They were a "veritable tribe" taught and guided by the Columbia University scholar of African-American life. Here are their tributes.

Compiled by Zaheer Ali

In his moving tribute to Manning Marable, black-studies scholar Michael Eric Dyson, a professor of sociology at Georgetown University, writes, "Marable nurtured and guided a veritable tribe of graduate students and junior professors as they sought sure footing in the academy." Here are the recollections of some members of that "veritable tribe," many of whom studied with him at Columbia University's Institute for Research in African American Studies.

Robyn C. Spencer, an assistant professor of history at Lehman College in New York City, was Marable's first graduate student.

The first time I saw Manning Marable was at his job talk at Columbia University in 1993. He delivered his audition lecture about the legacy of black radicalism embodied by Malcolm X with an unapologetic reverence that mainstream historians usually reserved for heads of state. In one fell swoop, he moved me and my coterie of graduate students --studying everything from poor black women mobilizing for welfare rights to Puerto Ricans in the Young Lords Party to black radical organizers in the Black Panther Party -- from the margin of American history to its center.

After he was hired, I couldn't wait to meet him and ask him to be my adviser. At our first meeting, he shared his vision for creating a space for research that validated the totality of the black past, including the radicals, progressives and feminists. He wanted to go beyond the ivory tower and interject into national debates about black life, shape public policy and, most of all, connect to grassroots political activism, especially in surrounding Harlem.

As I moved through the program, going from teaching assistant to doctoral candidate to assistant professor under Marable's guidance, I watched him nurture the IRAAS from the humble construction site where we held our first conversation to a leading scholarly institute -- all while employing unfunded graduate students in meaningful work and providing an institutional space for conversations about black life inside and outside the academy. I'd like to think that they were both labors of love.

Monique W. Morris is the CEO of MWM Consulting Group and the former vice president for advocacy and research at the NAACP. She is the author of Too Beautiful for Words and more than 35 research publications on social-justice issues.

Scholarship and advocacy are inextricably linked. That's what I learned most from my mentor and friend, Dr. Manning Marable. As the first staff person hired to work with him at IRAAS, I read everything he wrote and was responsible for maintaining a clipping file for his syndicated newspaper column, "Along the Color Line." That experience taught me that scholarship was an important weapon in the battle for human rights, which is a lesson that I have carried with me in my work for social justice.

Marable's mentorship was everything from quiet to challenging, but his critique was always rigorous. As a historian, he offered guidance through a spirit of sankofa. History's lessons were necessary to explore and confront if we were to move forward with a progressive black agenda.

As a democratic socialist, he challenged structural racism and the oppression of black people. Always, he was forward thinking and offered his students an opportunity to develop our own insights. A few months ago, he wrote to me that we needed a "new vision for black freedom." As we straddle life "along the color line," the time is now to advance that movement.
They were a "veritable tribe" taught and guided by the Columbia University scholar of African-American life. Here are their tributes.

In his moving tribute to Manning Marable, black-studies scholar Michael Eric Dyson, a professor of sociology at Georgetown University, writes, "Marable nurtured and guided a veritable tribe of graduate students and junior professors as they sought sure footing in the academy." Here are the recollections of some members of that "veritable tribe," many of whom studied with him at Columbia University's Institute for Research in African American Studies.

Robyn C. Spencer, an assistant professor of history at Lehman College in New York City, was Marable's first graduate student.

The first time I saw Manning Marable was at his job talk at Columbia University in 1993. He delivered his audition lecture about the legacy of black radicalism embodied by Malcolm X with an unapologetic reverence that mainstream historians usually reserved for heads of state. In one fell swoop, he moved me and my coterie of graduate students --studying everything from poor black women mobilizing for welfare rights to Puerto Ricans in the Young Lords Party to black radical organizers in the Black Panther Party -- from the margin of American history to its center.

After he was hired, I couldn't wait to meet him and ask him to be my adviser. At our first meeting, he shared his vision for creating a space for research that validated the totality of the black past, including the radicals, progressives and feminists. He wanted to go beyond the ivory tower and interject into national debates about black life, shape public policy and, most of all, connect to grassroots political activism, especially in surrounding Harlem.

As I moved through the program, going from teaching assistant to doctoral candidate to assistant professor under Marable's guidance, I watched him nurture the IRAAS from the humble construction site where we held our first conversation to a leading scholarly institute -- all while employing unfunded graduate students in meaningful work and providing an institutional space for conversations about black life inside and outside the academy. I'd like to think that they were both labors of love.

Monique W. Morris is the CEO of MWM Consulting Group and the former vice president for advocacy and research at the NAACP. She is the author of Too Beautiful for Words and more than 35 research publications on social-justice issues.

Scholarship and advocacy are inextricably linked. That's what I learned most from my mentor and friend, Dr. Manning Marable. As the first staff person hired to work with him at IRAAS, I read everything he wrote and was responsible for maintaining a clipping file for his syndicated newspaper column, "Along the Color Line." That experience taught me that scholarship was an important weapon in the battle for human rights, which is a lesson that I have carried with me in my work for social justice.

Marable's mentorship was everything from quiet to challenging, but his critique was always rigorous. As a historian, he offered guidance through a spirit of sankofa. History's lessons were necessary to explore and confront if we were to move forward with a progressive black agenda.

As a democratic socialist, he challenged structural racism and the oppression of black people. Always, he was forward thinking and offered his students an opportunity to develop our own insights. A few months ago, he wrote to me that we needed a "new vision for black freedom." As we straddle life "along the color line," the time is now to advance that movement.


Nishani Frazier is an assistant professor in the department of history at Miami University of Ohio. She is co-editor, with Manning Marable, of Freedom on My Mind: The Columbia Reader of African-American History.

I was leaving the safety of Durham, N.C., and the employment and guiding support of Dr. John Hope Franklin, another venerable historian who has passed on to the ancestors. New York was the big city, and Columbia University was the big, bad wolf. Although I entered graduate school with much trepidation, I knew that there was one place where I was welcome: It was the Institute for Research in African American Studies, a center built brick by brick by Manning Marable. It was not just the site of black studies; it was the place where many students found psychic, emotional and professional solace and security. In IRAAS, Marable created a safe haven.

Marable's greatest contribution to his students and many other students of black studies was to craft through IRAAS a powerful symbol of institutionalized mentorship. He provided for me and future students like me a shelter from the storm. This gift is among the ultimate tributes to his life, and his students reflect this legacy.

Zaheer Ali is a doctoral student in history at Columbia University, researching 20th-century African-American history and religion. He was a project manager of the Malcolm X Project.

In 2004, while working on Dr. Manning Marable's Malcolm X Project, I accompanied him to Chicago for a meeting with Minister Louis Farrakhan and his longtime aide Abdul Akbar Muhammad to discuss Marable's research on Malcolm X. It was the first time the two had ever met in person, and what was supposed to be a two-hour meeting turned into a six-hour conversation that extended into another two hours for dinner. Their political differences aside, Farrakhan expressed nothing but deep respect and appreciation for Marable's scholarship, and both men shared an interest in documenting and preserving black history.

This meeting and its follow-up would have been unlikely for me to accomplish on my own as a graduate student. But as was often the case, Marable created the circumstances wherein I could grow as a researcher and scholar: He asked me to assist in conducting the oral-history interviews of both Minister Farrakhan and Mr. Muhammad. Afterward, he granted me access to the Malcolm X Project files for my dissertation research.

Marable's generosity with his institutional and intellectual resources enriched me in ways that I have only begun to discover. His humility and faith in his students enabled him to treat us like junior colleagues, offering the chance to co-edit anthologies, submit articles to his many publications and lead major research initiatives.

He was fond of saying of the Malcolm X Project, "It's not just a job; it's a way of life." For him the history of black freedom was not just something he wrote about; it is something he lived as a radical democrat committed to equality. And he taught us to live it, too.

Zinga A. Fraser is a Ph.D. candidate in African-American studies at Northwestern University.

Although I was a train ride away from home, the IRAAS would become my second home. Professor Marable's vision of creating an intellectual and physical space at Columbia in the name of black people, but for all people, will remain his legacy. Not until I left the institute did I realize how special it is.

Observing his many projects, I saw firsthand what true theory and praxis are. While others examine the plight of incarcerated youth, he formed the Africana Criminal Justice Project. While people examine the facets of Malcolm X's life, he created the Malcolm X Project to engage students and the public on Malcolm's legacy.


Marable provided a model for my scholarship. When my project on black women in politics was questioned by some, his advice landed me at the university I now attend. At a recent talk, he said, as he did on many occasions, that it is his job to make his scholarship at Columbia relevant for those on 125th Street.

My time in the academy might suggest that I should be jaded by this concept, but I know that it is nothing abstract because I saw Marable do it daily. Although we are hurt by his loss, I am thankful to have been a part of his "living history."

Megan French is a Ph.D. candidate in history at Columbia University, researching race and urban policy in New Orleans. She was project manager of the Amistad Digital Resource.

In spring 2007, Dr. Marable asked if I would like to work on a project he was calling the Amistad Resource; it was to be an open digital resource for public school teachers on black history. He was my adviser, the person who encouraged me to do a Ph.D., but not even he knew the importance of this project for me.

I had been struggling with the way to connect the highly specific scholarship of academe with anything that would have an impact on the outside world. I was seeking ways in which scholar-activism really worked. Here, Marable opened the possible.

He wanted the site to be accessible, but also to create conversations in classrooms that had not happened when I was in high school, about racism, history and perspective. I watched someone take a risk in an academic environment where anything for public, nonprofit interests seems irrelevant and commit to the idea that this history was important for everyone.

Later that year, as we continued work on the site, Marable gave the address commemorating the 40th anniversary of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.'s anti-Vietnam War speech. Amid community leaders at Riverside Church -- again one of the few academics in the room -- Marable gave one of the most moving, provocative talks on civil rights I had ever heard. A woman next to me said, he really is all for the people. I said back to her, I know.

Elizabeth Kai Hinton is a Ph.D. candidate and the co-editor of Manning Marable's The New Black History: Revisiting the Second Reconstruction, which will be published by Palgrave MacMillan in November 2011.

We will remember Manning Marable's contributions to African-American studies as his foremost legacy, but he should also be recognized for the spaces he built for scholars of black history within academia. Professor Marable created the IRAAS at Columbia nearly 20 years ago to provide a safe haven for students to critically examine the nature of institutional racism, the contours of the African Diaspora and approaches to radical social change.

Like many of my peers also pursuing doctoral degrees at Columbia who had the privilege to study under Marable, the institute proved key to our survival on campus. In addition to his dedication to the work of a generation of young scholars, Marable's Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture and Society -- molded after W.E.B. Du Bois' Phylon -- also provides one of the few forums for black radical perspectives.

Among Marable's many legacies, both IRAAS and Souls stand as a testament to his support of young, progressive scholars, as well as his enthusiastic pursuit of history and political thought. While Marable himself is irreplaceable, he has provided a foundation for future generations and will continue to shape our understanding of social change and justice.

Zaheer Ali can be reached at mail@zaheerali.com. Follow him on Twitter. Like The Root on Facebook. Follow us on Twitter.


Links:

[1] http://www.theroot.com/user/35243
[2] http://www.theroot.com/views/remembering-manning-marable
[3] http://www.columbia.edu/cu/ccbh/mxp/
[4] http://www.columbia.edu/cu/ccbh/acjp/
[5] http://www.amistadresource.org/
[6] http://www.columbia.edu/cu/ccbh/souls/index.html
[7] mailto:mail@zaheerali.com
[8] http://www.twitter.com/zaheerali
[9] http://www.facebook.com/theroot
[10] http://www.twitter.com/theroot247


All,

Michael Eric Dyson and Bill Fletcher, Jr. reflect on the life and work and give tribute to the late Dr. Manning Marable on Democracy Now! program on April 4, 2011. They also talk about Manning's new book on Malcolm X.


Kofi




DemocracyNow.org

Two decades in the making, Manning Marable's nearly 600-page biography, "Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention," is described as a reevaluation of Malcolm X's life, providing new insights into the circumstances of his assassination, as well as raising questions about Malcolm X's autobiography. Manning passed away on Friday, just days before his life's work was published. To discuss his legacy, Democracy Now! interviews Michael Eric Dyson, sociology professor at Georgetown University and author of "Making Malcolm: The Myth and Meaning of Malcolm X," and also by Bill Fletcher, Jr., a friend of Marable and a longtime labor and racial justice activist.

"There were three different sources that had an interest in Malcolm's death, and that's where [the book] becomes very, very important," Fletcher says. "It was the police and the FBI, it was the Nation of Islam, but there were also people in his own organization who resented the trajectory that he was moving. And so, there was this confluence of forces that led to a situation where he was permitted to be killed. And I think that when people read this, it's going to be an incredible eye opener."


For the video/audio podcast, transcript, and for Democracy Now!'s interviews with Manning Marable, visit:
http://www.democracynow.org/2011/4/4/making_malcolm_the_myth_and_meaning


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ri_unYMs6wk&NR=1

iframe title="YouTube video player" width="480" height="390" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/Ri_unYMs6wk" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen>

All,

The late historian and scholar Manning Marable eloquently discusses the profound historical significance and legacy of Malcolm X on Democracy Now! programs from 2005 and 2007.

Kofi


Democracy NOW! DN! - Part 1-2 Renowned African-American historian Manning Marable passed away on Friday at the age of 60, just days before the publication of his life's work, a monumental biography about Malcolm X. Two decades in the making, Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention, is described as a reevaluation of Malcolm X's life. We play excerpts from when Amy Goodman interviewed Marable in 2005 and 2007 about the chapters missing from Malcolm X's autobiography and the groups implicated in his assassination. Published, with written permission, from democracynow.org. http://www.democracynow.org Provided to you under Democracy NOW creative commons license. Copyright democracynow.org, an independent non-profit user funded news media, recognized and broadcast world wide.


PLEASE CLICK ON VIDEO LINKS (PARTS 1 & 2) BELOW TO VIEW VERY IMPORTANT MARABLE INTERVIEWS ON HIS GROUNDBREAKING RESEARCH AND WRITING ON MALCOLM X:








TAVIS SMILEY SHOW ON PBS--INTERVIEW WITH MANNING MARABLE

April 4, 2011

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RPxc9SedgzE




http://www.huffingtonpost.com/tavis-smiley/remembering-dr-manning-ma_b_844743.html


Tavis Smiley
PBS talk show host, PRI radio host

Remembering Dr. Manning Marable
Posted: 04/ 4/11

Just days from now, Dr. Manning Marable was scheduled to appear on my PBS program to discuss his epic biography of Malcolm X. Dr. Marable passed away on Friday, April 1.

The book, in stores today, is his magnum opus -- a book over two decades in the making.

In addition to the new biography, Dr. Marable leaves a vast contribution to Black history, which is of course to say, American history.

When he joined us on the program in 2006, we discussed a wide range of topics, including what he saw as an incomplete understanding of Malcolm X.

The new book is called Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention.

Our full 2006 conversation with Dr. Marable airs tonight on PBS. Here is a transcript of that interview:

Dr. Manning Marable
Airdate February 7, 2006
PBS

Dr. Manning Marable is Director of the Institute for Research in African American Studies at Columbia University. He also established the university's Center for Contemporary Black History. A prolific author, his work includes The Great Wells of Democracy and Living Black History. Marable was the Founding Director of Colgate University's Africana and Hispanic Studies Program. He also writes a political commentary series, Along the Color Line and is active in a variety of progressive causes.


Dr. Manning Marable

Tavis: Manning Marable is professor of history at Columbia University, and founding director of the school's Institute For Research And African-American Studies. He is the author of numerous books, including "The Autobiography of Medgar Evers.' His latest book is called 'Living Black History, How Reimagining The African-American Past Can Remake America's Racial Future.' He joins us tonight from New York. Professor Marable, nice to have you on the program, sir.

Manning Marable: Thank you, Tavis, it's great to be here.

Tavis: Nice to have you on. Let me start with the sad news of the day, and then we'll move on to how we can build up on the legacy left by one Coretta Scott King. Of course, we all know that earlier today in Atlanta, she was laid to rest. Your thoughts on the legacy and the living Black history that Coretta Scott King contributed to.

Marable: Coretta Scott King will go down in the annals of American history as a woman of remarkable courage and endurance. Without her vision and commitment to the ideals of her husband, we would not today have the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. national holiday. We would not have the infrastructure for a King Center.

And I believe that history will show that she was truly an equal partner with Dr. King, and in many ways, when the two met several years prior to the launching of the Civil Rights movement, she was more progressive and more political than Martin was, when they were in graduate school. So her partnership and her ideas helped to shape his evolution. In many ways, more than most people are aware.

Tavis: Beyond that point, which is very significant, I'm glad you shared it with us, to remind us she did, in fact, go about carving out her own legacy, tell me how difficult you think that was that in a lot of the fact the guy she was standing next to (laugh) was a guy named Martin King. How does one go about creating one's own legacy and becoming living history oneself in that kind of shadow?

Marable: It's extremely difficult. I think that the way - what I would liken it to is the relationship, the close friendship that has cultivated, I've cultivated with Myrlie Evers-Williams, the widow of Medgar Evers. There is a parallel to it. Medgar had the toughest Civil Rights job in the United States, being the field secretary of the NAACP in Mississippi for nearly a decade.

And when he was shot in front of his family home in 1963, he instantly became a Civil Rights legend, an icon. How do you assert yourself as an active, involved, Civil Rights person, as an intellectual the way Myrlie was, in the wake of that terrible loss? Coretta Scott King faced a similar dynamic, even though for Coretta, it was more daunting, because King was a worldwide figure.

He was, perhaps, at his death, one of the three or four most influential figures on Earth. His speeches were read by millions, had been memorized by millions of people. And so, how do you assert yourself? And both in Myrlie's case and in Coretta's case, with incredible dignity, with grace, and with courage, they asserted themselves around practical tasks to ensure their husband's ideals would live on in the pursuit of their respective careers.

Myrlie through assuming presidency of the NAACP at a very difficult time in its history, a decade ago. And Coretta through the courageous battle to win a national holiday on behalf of Martin.

Tavis: Before I advance, Manning, to this notion of living Black history that I want to delve into here in just a second, let me ask what the value of Black history is. Every February, I see the grin on your face. Every February, don't ask me how we chose the coldest, shortest, darkest month of the year to do this in.

Marable: Thank you.

Tavis: Such a rich culture, heritage we have, condensed in 28 days. But that notwithstanding, what is the value of us pausing, at least for these 28 days once a year, to talk about Black history? And I wanna know your perspective on the value of it for Black folk and for folk who happen not to be Black? What's the value?

Marable: The value is very simple. We all live history every day. But Black folk and White folk in America have always talked about history in radically different ways. White Americans, for hundreds of years, have emphasized, as they reconstruct the meaning of the past, they emphasize values such as individual liberty and the ownership of private property as part of the American dream.

For African Americans, we've always understood, since 1619, that there was no such thing as an individual slave rebellion launched by a single person. That freedom was always a collective project, and that from that point on, as we construct our memories of the past, White racism has always sought to discredit or to literally destroy evidence of atrocities and racial injustice.

And Black history's logic has been to build a capacity, an argument, for the freedom, not just for African Americans, but for all people regardless of race, regardless of their socioeconomic class, or gender. And so in "Living Black History," I try to document innumerable examples of how Black history is being lost and being destroyed. And part of that has to do with the suppression of Black history.

And I give a lot of examples. Tulsa, Oklahoma. I recently visited and spoke at the University Of Tulsa, The M.L. King Day. Here's a city in the middle of America where in 1921, 2,500 African Americans were burned out of their homes, several hundred were killed, and this racial atrocity was suppressed for over 60 years. In New York City in 1991, as they expanded the federal courthouse and they were digging down into the bedrock of Manhattan Island, they discovered 19,000 corpses of African people who had been married over a century.

Today's African burial ground. This is a metaphor for the contestation that history, as a site of struggle, always is in a racialized society. After all, we were the first stock on the stock exchange. That African people built the wall on Wall Street. That if you go back in time and interrogate America's past, you find African Americans being at the heart of the American experience, building, in part, much of the wealth upon which the society has been produced. And that is why there is a deliberate effort to suppress the historical knowledge.

Tavis: Let me jump in right here, because you said a number of things I'm fascinated by, but one that I definitely want to get to before my time runs out. And that is this notion of the fact that for White folk and Black folk, we see the freedom struggle differently. And I got that point. I'm fascinated by your formulation, though, that for Black folk, freedom has always been a collective project.

I get that. I was on a plane not long ago, Manning, and talking to a White guy who recognized me and sat next to me on the plane said to me, asked me in fact, not said to me, asked me why it was that Black folk have done so well individually. And he started running the names of Black folk who've done well on an individual basis. But why we struggle so much as a collective. How would you have answered this White guy on the plane who asked me that question?

Marable: We have to introduce him to the concept of structural racism. Back 300 years ago, we had a triangle of racism; we called it the Triangle Slave Trade? That brought millions of African people to the new world, connecting Africa to the Americas to Europe. Today, there's a new triangle. And in my look "Living Black History," I talk about the colorblind racism of the twenty-first century.

A triangle that links mass unemployment, mass incarceration, and mass disenfranchisement. That the history of the future that is being made now is structuring a future for Black folk to remove us from civic conversation and democratic institutions. To limit or to reduce millions of people from having voting rights. Now have you a state like Mississippi where 30 percent of Black males in that state lost the right to vote for life.

Tavis: But Manning, that doesn't sound to me like color - I see where you're going with this. That doesn't sound like colorblind racism. It sounds to me like they know exactly who they are targeting.

Marable: Seems that way. But the White and Colored signs have been taken down. We live under a very different kind of racial domain. Fifty years ago, the history that Martin and Malcolm and Medgar had to encounter in the struggle for Black freedom was quite different than the colorblind racism of the twenty-first century.

In a way Jim Crow was always a curse and perverse blessing. Because whether you were a Ph.D. or you swept the streets, you rode in the back of the bus. And in the unity of our oppression, we felt a kinship, what the political scientist Michael Dawson refers to as linked fate. We were all part of a collective project to assert our freedom.

And in "Living Black History,' I try to talk about how important it is to document those struggles of the Black freedom movement of the 1960s. And that so many of these artifacts of the Civil Rights and Black Power period are actually being lost. I talk about, for example, from the classic book by Malcolm X and Alex Haley, 'The Autobiography Of Malcolm X," how there are three chapters that ended up being removed from the text.

And where those chapters ended up, in a law office of a lawyer in Detroit. That virtually no one has ever seen. And how Malcolm's political legacy is incomplete in part due to the gentrification of Black history. That artifacts are more valued by individual investors who can hold on to them and then market them for their own value, rather than putting them in a library or an archive and making them available to schoolchildren and for future generations.

Tavis: Well, I'm glad you didn't hold on to the good stuff found in this text. This is, of course, February, Black History Month, African American History Month, if you prefer. And spend a little time during this month familiarizing yourself with the struggle of African American people. Any number of texts you can read.

Might I recommend, though, "Living Black History, How Reimagining The African-American Past Can Remake America's Racial Future," written by Columbia Professor Manning Marable. Professor, nice to have you on the program, all the best to you.

Marable: Thank you.


http://www.npr.org/2011/04/04/135113358/mourning-a-mentor-students-pay-tribute-to-marable

April 8, 2011
NPR Shop | NPR Social Media

Mourning A Mentor: Students Pay Tribute To Marable
by JANAYA WILLIAMS
NPR

Listen to the Story
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[4 min 31 sec]
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Manning Marable, pictured above in 2001, died Friday, just days before the publication of his life's work, a new biography of Malcolm X. "He was trying to save people with his ideas," says Marable's researcher, Zaheer Ali.


April 4, 2011 from WNYC

Columbia University professor Manning Marable did not live to see the publication of his life's work, a new biography called Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention. The book was released Monday, just days after Marable, 60, died Friday of complications from pneumonia.

Marable was the author of 15 books and a multitude of scholarly articles. He founded Colgate University's Africana and Latin American Studies program as well as the Institute for Research in African-American Studies at Columbia, where he was a mentor to countless students. Three of them gathered in the late scholar's office over the weekend to discuss why Marable was such an important influence on them — and on African-American research in the U.S.

Zaheer Ali was the main researcher for the Malcolm X biography that Marable had been working on in one form or another for decades.

"He had this massive timeline for the Malcolm X project," Ali remembers. "It was this huge Excel chart that if you printed it out it would be over 100 pages." Marable used the chart to track discussion — from The New York Times to the FBI to the Muhammad Speaks newspaper — of events in Malcolm X's life and career.

Ali is just one of a generation of African-American scholars and public intellectuals who came of age influenced by Marable's work.

"When I got to campus the first question you were asked is, 'Have you seen Manning?' " Ali recalls. "It was almost like a rite of passage."

In addition to creating the Institute for Research in African-American Studies, Marable also founded the Center for Contemporary Black Studies. He encouraged rigorous scholarship and inquiry around radical historical figures and revolutionary movements: topics that were — until Marable's efforts — on the fringes of serious scholarship.

More On Manning Marable

Malcom X Scholar Dies As Life's Work Publishes
April 3, 2011
Malcolm X Scholar Dies Just Before Book Release
April 2, 2011
Manning Marable: 'Living Black History'
Jan. 16, 2006
Malcolm X, the Man Behind the Image
Feb. 21, 2005

Doctoral student Elizabeth Hinton, the editor of Souls, Marable's journal of black culture, remembers him as "unapologetic" about his politics. "In conversation with him, he would quote Trotsky and Lenin and Marx and Du Bois," Hinton says. "For people who were interested in a different social vision of the world and wanted to, very much in the spirit of Manning, use scholarship and political theory and historical research to envision a different kind of world, this is the space on campus that he created."

Marable's political ideas sometimes put him at odds with his peers in the field of black scholarship. But Robyn Spencer, Marable's first graduate student at Columbia almost 20 years ago, says he had a way of opening people's minds and making his work accessible.


Prof. Marable was willing to engage people with whom he had publicly disagreed — and do it civilly and with integrity.

- Zaheer Ali

"He was funny, he was always laughing," Spencer says. "He was irreverent, in some ways. He took historical actors that people think are larger than life, he brought them down to Earth. He would call Angela Davis 'Angie.' ... He made everyone accessible; he made you feel like you could access those people as well."

Marable embraced "transformationist" politics over nationalism or separatism — the idea that African-Americans could and should transform society by changing institutions in partnership with others. His interest in chronicling the black experience across ideological lines led him to exchange ideas with people of all political stripes. Ali remembers the time Marable took him along for a face-to-face meeting with Louis Farrakhan.

"I was a little nervous," Ali remembers. "They had never met before, and Professor Marable had written very critically about minister Farrakhan's nationalist politics." What began as a two-hour meeting turned into a six-hour meeting followed by dinner. "I watched two grown men have an intelligent, critical discussion about the meaning of black life in America," Ali says. "It was an important example of how Professor Marable was willing to bravely and courageously engage people with whom he had publicly disagreed — and do it civilly and with integrity."

The students whom Marable had mentored over the years call his presence on campus nothing short of a "revolution." By bringing fringe ideas into the mainstream, Marable found a way to challenge the existing canon — and create another.



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http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/02/books/excerpt-malcolm-x-by-manning-marable.html?ref=books&pagewanted=all


April 1, 2011

‘Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention’
Viking Press (c) 2011
By MANNING MARABLE

From Chapter 7, “As Sure as God Made Green Apples”

Malcolm may have publicly commanded his followers to obey the law, but this did little to lessen suspicion of the Muslims by law enforcement in major cities. Nowhere did tensions run hotter than in Los Angeles, where Malcolm had established Temple No. 27 in 1957. For most whites who migrated to the city, Los Angeles was the quintessential city of dreams. For black migrants, the city of endless possibilities offered some of the same Jim Crow restrictions they had sought to escape by moving west. As early as 1915, black Los Angeles residents were protesting against racially restrictive housing covenants; such racial covenants as well as blatant discrimination by real estate firms continued to be a problem well into the 1960s. The real growth of the black community in Southern California only began to take place during the two decades after 1945. During this twenty-year period, when the black population of New York City increased by nearly 250 percent, the black population of Los Angeles jumped 800 percent. Blacks were also increasingly important in local trade unions, and in the economy generally. For example, between 1940 and 1960, the percentage of black males in LA working as factory operatives increased from 15 percent to 24 percent; the proportion of African-American men employed in crafts during the same period rose from 7 percent to 14 percent. By 1960, 468,000 blacks resided in Los Angeles County, approximately 20 percent of the county’s population.

These were some of the reasons that Malcolm had invested so much energy and effort to build the NOI’s presence in Southern California, and especially the development of Mosque No. 27. Having recruited the mosque’s leaders, he flew out to settle a local factional dispute in October 1961. Such activities were noticed and monitored by the California Senate Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American Activities, which feared that the NOI had “Communist affiliations.” The state committee concluded that there was an “interesting parallel between the Negro Muslim movement and the Communist Party, and that is the advocacy of the overthrow of a hated regime by force, violence or any other means.” On September 2, 1961, several Muslims selling Muhammad Speaks in a South Central Los Angeles grocery store parking lot were harassed by two white store detectives. The detectives later claimed that when they had attempted to stop the Muslims from selling the paper, they were “stomped and beaten.” The version of this incident described in Muhammad Speaks was strikingly different, with the paper claiming that “the two ‘detectives’ produced guns, and attempted to make a ‘citizen’s arrest.’ Grocery packers rushed out to help the detectives . . . and black residents of the area who had gathered also became involved. For 45 minutes bedlam reigned.” About forty Los Angeles Police Department officers were dispatched to the scene to restore order. Five Muslims were arrested. At their subsequent trial, the store’s owner and manager confirmed that the NOI had been given permission to peddle their newspapers in the parking lot. An all-white jury acquitted the Muslims on all charges.

Following the parking lot mêlée, the LAPD was primed for retaliation against the local NOI. The city’s police commissioner, William H. Parker, had even read Lincoln’s The Black Muslims in America, and viewed the sect as subversive and dangerous, capable of producing widespread unrest. He instructed his officers to closely monitor the mosque’s activities, which is why, just after midnight on April 27, 1962, when two officers observed what looked to them like men taking clothes out of the back of a car outside the mosque, they approached with suspicion. What happened next is a matter of dispute, yet whether the police were jumped, as they claimed, or the Muslim men were shoved and beaten without provocation, as seems likely, the commotion brought a stream of angry Muslims out of the mosque. The police threatened to respond with deadly force, but when one officer attempted to intimidate the growing crowd of bystanders, he was disarmed by the crowd. Somehow one officer’s revolver went off, shooting and wounding his partner in the elbow. Backup squad cars soon arrived ferrying more than seventy officers, and a full-scale battle ensued. Within minutes dozens of cops raided the mosque itself, randomly beating NOI members. It took fifteen minutes for the fighting to die down. In the end, seven Muslims were shot, including NOI member William X Rogers, who was shot in the back and paralyzed for life. NOI officer Ronald Stokes, a Korean War veteran, had attempted to surrender to the police by raising his hands over his head. Police responded by shooting him from the rear; a bullet pierced his heart, killing him. A coroner’s inquest determined that Stokes’s death was “justifiable.” A number of Muslims were indicted.

News of the raid shattered Malcolm; he wept for the reliable and trustworthy Stokes, whom he had known well from his many trips to the West Coast. The desecration of the mosque and the violence brought upon its members pushed Malcolm to a dark place. He was finally ready for the Nation to throw a punch. Malcolm told Mosque No. 7’s Fruit of Islam that the time had come for retribution, an eye for an eye, and he began to recruit members for an assassination team to target LAPD officers. Charles 37X, who attended one of these meetings, recalled him in a rage, shouting to the assembled Fruit, “What are you here for? What the hell are you here for?” As Louis Farrakhan related, “Brother Malcolm had a gangsterlike past. And coming into the Nation, and especially in New York, he had a tremendous sway over men that came out of the street with gangster leanings.” It was especially from these hardened men that Malcolm demanded action, and they rose to his cry. Mosque No. 7 intended to “send somebody to Los Angeles to kill [the police] as sure as God made green apples,” said James 67X. “Brothers volunteered for it.”

As he made plans to bring his killers to Los Angeles, Malcolm sought the approval of Elijah Muhammad, in what he assumed would be a formality. The time had come for action, and surely Muhammad would see the necessity in summoning the Nation’s strength for the battle. But the Messenger denied him. “Brother, you don’t go to war over a provocation,” he told Malcolm. “They could kill a few of my followers, but I’m not going to go out and do something silly.” He ordered the entire FOI to stand down. Malcolm was stunned; he acquiesced, but with bitter disappointment. Farrakhan believes Malcolm concluded that Muhammad was trying “to protect the wealth that he had acquired, rather than go out with the struggle of our people.”

A few days later Malcolm flew to Los Angeles, and on May 4 he held a press conference about the shootings at the Statler Hilton. The next day he presided over Stokes’s funeral. More than two thousand people attended the service, and an estimated one thousand joined in the automobile procession to the cemetery. Yet the matter was far from resolved. If Malcolm could not kill the officers involved, he was determined that both the police and the political establishment in Los Angeles should be forced to acknowledge their responsibility. The only way to accomplish this, he believed, was for the NOI to work with civil rights organizations, local black politicians, and religious groups. On May 20, Malcolm participated in a major rally against police brutality that attracted the support of many white liberals, as well as communists. “You’re brutalized because you’re black,” he declared at the demonstration. “And when they lay a club on the side of your head, they do not ask your religion. You’re black — that’s enough.”

He threw himself into organizing a black united front against the police in Southern California, but once more Elijah Muhammad stepped in, ordering his stubborn lieutenant to halt all efforts. “Brother, stay where I put you,” ran his edict, “because they [civil rights organizations] have no place to go. Hold your position.” Muhammad was convinced that integration could not be achieved; the civil rights groups would ultimately gravitate toward the Nation of Islam. When desegregation failed, he explained to Malcolm (and later to Farrakhan), “they will have no place to go but what you and I represent.” Consequently, he vetoed any cooperation with civil rights groups even on a matter as contentious as Stokes’s murder. Louis X saw this as an important turning point in the deteriorating relationship between Malcolm and Muhammad. By 1962, Malcolm was “speaking less and less about the teachings [of Muhammad],” recalled Farrakhan. “And he was fascinated by the civil rights movement, the action of the civil rights participants, and the lack of action of the followers of the Honorable Elijah.”

At heart, the disagreement between Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad went deeper than the practical question of how to respond to the Los Angeles police assault. Almost from the moment Muhammad had been informed about the raid and Stokes’s death, he viewed the tragedy as stemming from a lack of courage by Mosque No. 27’s members. “Every one of the Muslims should have died,” he was reported to have said, “before they allowed an aggressor to come into their mosque.” Muhammad believed Stokes had died from weakness, because he had attempted to surrender to the police. Malcolm could hardly stomach such an idea, but having submitted to the Messenger’s authority, he repeated the arguments as his own inside Mosque No. 7. James 67X listened as Malcolm told the congregation, “We are not Christian(s). We are not to turn the other cheek, but the laborers [NOI members] have gotten so comfortable that in dealing with the devil they will submit to him. . . . If a blow is struck against you, fight back.” The brothers in the Los Angeles mosque who resisted had lived. Ronald Stokes submitted and was killed.

Some of Malcolm’s closest associates were persuaded that Elijah Muhammad had made the correct decision, at least on the issue of retaliation. Benjamin 2X Goodman, for one, would later declare, “Mr. Muhammad said, ‘All in good time’ . . . and he was right. The police were ready. It would have been a trap.” But Malcolm himself was humiliated by the NOI’s failure to defend its own members. Everything that he had experienced over the previous years — from mobilizing thousands in the streets around Hinton’s beating in 1957 to working with Philip Randolph to build a local black united front in 1961–62 — told him that the Nation could protect its members only through joint action with civil rights organizations and other religious groups. One could not simply leave everything to Allah.

The Stokes murder brought to a close the first phase of Malcolm’s career within the NOI. He had become convinced that Elijah Muhammad’s passive position could not be justified. Malcolm had spent almost a decade in the Nation, and for all his speeches, he could point to no progress on the creation of a separate black state. Meanwhile, in the state that existed, the black men and women who looked to him for leadership were suffering and dying. Political agitation and public protests, along the lines of CORE and SNCC, were essential to challenging institutional racism. Malcolm hoped that, at least within the confines of Mosque No. 7, he would be allowed to pursue a more aggressive strategy, in concert with independent black leaders like Powell and Randolph. In doing so, he speculated, perhaps the entire Nation of Islam could be reborn.


From "MALCOLM X: A Life of Reinvention" by Manning Marable. Excerpted with the permission of Viking Books, the publisher.


Manning Marable
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Born May 13, 1950
Dayton, Ohio, United States
Died April 1, 2011 (aged 60)
New York City, New York, United States
Alma mater Earlham College, University of Maryland
Spouse Leith Mullings

William Manning Marable (May 13, 1950 – April 1, 2011)[1] was an American professor of public affairs, history and African-American Studies at Columbia University.[2] Marable founded and directed the Institute for Research in African-American Studies. Marable authored several texts and was active in progressive political causes. At the time of his death, Marable had completed a biography of human rights activist Malcolm X, entitled Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention.[3]

Marable was born in Dayton, Ohio. He received his Bachelor of Arts degree from Earlham College and his PhD from University of Maryland. Marable taught at the University of Colorado at Boulder and Ohio State University, where he was chairman of the Department of Black Studies. He later took a position at Columbia University, eventually becoming the M. Moran Weston and Black Alumni Council Professor of African-American Studies. Marable also served as the founding director of the Africana and Hispanic Studies Program at Colgate University.[2]

Marable served as Chair of Movement for a Democratic Society (MDS).[4] Marable served on the Board of Directors for the Hip-Hop Summit Action Network (HSAN), a non-profit coalition of public figures working to utilize hip-hop as an agent for social change.[5] Marable was also a member of the New York Legislature's Amistad Commission, created to review state curriculum regarding the slave trade.[6]
It was reported in June 2004 by activist group Racism Watch that Marable had called for immediate action to be taken to end the U.S. military's use of Raphael Patai's book The Arab Mind which Marable described as "a book full of racially charged stereotypes and generalizations."[7] In a 2008 column, Marable endorsed Senator Barack Obama's bid for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination.[8]

Marable, who was diagnosed with sarcoidosis, underwent a double lung transplant as treatment in summer 2010.[9] Marable died of complications from pneumonia on April 1, 2011 in New York City at the age of 60.[10]

Writings

Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention (2011) ISBN 978-0670022205

The Great Wells of Democracy: The Meaning of Race in American Life (2003) ISBN 978-0465043941

Freedom: A Photographic History of the African American Struggle (with Leith Mullings and Sophie Spencer-Wood, 2002) ISBN 978-0714842707

Let Nobody Turn Us Around (2000) ISBN 978-0847699308

Black Leadership (1998) ISBN 9780231107464

Black Liberation in Conservative America (1997) ISBN 9780896085596

Speaking Truth to Power: Essays on Race, Resistance, and Radicalism (1996) ISBN 978-0813388281

Beyond Black and White (1995) ISBN 9781859840498

On Malcolm X: His Message & Meaning (1992) ASIN B0006OW3HI

Race, Reform and Rebellion (1991) ISBN 9780878054930

How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America (1983) ISBN 9780896081659


References

^ [1]
^Grimes, William. Manning Marable, Historian and Social Critic, Dies at 60. New York Times (April 1, 2011). Retrieved April 2, 2011

^ Goodman, Amy. Manning Marable on "Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention" via Democracy Now! (May 21, 2007). Retrieved April 2, 2011

^ Good, Thomas. MDS Conference Elects Manning Marable Chair of MDS, Inc. Next Left Notes (February 20, 2007).

^ Hip-Hop Summit Action Network Board of Directors.

^ Bryant, Erica. City schools want better curriculum on Africa.‎ Democrat and Chronicle (December 29, 2008)

^ Glick, Ted. 2004 Racism Watch Calls for Action to End Use of Anti-Arab Books by the U.S. Government. via PCDC (June 2, 2004)

^ Marable, Manning. Cover Story: Barack Obama's Problem - And Ours - Along the Color Line. Black Commentator (March 6, 2008)

^ Kellogg, Carolyn. Malcolm X biographer Manning Marable has died. Los Angeles Times (April 1, 2011)

^ Rohter, Larry. Manning Marable, African-American Studies Scholar, Has Died at 60. New York Times (April 1, 2011)

External links

Manning Marable's faculty page:
http://www.sipa.columbia.edu/academics/directory/mm247-fac.html

Manning Marable via Columbia University Directory

Manning Marable interview via Tavis Smiley (PBS)
http://www.pbs.org/wnet/tavissmiley/archive/200602/20060207_marable.html