Thursday, August 15, 2024

IMPORTANT NEW BOOKS:

DELUGE: Gaza and Israel From Crisis To Cataclysm
Edited by Jamie Stern-Weiner
OR Books, 2024


Why did Hamas attack? What is Israel trying to achieve? Did this catastrophe have to happen? And is there a way forward? The book’s expert contributors address these and other questions, which have never been more urgent.

In September 2023, US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan boasted that the Middle East “is quieter today than it has been in two decades.” One week later, unprecedented violence in Gaza and Israel shattered the status quo and shocked the world.

Hamas’s Operation Al-Aqsa Deluge punctured delusions of stability as hundreds of militants burst forth from the Gaza prison camp. In the ensuing carnage and firefights, 1,200 Israelis were killed and hundreds more taken hostage.

Israel’s retaliation turned the besieged enclave into a howling wasteland. Nearly 30,000 people were killed in four months, including more than 12,000 children, and over 60 percent of homes were damaged or destroyed. Israel targeted the wounded and infirm, newborns and near-dead, as Gaza’s healthcare system—hospitals, clinics, ambulances, medical personnel—came under a systematic attack unprecedented in the annals of modern warfare.

The Hamas massacre and the genocidal Israeli campaign which followed together mark a historic turning point in the Israel-Palestine conflict. The reverberations have also shaken politics far beyond, not least in Europe and the United States, where gigantic, round-the-clock protests for Palestinian rights pitted politicians against the public and exposed a growing statist authoritarianism.

In this groundbreaking book—the first published about the 2023 Gaza war—leading Palestinian, Israeli, and international authorities put these momentous developments in context and provide an initial taking-stock.

Contributors: Musa Abuhashhash, Ahmed Alnaouq, Nathan J. Brown, Yaniv Cogan, Clare Daly MEP, Talal Hangari, Khaled Hroub, R. J., Colter Louwerse, Mitchell Plitnick, Mouin Rabbani, Sara Roy, and Avi Shlaim

[Publication date: April 16, 2024]

REVIEWS:

“Indispensable . . . a tour de force” 

—Norman G. Finkelstein

"Eye-opening, compelling, required reading"
—Katie Halper

“First-rate analysis . . . a truly important antidote”
—John J. Mearsheimer

“Comprehensive and compassionate”
—Cornel West

"From the outset, in the introduction to this valuable collection of essays, editor Jamie Stern-Weiner declares its aim: “to place this war in its proper historical context and to provide a preliminary assessment of the many different aspects of the war”.
—Jewish Voice for Labor

"Deluge is a sharp and informative analysis of the Palestine issue, helpful to those new to the movement and energizing also for the more experienced."
—Counter Fire

"[A]n invaluable book, for experts and novices alike."
—The Middle East Eye

"The book’s contributors are brave to highlight what is known but less often said and to open the door to discussions and debates that need to take place for there to be any hope of understanding and stopping the violence in Gaza, Israel and the Occupied Territories."
—The Morning Star

"Considering that a book’s publication typically has at least a one-year journey, this book’s release in April 2024 is a testimony to the authors and editors recognizing the importance of the moment, especially as the Israeli response to the 7 October operation constitutes a genocide."
—The Electronic Intifada

 

ABOUT THE EDITOR:


Jamie Stern-Weiner is an Associate Editor at OR Books and a doctoral candidate at the University of Oxford. Israeli-born and London-raised, he has written extensively about the history and politics of the Israel-Palestine conflict as well as the contemporary politics of antisemitism. His publications include Moment of Truth: Tackling Israel-Palestine’s Toughest Questions (OR Books, 2018), Antisemitism and the Labour Party (Verso, 2019), and How the EHRC Got It So Wrong (Verso, 2021). His articles have been published in The Nation, Jacobin, Jadaliyya, Middle East Eye, and elsewhere. He co-founded the New Left Project.

 

ABOUT THE AUTHORS: 

 

Clare Daly MEP is an Irish politician, currently serving as a member of the European Parliament, representing the constituency of Dublin. Elected as an independent socialist, she is affiliated to the Left in the European Parliament, and works across a range of policy areas, including migration and human rights, data protection, home affairs, transport, and defense. She is a vocal advocate for peace and a critic of EU foreign policy.

Khaled Hroub is professor of Middle Eastern Studies at Northwestern University/Qatar and the author of two books on Hamas.

Mouin Rabbani is co-editor of Jadaliyya and host of its Connections podcast.

Sara Roy is an associate of the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at Harvard University. Her most recent book is Unsilencing Gaza: Reflections on Resistance (Pluto Press, 2021).

Avi Shlaim is an emeritus professor of International Relations at Oxford University, a fellow of the British Academy, and the author of The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (2014) and Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations (2009).

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

After Hamas-led militants massacred Israeli civilians and soldiers on October 7th, prominent observers argued that the group’s ideological intransigence left Israel with no option but to eliminate it. US President Joe Biden rejected calls to “stop the war” because “[a]s long as Hamas clings to its ideology of destruction, a cease-fire is not peace.” Senator Bernie Sanders dismissed the prospect of “a permanent ceasefire with an organization like Hamas which is dedicated to destroying the State of Israel.” “People who are calling for a ceasefire now,” former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton asserted, “don’t understand Hamas.” The group “will sabotage any efforts to forge a lasting peace, and will never stop attacking Israel.”

The practical corollary of this reasoning was set out with disarming frankness by the Economist. In an editorial published November 2nd, that august journal acknowledged that “Israel is inflicting terrible civilian casualties” in Gaza, accepted that Israel “has unleashed a ferocious bombardment against the people of Gaza,” recognized that a prolongation of Israel’s offensive would cause “the deaths of thousands of innocent people” in Gaza—and concluded that “Israel must fight on,” because “while Hamas runs Gaza, peace is impossible.” Given its lethal-cum-genocidal implications, the claim that no lasting truce or peace agreement with Hamas is possible merits careful scrutiny.

Attempts to blame Palestinian recalcitrance for the intractability of the Israel-Palestine conflict are not new. On the contrary, Israeli spokespeople long ago elevated into a public relations mantra the aphorism of Abba Eban, Israel’s one-time foreign minister: “The Palestinians have never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity” for peace. The main problem with this claim is that it is flatly contradicted by the historical record. Palestinian leaders have sought for decades to resolve the conflict on terms approved by the international community. By contrast, Israel and the United States have consistently rejected those terms in favor of Israel’s territorial expansion. Furthermore, Israeli military offensives have often been directed not at combatting Palestinian terrorism but, on the contrary, at dispelling the “threat” of a peace agreement. Whenever Palestinian leaders moved toward accepting the international consensus framework for resolving the conflict, Israel responded with violence calibrated to force them back into militant rejectionism.

To neutralize these Palestinian “peace offensives,” Israel sought first to bypass Palestinian leaders as interlocutors, then to violently provoke them, and finally to coopt and contain them. Israel followed this playbook with both the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Hamas, in roughly the same sequence. In each case, Israel initially refused even to engage with Palestinian overtures. When moderate PLO and Hamas pronouncements threatened to win them international legitimacy, and thereby to undermine the tenability of Israel’s non-engagement policy, Israel in both cases conducted brutal military attacks aimed at derailing Palestinian diplomacy. Finally, Israel maneuvered both the PLO and Hamas into positions of subordinacy. Each organization found itself responsible for administering occupied territory and dependent on Israel for the resources and stability needed to do so. Israel thereby sought to reconcile the PLO and Hamas to its regime of domination over the Palestinian people without having to make any political or territorial concessions.

In the West Bank, Israel’s policy proved remarkably successful. By subcontracting the task of repression to the PA, Israel eroded the Palestinian leadership’s legitimacy and thus its desire and capacity to mobilize popular resistance to Israel’s occupation. By 2023, Israel believed that it had engineered a similar equilibrium in Gaza, with Hamas administering a besieged prison camp on Israel’s behalf. At first glance, Hamas appeared to be “pacified”: insofar as the Islamist movement prioritized its rule in Gaza, its resistance could be “contained.” It is now evident that the Israeli assessment was complacent. Fenced off from any diplomatic horizon and trapped within an unbearable and interminable siege, Hamas resolved to disrupt Israel’s equilibrium and violently refocus international attention on Palestine.

The bottom line is this. If, over the past half-century, Israel and its allies had desisted for but a moment in not merely missing, but actively spurning and sabotaging prospects for a just resolution to the Palestine Question, the 2023 massacre of Israeli civilians and incipient genocide in Gaza need never have happened. Indeed, the Israel-Palestine conflict would almost certainly have been resolved decades ago.

The Danger Zone Is Everywhere: How Housing Discrimination Harms Health and Steals Wealth
by George Lipsitz
‎University of California Press, 2024


[Publication date: August 27, 2024]

Compellingly argues that good health is as much social as it is biological, and that the racial health gap and the racial wealth gap are mutually constitutive.

The Danger Zone Is Everywhere shows that housing insecurity and the poor health associated with it are central components of an unjust, destructive, and deadly racial order. Housing discrimination is a civil and economic injustice, but it is also a menace to public health.

With this book, George Lipsitz reveals how the injuries of housing discrimination are augmented by racial bias in home appraisals and tax assessments, by the disparate racialized effects of policing, sentencing, and parole, and by the ways in which algorithms in insurance and other spheres associate race with risk. But The Danger Zone Is Everywhere also highlights new practices emerging in health care and the law, emphasizing how grassroots community mobilizations are creating an active and engaged public sphere constituency promoting new forms of legislation, litigation, and organization for social justice.


REVIEWS:



"George Lipsitz shines a brilliant light on the powerful connections between discriminatory housing conditions and wealth extraction and reveals the devastating health outcomes they leave in their wake. Backed up by extensive and accessibly presented research, The Danger Zone Is Everywhere paves the way for an integrative understanding of how the creation and maintenance of toxic and dangerous spaces (often referred to as 'social determinants') do enormous harm to bodies, minds, and spirits."—Tricia Rose, author of Metaracism: How Systemic Racism Devastates Black Lives—And How We Break Free

"Housing, health, and the arts are fundamental to precious life—not as separate categories but rather in their dynamic interrelatedness. Lipsitz exquisitely analyzes the spatial politics of both vulnerability and remedy. This beautiful book models abolition."—Ruth Wilson Gilmore, author of Abolition Geography: Essays Towards Liberation

"With amazing clarity and precision, Lipsitz explains how race-based residential segregation and wealth differences account for existing racial disparities in health and other areas of life. His command of the data and terrific examples will make The Danger Zone Is Everywhere the 'go-to' book to understand current racial affairs in the United States. In my estimation, this is his best book to date."—Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, author of Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America

"In The Danger Zone Is Everywhere, Lipsitz boldly demonstrates that housing discrimination constitutes the backbone of America's devastating race and class inequalities. Through impeccable analyses and mounds of evidence, he documents convincingly how housing discrimination causes racialized residential segregation, which in turn causes disastrous health and wealth disparities for people of color. These avoidable disparities maim and kill millions of children and adults annually. Lipsitz, in chilling fashion, dissects how good people—bankers, university faculties and administrators, government leaders, insurance executives, physicians, lawyers, real estate tycoons, prison executives, public school leaders, corporate CEOs, and middle-class property holders—knowingly and unknowingly create and perpetuate housing discrimination that massively destroys the lives of marginalized populations. This book is a must-read because it shows how racialized residential segregation makes a mockery of the democratic values that America shouts from the rooftops. Lipsitz makes a bold, disciplined call for America to tear down and discontinue housing discrimination if it is to live up to its creed."—Aldon Morris, author of The Scholar Denied: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Birth of Modern Sociology
 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


George Lipsitz is Research Professor Emeritus of Black Studies and Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara and the critically acclaimed
author of ten books including The Possessive Investment in Whiteness. He is a leading scholar in social movements, urban culture, inequality, the politics of popular culture, and Whiteness studies. In addition to The Possessive Investment in Whiteness, he has written Midnight at the Barrelhouse, Footsteps in the Dark, A Life in the Struggle, Time Passages, Dangerous Crossroads, American Studies in a Moment of Danger, Rainbow at Midnight, Sidewalks of St. Louis, Class & Culture in Cold War America and How Racism Takes Place. Lipsitz serves as Chairman of the Board of Directors of the African American Policy Forum and is on the board of the National Fair Housing Alliance. He edits the Critical American Series for University of Minnesota Press, and co-edits the American Crossroads series for University of California Press.
 

Don't Look Left: A Diary of Genocide
by Atef Abu Saif
‎Beacon Press, 2024


[Publication date: March 19, 2024]

A harrowing and indispensable first-hand account of the experience of the first 85 days of the Israeli invasion of Gaza, from a prominent Palestinian writer

In the morning I read the news. The news is about us. But it's designed for people reading it far, far away, who couldn't possibly imagine they could ever know anyone involved. It's for people who read the news to comfort themselves, to tell themselves: it's still far, far away. I read the news for different reasons: I read it to know I"m not dead.

Early in the morning of Oct 7, 2023, Atef Abu Saif went swimming. It was a beautiful morning: sunny with a cool breeze. The Palestinian Authority's Minister for Culture, he was on a combined work and pleasure trip to Gaza, visiting his extended family with his 15 year old son, Yasser, and participating in National Heritage Day.

Then the bombing started.

Don't Look Left takes us into the day to day experiences of Gazan civilians trying to survive Israel's war against Hamas, its detail and extended narrative showing us what brief reports and video clips cannot. In a war that has taken an extraordinarily high toll on civilians, it is a crucial document--a day-to-day testimony and a deeply moving depiction of a people's fight to survive and maintain their humanity amid the chaos and trauma of mass destruction. It is also, remarkably, a powerful literary experience. Atef Abu Saif was born in Jabalia refugee camp in Gaza in 1973, and, as he writes, his first war broke out when he was two months old. He writes as only someone who knows Gaza deeply can, and only as someone who knows war can, picking out the details of ordinary life and survival amidst the possibility of death coming at any moment: washing the only shirt he has and waiting naked for three hours for it dry; noticing a cat, as terrified as the people on the street around it, hiding under a bistro table; visiting his sister-in-law's daughter in the hospital, who tells him in her dream she has no legs, and asks him if it is true. It is: she has lost her legs and a hand when her home was hit by a bomb. Trying to figure out the best place to sleep each night, and when and where to flee as the destruction intensifies.

This is not like past wars with Israel, Abu Saif soon realizes--thinking of the Nakba, and of images of bombed cities from World War II.

Profits from the sale of this book will go to two Palestinian charities: Medical Aid for Palestinians and the Middle East Children’s Alliance.


REVIEWS:


“A chilling day-by-day account of living in and fleeing from Gaza in the last three months of 2023 . . . Desperate, devastating, and difficult to read, making it all the more necessary.”—Kirkus Reviews, Starred Review


“Reading Abu Seif’s diary entries poses several reflections, not least the importance of Palestinians themselves sharing their own narratives...Abu Seif’s narrative offers an insightful perspective on the first 60 days, and there is no end in sight to Israel’s genocidal actions, having created the conditions for famine and starvation, and bombing people waiting for meagre humanitarian aid.”—Ramona Wadi, Middle East Monitor

“Trapped inside Israel’s genocidal campaign against Gaza, Atef Abu Saif has chronicled the destruction of his city and the heroism of his people with a clarity and eloquence profound enough to silence bombs.”—Molly Crabapple, author of Drawing Blood




ABOUT THE AUTHOR:




Atef Abu Saif is a Palestinian novelist and diarist of the Palestinian experience of war and occupation. Born in Jabalia refugee camp in Gaza 1973, he relocated to the West Bank in 2019 and is currently the Minister for Culture in the Palestinian Authority. Excerpts from his diaries of the 2023-24 Israel-Hamas war have appeared in The Washington Post, The New York Times, The Nation, Slate, The Guardian, and elsewhere. In 2015 Atef was shortlisted for the International Prize for Arab Fiction, also known as the "Arabic Man Booker". In 2018 he also won the Katari Prize for Best Arabic Novel (young writers category). In 2015 he published his diaries of the 2014 war on Gaza: The Drone Eats with Me: A Gaza Diary (Comma Press), which was described by Molly Crabapple as "a modern classic of war literature."

Tuesday, August 13, 2024

Dr. William Strickland, Esteemed Scholar and Political Activist (1937-2024)

“Black America does not exist in a vacuum. Analyzing the condition of Black people in America, therefore, cannot be separated from the task of analyzing America itself. And the American condition, some 10 years before George Orwell’s prophetic 1984, is one of brooding apocalypse. Indeed, the smell of apocalypse rises, like a stench, from every corner of the land. The cities teeter on the edge of bankruptcy; the hospitals maim and kill rather than heal and cure; the schools no longer even pretend to teach; and the economy feeds, like some Bela Lugosi vampire, on the ever-shrinking income of the citizenry. Politically, the so-called ‘two-party system’ reveals itself to be little more than a second-rate Abbott and Costello comedy, while administrations past and present surface daily as skin-tight accomplices of the Mafia, the CIA, or both. Like Humpty Dumpty, the American social order is tumbling down. This breakdown in the American social order poses a particular challenge to Black intellectuals because it reveals, at the same time, a parallel breakdown of American intellectual life.

Most American intellectuals having dedicated their lives and their careers to huckstering for ‘the greatest system the world has ever known,’ are totally unprepared to admit the meaning of the deep and searing faults which now bubble up in scandal after scandal from the nation’s democratic’ depths. So, at precisely the moment when new social answers are required, American intellectuals, because of their blood-knot commitment to already failed political, economic, and cultural systems, and their inability to conceive of structures, forms, modes of thought and action outside of those. systems are unable even to pose the proper questions. They are trapped in the fabrications of yesteryear, enmeshed in a time which shall not come again. Black intellectuals, on the other hand, have a different legacy to draw upon, one which makes it impossible for most of us to join the anvil chorus of self-celebration which is the substance of the American intellectual tradition. We belong to the tradition of America’s victims, a tradition which has given us a particular angle of vision largely at odds with America, a tradition which has led to the repudiation, ridicule, exile and assassination of our prophets by a society determined to deny the validity of their vision and the truth of our history.”
—William Strickland (1937-2024), “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene”, Black World magazine, 1975


Civil Rights History Project: William Lamar Strickland


Library of Congress

June 24, 2014

Film, Video  
 
William Lamar Strickland oral history interview for the Civil Rights History Project conducted by Joseph Mosnier in Amherst, Massachusetts, September 23, 2011:

VIDEO: https://www.loc.gov/item/2015669154/
 
 
 
African American Oral History Narratives:
William Strickland 
Institute of the Black World
June 22, 2021
 
 
https://www.umass.edu/news/article/memoriam-william-strickland

In Memoriam: William Strickland



William “Bill” Strickland (1937-2024)

William Strickland, 87, Emeritus Professor in the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies, died April 10.

Strickland, who joined the Department of Afro-American Studies in 1973, taught political science at UMass Amherst for 40 years and served as the director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers. Upon his retirement in 2013, he donated his papers to the Robert S. Cox Special Collections & University Archives Research Center.

Per his April 19 obituary from Casper Funeral & Cremation Services in Boston, which can be found below and on Legacy.com, a symposium and celebration of life is being planned for fall 2024 and a lecture series fund is being established in his name. More details will be forthcoming.

William “Bill” Strickland, an incisive scholar, beloved teacher, and decades-long fighter in the struggle for Black liberation, died April 10 at home in Amherst, MA at the age of 87. He was a former professor in the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, where he taught for 40 years before retiring in 2013.

For more than 60 years, Prof. Strickland dedicated his life to advancing civil rights, human rights, and political power for communities throughout the African Diaspora. A prolific speaker and writer, he shared his incisive critiques of American racism, capitalism, and imperialism in the pages of Essence, African World, The Black Scholar, Presence Africaine, and the New York Times. He also served as a consultant for the landmark docuseries on the Civil Rights Movement, Eyes on the Prize, and the PBS documentary Malcolm X: Make It Plain, and he took special pride in his companion text to the series.

Born William Lamar Strickland on January 4, 1937 in Roxbury, MA, he was raised by his mother, Mittie Louise Strickland (née Norman), a union worker who had moved north from Georgia during the Great Migration. He graduated in the class of 1954 from the prestigious Boys Latin (now Boston Latin) before enrolling in Harvard University, where he majored in Psychology. Strickland paused his studies to join the US Marine Corps from 1956-59, serving stints in London and Vietnam, before returning to Harvard to complete his undergraduate degree.

Like many of his generation, Strickland’s entrée to the Civil Rights Movement came through his involvement with the NAACP Youth Council as a high school student in the early 1950s. Growing up in Roxbury, he became acquainted with Malcolm Little (later Malcolm X) through his older cousin Leslie Edman, a friend of Malcolm’s who also served time with him in Charlestown State Prison.

While his service in the Marines taught him about “dimensions of white America that I never would have learned otherwise,” it was his introduction to the works of Richard Wright and James Baldwin at Harvard that helped awaken his political consciousness. As an undergraduate, he enrolled in graduate classes alongside scholar C. Eric Lincoln and Urban League executive director Whitney Young and joined the Boston chapter of the Northern Student Movement (NSM) – a northern counterpart to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee – alongside legendary Boston activist Mel King. It was also at Harvard where he reconnected with Malcolm X in 1961 and formed a close friendship that lasted until Malcolm’s assassination in 1965.

 
PHOTO:  William “Bill” Strickland addresses a crowd in front of the Student Union building in 1987.

Strickland was named executive director of NSM in September 1963 and helped steer the national interracial organization into the mainstream of the emergent Black Power Movement. “It is becoming increasingly evident,” he declared that fall, “that ‘civil rights’ is no longer either an adequate term or an accurate description of the quest for full freedom which is now challenging our society.”

Working out of the NSM national office in Harlem, Strickland worked with Malcolm X on rent strikes, school boycotts, campaigns against police brutality, and broader struggles for Black liberation alongside activists like James Baldwin, Herbert Callender, Jesse Gray, John Lewis, Bayard Rustin, and many others. When Malcolm X formed the Organization of Afro-American Unity in 1964, Strickland was a founding member as a student representative.

At the invitation of Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer, Strickland also went south to support the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party with its challenge to the Democratic National Convention in 1964. That December, Strickland helped organize a Harlem rally in support of the MFDP challenge and fostered a historic introduction between Malcolm and Mrs. Hamer. It was a contribution that Strickland remained proud of throughout his years.

After NSM dissolved in 1966, Strickland taught as a visiting lecturer in Black History at Columbia University, filling in for renowned historian Eric Foner. While teaching at Columbia, he also served as a member of the advisory board for the groundbreaking television documentary series “Black Heritage,” spearheaded by Dr. John Henrik Clarke.

Following the assassination of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Strickland headed to Atlanta where he co-founded the first independent Black think tank, the Institute of the Black World, with Dr. Vincent Harding in 1969. With the participation of renowned scholars, artists, and activists including Lerone Bennett, Sr., Howard Dodson, Katherine Dunham, Robert “Bobby” Hill, Joyce Ladner, Walter Rodney and many others, IBW positioned itself as “a gathering of Black intellectuals who are convinced that the gifts of their minds are meant to be fully used in the service of the black community.” IBW notably played a formative role in the struggle to build the academic discipline of Black Studies amidst the student protests sweeping the nation in the late 1960s and early 1970s.

In 1973, Strickland joined the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, where he taught political science for 40 years and served as the director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers. Among his most popular courses were Black Politics, History of the Civil Rights Movement, The Writings of Frantz Fanon, and The Political Thought of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. Strickland combined his razor-sharp intellect, personal reflections on the Movement, and caustic humor to create transformative learning experiences for his students, within and beyond the classroom.

Strickland also remained engaged in political work throughout his years at UMass, most notably serving as the New England Coordinator for Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns in 1984 and 1988.

After retiring in 2013, Strickland split his time between Amherst and Ibiza, Spain, where he had a close community of dear friends. He continued to speak at conferences, symposia and events, dedicated to passing on stories, lessons, and legacies from the Black Freedom Movement to younger generations. He spent much of his time over the last several years in Amherst with his devoted friend and steadfast caregiver Edward Cage by his side.

Prof. Strickland leaves to cherish his memory his first cousins Earnestine “Perri” Norman, Dorothy Craig, Gwendolyn Smith, Arthur Norman, and Keith Norman; second cousins Amy Simpson and Gregory Berry; ex-wife Leslie Lowery; and countless friends, colleagues, comrades, and students around the world who carry forth his legacy in the ongoing struggle of Black liberation.

In lieu of flowers, his close friends Edward Cage and Amilcar Shabazz encourage those who wish to honor Bill Strickland’s legacy to donate to Amherst Media in his memory. A symposium and celebration of life is being planned for fall 2024 and a lecture series fund is being established in his name. More details will be forthcoming.


https://s-usih.org/2017/05/william-strickland-and-the-problem-of-modern-america/




William Strickland and the Problem of Modern America
by Robert Greene II
May 14, 2017



Dr. William Strickland

In the last six months, it has become a trend among intellectuals and academics to mine the past for thinkers to whom we can look to for guidance in how to address the “Age of Trump.” Hannah Arendt and Richard Hofstadter have, not surprisingly, become the leaders in this renaissance of thinking about oppressive regimes abroad and at home. Thankfully, other scholars have critiqued this, reminding us that African American intellectuals, among many others, embody a tradition of fighting government tyranny at home. For many Americans, fear of the government, concerns about the trampling of their constitutional rights, and desperation to find hope during hopeless times, is nothing new during the Trump Administration. It is merely day to day life in America.

It is in this frame of mind that I wish to bring attention of the readers of this blog to the works of William Strickland. Bill Strickland was heavily involved in the Black Freedom movement of the 1960s, working on several projects in the South as a scholar-activist. By the 1970s, he spent a considerable amount of time working and writing for the Institute of the Black World, an African American think-tank based in Atlanta, Georgia. While there, he wrote numerous pieces for publications such as Black World, tackling the thorny subjects of Watergate and the problems of American decline during the era. Reading some of his essays in recent days makes several things clear. First, the current spate of crises is worrying, but the United States has faced similar moments of tumult. That is not a comforting thought—because it is easy to consider how things can go badly from here on out. Nor is this to say that our present moment is exactly like Watergate and the 1970s. But the mixture of domestic government crises and foreign policy headaches does seem awfully familiar.

Second, reading Strickland should push intellectual historians—especially those of post-World War II America—to look beyond the usual suspects when contemplating the past to consider the present. I mentioned earlier the need to look to Arendt and other European intellectuals, or Hofstadter and the usual suspects of American thought. But even with African American intellectuals, we tend to look towards James Baldwin to make sense of the present. That’s understandable—and intellectually good. But there are other thinkers, like Strickland, Angela Davis, Vincent Harding, and others we should also look to understand both the present moment and the past. We cannot afford to rest on examining just a few intellectuals. Many thinkers ignored or downplayed by most historians offer a great deal to think about.

Two essays jump out for me from Strickland’s Black World opus. “Watergate: It’s Meaning for Black America” from the December 1973 issue of Black World was Strickland’s way of arguing that the Watergate crisis was merely the federal government’s war against radical activism finally eating away at the system itself. “Watergate,” he argued, “is more than a symbol of the pervasive corruption of American government. It is also perhaps the least well understood example of the power of Black people and Black struggle to shape the direction of American society.”[1] Writing about programs such as COINTELPRO and the federal government’s attempts to break radical social justice movements in the 1960s and early 1970s, Strickland made it clear that such programs—not to mention the deceit surrounding American entry into Vietnam—was the proper starting point for understanding Watergate.

The problems facing America at home and abroad were tied together in Strickland’s essay. Strickland did so again two years later, in his essay “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene” published in 1975. The dire situation facing Americans on a variety of fronts—something written about by other intellectuals at the same time—was again at the heart of Strickland’s essay. “This breakdown in the American social order,” he wrote, “poses a particular challenge to Black intellectuals because it reveals, at the same time, a parallel breakdown of American intellectual life.”[2] In other words, America’s problems mirrored a weakening of the American “mind.” While Strickland opined that African American intellectuals, due to the unique cultural and intellectual tradition they came from, had an opportunity to change the American intellectual tradition, the problem in the 1970s was that black intellectuals were unsure of what such a change should look like.

This is meant merely as a short introduction to Strickland’s valuable work. I would urge more historians to wrestle with his works, and to consider how they inform both how we should think about the 1970s and the present-day. After all, Strickland and others knew they wrote not merely for the present, but for a United States that has, time and again, faced serious problems of how to create a more perfect union.

[1] “Watergate: It’s Meaning for Black America,” Black World, December 1973, p. 5.

[2] “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene,” Black World, November 1975, p. 5.Tags: 1970s, African American Intellectual History, Bill Strickland, Black Radical Tradition

 
Summary from video interview at the Library of Congress in 2011:

William Strickland recalls growing up in Boston, Massachusetts, attending Boston Latin High School and Harvard University, and serving as a Marine. He remembers his friendship with Malcolm X, joining the Northern Student Movement, and his work with Vincent Harding and the Institute of the Black World. He also discusses the current research on Malcolm X and his opinions on politics. 
 
Names Strickland, William, 1937- interviewee
Mosnier, Joseph, interviewer
Civil Rights History Project (U.S.)
Created / Published 2011. 
 
Headings - Strickland, William,--1937---Interviews:
 
- Harding, Vincent
- X, Malcolm,--1925-1965
- Boston Latin School (Mass.)
- Harvard University
- Institute of the Black World
- Northern Student Movement
- African American civil rights workers--Interviews
- African American college teachers--Interviews
- African American veterans--Interviews
- Civil rights movements--United States
Genre Filmed Interviews 
 
Interviews
Oral histories
Video recordings
 
Notes - Recorded in Amherst, Massachusetts, on September 23, 2011. 
 
- Civil Rights History Project Collection (AFC 2010/039), Archive of Folk Culture, American Folklife Center, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
 
- Copies of items are also held at the National Museum of African American History and Culture (U.S.). 
 
- The Civil Rights History Project is a joint project of the American Folklife Center, Library of Congress and the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of African American History and Culture to collect video and audio recordings of personal histories and testimonials of individuals who participated in the Civil Rights movement.
 
- William Strickland was born in 1937 in Boston, Massachusetts. He attended Harvard University and worked as a professor of political science and Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. 
 
- In English.
- Finding aid http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.afc/eadafc.af013005
Medium 12 video files of 12 (HD, Apple ProRes 422 HQ, QuickTime wrapper) (130 min.) : digital, sound, color. 
 
1 transcript (56 pages). 
 
Source Collection Civil Rights History Project collection AFC 2010/039: 0055 
 
Repository Library of Congress Archive of Folk Culture, American Folklife Center, 101 Independence Ave. S.E., Washington, DC USA 20540 to 4610 http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.afc/folklife.home

Monday, August 12, 2024

Renowned Journalist, Author, Activist, Teacher, and Critic Herb Boyd On The Passing of Three Black Public Intellectual Giants: Dr. Bill Strickland (1937-2024), Dr. Robert L. Allen (1942-2024), and Dr. Nathan Hare (1933-2024)

Dr. William Strickland, Esteemed Scholar and Political Activist (1937-2024)
by Herb Boyd
April 23, 2024
Amsterdam News

PHOTO: Bill Strickland talking with Shirley Graham Du Bois, at the 1975 Black Scholar Fifth Anniversary Celebration (Image courtesy of The Robert Chrisman Foundation)

“Whatever Happened to the Politics of Black Liberation?” Dr. William Strickland asked in the October 1975 edition of the Black Scholar. “The American political system today is a fraudulent relic, bluffing its way through everyday life,” he declared. “Only inertia, ritual, and the absence of ‘Opposition’ enable it even to maintain the pretense of functioning.”

That question and his answer are just as pertinent now as it was then. Dr. Strickland’s scholarship was impeccable, his conclusions and analysis were always timely and we will miss his invaluable contributions to our struggle for total liberation. We are still waiting for the date and cause of his transition, and whatever those facts his intellectual legacy is assured.

“William Strickland embraced the challenge of the writing of Malcolm’s life and he did so in spite of the numerous scheduling constraints placed upon a project whose release must coincide with a broadcast date. We owe him a debt of thanks for his patience, persistence, and willingness to cooperate. Bill’s perspectives helped us all on the film and book teams to understand better what it was we were trying to accomplish,” wrote Henry Hampton, Executive Producer of “Eyes on the Prize” and Malcolm X: Make it Plain.

What Hampton had to say about Dr. William Strickland provides a compelling aperture to a life dedicated to Black scholarship and its importance to American history. Word of his passing has been prominently displayed on social media platforms but we still await the specifics of his death. Meanwhile, the specifics of his life are well known and he is held in high esteem in academic and activist circles.

A native of Boston, Bill was a graduate of Boston Latin School and Harvard University. After fulfilling his military obligations as a Marine, he became active in the civil rights movement and the Black liberation struggle. His leadership skills were applied in several political and educational organizations, including serving as Executive Director of the Northern Student Movement, working for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, and then as Northern Coordinator of the Party’s Congressional Challenge.

Dr. Strickland was a founding member of the OAAU (Organization of Afro-American Unity) in 1964 and 1969. He was also instrumental in the creation of the Institute of the Black World in Atlanta. He was widely heralded for his research skills, writing ability, and his general commitment to accuracy and thoroughness in scholarship. These proclivities were effectively utilized as a faculty member in the Afro-American Studies department at the University of Massachusetts in Amherst. A tireless administrator and teacher, his expertise on the life and legacy of W.E.B. Du Bois was acclaimed, and for many years he was director of the esteemed scholar’s papers, a position he held until his retirement in 2013.

The vast collection of papers are indicative of his commitments during his time at UMass and elsewhere. Included in the collection is the time he spent working with the Rev. Jesse Jackson during his presidential campaign as well as his efforts in commemorating the life of baseball immortal Jackie Robinson in 1996-97. This endeavor is highlighted on the day of my writing this tribute, April 15, as major league baseball salutes Robinson’s memory and achievements.

A good example of his scholarship and interests was published in the Black World in 1975, where his extended essay on Black intellectuals and the social scene aroused considerable attention. “Black America does not exist in a vacuum, he wrote. “Analyzing the condition of Black people in America, therefore, cannot be separated from the task of analyzing America itself. And the American condition, some 10 years before George Orwell’s prophetic 1984, is one of brooding apocalypse. Indeed, the smell of apocalypse rises, like a stench, from every corner of the land. The cities teeter on the edge of bankruptcy; the hospitals maim and kill rather than heal and cure; the schools no longer even pretend to teach; and the economy feeds, like some Bela Lugosi vampire, on the ever-shrinking income of the citizenry. Politically, the so-called ‘two-party system’ reveals itself to be little more than a second-rate Abbott and Costello comedy, while administrations past and present surface daily as skin-tight accomplices of the Mafia, the CIA, or both. Like Humpty Dumpty, the American social order is tumbling down. This breakdown in the American social order poses a particular challenge to Black intellectuals because it reveals, at the same time, a parallel breakdown of American intellectual life.

“Most American intellectuals,” he continued, “having dedicated their lives and their careers to huckstering for ‘the greatest system the world has ever known,’ are totally unprepared to admit the meaning of the deep and searing faults which now bubble up in scandal after scandal from the nation’s democratic’ depths. So, at precisely the moment when new social answers are required, American intellectuals, because of their blood-knot commitment to already failed political, economic, and cultural systems, and their inability to conceive of structures, forms, modes of thought and action outside of those. systems are unable even to pose the proper questions. They are trapped in the fabrications of yesteryear, enmeshed in a time which shall not come again. Black intellectuals, on the other hand, have a different legacy to draw upon, one which makes it impossible for most of us to join the anvil chorus of self-celebration which is the substance of the American intellectual tradition. We belong to the tradition of America’s victims, a tradition which has given us a particular angle of vision largely at odds with America, a tradition which has led to the repudiation, ridicule, exile and assassination of our prophets by a society determined to deny the validity of their vision and the truth of our history.”
 


Dr. Robert L. Allen (1942-2024)
July 19, 2024
The Black Scholar 
 

It is with heavy heart that we mark the passing of Black Scholar Senior Editor Robert L. Allen, on July 10, 2024. Dr. Allen joined the journal in 1971. He and Robert Chrisman—close friends as well as colleagues—worked together on the journal for over 40 years. We share a photo of the two during an early trip to Cuba, in 1973, and a poem that Robert Chrisman wrote for Robert Allen in Cuba, which gives lyrical voice to Robert Allen’s lifelong visionary work. Herb Boyd’s obituary for Allen, written for Amsterdam News, is also published here.

PHOTO:  (Left to Right) Robert L. Allen and Robert Chrisman 

Photo and poem courtesy of Laura Chrisman


Robert L. Allen: 

A Black Scholar in Every Sense of the Word

by Herb Boyd

Special to the Amsterdam News

News that the U.S. Navy had exonerated 256 Black sailors who were unjustly court-martialed in 1944 following the Port Chicago explosion in California was all the alert I needed to contact my friend and co-author Robert Allen. I wanted to chat with him about the news since it was his book, The Port Chicago Mutiny (1989), that enlightened me about the incident. I was curious if the news reports would mention his account and ask him for a quote. It was merely by chance that in seeking that information I learned Robert had died on July 10, a week before the sailors were exonerated. One piece of good news led me to some bad news. He was 82.

Long before our lives intersected, I knew of him through his activist journalism in his richly informative book Black Awakening in Capitalist America (1969), and his articles in the National Guardian, a radical newsweekly.  When I began submitting articles to the Black Scholar journal, where he was among the founding editors, our relationship blossomed.  Nearly a generation went by before we began our collaboration on the anthology Brotherman–The Odyssey of Black Men in America (1995). A shared division of labor on the project brought us closer together and I learned what a skilled editor he was and how self-effacing he could be. It was also during a time when his relationship with Alice Walker was coming to an end.

Robert was born on May 29, 1942, in Atlanta, Georgia, at Harris Memorial Hospital on Hunter Street. His parents were community activists and it wasn’t long before he too was involved in social and political fights for equal justice. He attended the E.R. Carter Elementary School and Booker T. Washington High School, both in Atlanta. His academic journey continued at Morehouse College, where he earned a Bachelor of Arts in 1963 and was a member of the Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity.  He spent an undergraduate year studying in Vienna, Austria, as a Merrill Scholar. In New York City he did graduate work at Columbia University and the New School for Social Research.

He completed his Ph.D. in sociology at the University of California, San Francisco. His doctoral research on racial dynamics within labor movements led him to broader scholarly endeavors, including civil and human rights. Black Awakening in Capitalist America was the culmination of his study and participation in various political formations, particularly those involved in the anti-war movement.

Robert’s book on Black militants and their organizations was widely reviewed and required reading and accompanied the rise of Black Studies.

“The fact of black America as a semi-colony, or what has been termed domestic colonialism, lies at the heart of this study,” he wrote in the book’s introduction. It is at one and the same time the most profound conclusion to be drawn from a survey of the black experience in America, and also the basic premise upon which an interpretation of black history can be constructed.”

When he wasn’t on the ramparts or chasing behind activists, charting their movements and struggles, he was in the classroom and he taught at several colleges, including the San Jose State University and Mills College in Oakland. In 1963, he married Pam Allen, and The Reluctant Reformers: The Impact of Racism on Social Movement in the U.S. (1983) was one of their publications. During his companionship with Alice Walker, they founded

Wild Trees Press, publishing As Wonderful As All That, the memoir of Henry Crowder’s affair with Nancy Cunard; he the gifted Black pianist, she the white shipping line heiress.

His legacy of excellence in academia and activism was often highlighted in the classroom at the University of California, Berkeley. And I was often privy to some of his lectures as we worked on Brotherman. He was more than a worthy constituent, but a soul brother in every way and he will be missed by a community of scholars and activists nurtured by his extensive and passionate research. It’s a shame that he didn’t live to see the Black sailors exonerated, but there is every indication in his study of the incident that he knew one day the men would have their day in the court on high.

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/22/us/robert-l-allen-dead.

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Robert L. Allen, Who Recounted a Naval Mutiny Trial, Dies at 82

He wrote of how 50 Black sailors were court-martialed for refusing to keep loading munitions onto cargo ships in 1944 after explosions had killed hundreds. They were exonerated this month.

Listen to this article:
8:32 min
 
  
PHOTO:  Robert L. Allen in 1967. His interviews with sailors who were court-martialed for refusing to load munitions at a California port after two ships exploded led to their exoneration last week. Credit: University of California Berkeley Library

by Richard Sandomir
July 22, 2024
New York Times

Robert L. Allen, who definitively told the story of 50 Black sailors who were convicted of conspiracy to commit mutiny for refusing to continue to load munitions onto cargo ships after explosions had blown apart two ships at a California port during World War II, killing hundreds, died on July 10 at his home in Benicia, in Northern California. He was 82.

Mr. Allen, a writer, activist and academic, died a week before the Navy exonerated the men.

His former wife Janet Carter said the cause was kidney failure.

“The secretary of the Navy called to offer condolences,” Ms. Carter said in an interview, referring to Carlos Del Toro. “And he said, ‘I’m going to do more than that — I’m going to exonerate these sailors.’”

Ms. Carter, who remained close to her former husband, a writer, activist and academic, added, “I cried in part because Robert wasn’t here to see it.”

On the night of July 17, 1944, hundreds of sailors were loading ordnance and ammunition onto the E.A. Bryan at the Port Chicago Naval Magazine, northeast of San Francisco. Suddenly, the munitions in the holds detonated, destroying the ship, the pier and structures within a 1,000-foot radius. Another ship, the Quinault Victory, blew apart and sank nearby in Suisun Bay.

The blasts killed 320 sailors, civilians and Coast Guard personnel, most of them Black. Nearly 400 were injured, most of them also Black.


PHOTO:  The blasts at the Port Chicago Naval Magazine, northeast of San Francisco, on the night of July 17, 1944, killed 320 sailors, civilians and Coast Guard personnel, most of them Black. Nearly 400 others were injured. Credit: San Francisco Chronicle, via Associated Press

White officers were given leave to recover, but Black sailors were soon ordered to continue their dangerous work loading munitions at a nearby port. They did not know why the ships had exploded — a cause has never been determined — and 258 refused to keep working, Mr. Allen said, leading an admiral to threaten to execute them by firing squad.

The Black sailors were arrested and taken to the hold of a barge that had room for 75 men. “The scene conjured up images of a slave ship,” Mr. Allen told The Sacramento Bee in 1997.

Of the 258 men, 208 returned to work, but they were still court-martialed for disobeying orders. The 50 others, in a summary court-martial, were convicted of conspiracy to commit mutiny and sentenced to eight to 15 years of confinement.

One of the sailors, Martin Bordenave, told Mr. Allen: “How could it be a mutiny? I didn’t talk to nobody. I didn’t conspire with nobody. I just made up my mind, I was tired of it, you know. I wanted to be a sailor.”


PHOTO:  Digging through the wreckage in the aftermath of the Port Chicago explosion. A cause of the blast was never determined. Credit:  Associated Press

In early 1946, 47 of the 50 men were released from prison under pressure from the National Negro Council and the Urban League, as well as from Eleanor Roosevelt and Thurgood Marshall, the future Supreme Court justice who was chief counsel of the N.A.A.C.P. at the time and had attended the trial.

In an appeal, Mr. Marshall argued before the judge advocate general in 1945 that the men had at worst disobeyed an order but had not mutinied, and that they should be exonerated. “I can’t understand why, whenever more than one Negro disobeys an order, it is mutiny,” he said.

Their convictions were upheld, but the publicity over the episode was a catalyst for the desegregation of the Navy in 1946.

In clearing 256 of the 258 men (the convictions of the others had been previously set aside, one for mental incompetency, the other for insufficient evidence), Secretary Del Toro said that the defendants had been denied a meaningful right to counsel and that they had been improperly tried together despite conflicting interests.

Mr. Allen was a professor of ethnic studies at Mills College in Oakland, Calif., when he first heard about the Port Chicago case. In the late 1970s, he discovered a faded pamphlet in a library in San Francisco with a picture of Black sailors on its cover under the title “Mutiny?” (The pamphlet had been written by a reporter for a left-wing newspaper at Mr. Marshall’s request.)

Over the next decade, Mr. Allen traveled by bus to interview survivors, some of whom were too ashamed of their mutiny convictions to have told their families. He obtained the transcript of the mutiny trial, scoured documents in federal archives for information on Port Chicago and found Mr. Marshall’s paperwork on the case. He received a Guggenheim fellowship, which helped finance his research.



“The Port Chicago Mutiny” (1989) was among several books that Mr. Allen wrote or edited. Credit: Grand Central Publishing

His book on the episode, “The Port Chicago Mutiny: The Story of the Largest Mass Mutiny Trial in U.S. Naval History,” was published in 1989.

“I don’t think you can overstate the significance of the interviews that he did,” Regina Akers, a historian with the Naval History and Heritage Command, said in an interview.

She added, “He gave them a chance to capture their perspective in that season of their lives, about what happened to them and what it was like to be in the Navy — the work they did loading ammunition and the discrimination they faced.”

Robert Lee Allen Jr. was born on May 29, 1942, in Atlanta. His mother, Sadie (Sims) Allen, was a teacher at Spelman College. His father was a mechanic. Both were community activists.

Robert, who grew up in segregated Atlanta, was 13 when Emmett Till, then only 14, was tortured and murdered by white men in Mississippi in 1955. Robert learned about the killing through an article in Jet magazine and the horrifying pictures that accompanied it.

“This is when I realized that the white people were not only dangerous, but they were dangerous to all of us, including me, because he was my age,” Mr. Allen said, referring to Emmett Till, in an oral history interview in 2019 with the University of California, Berkeley, where he taught.


PHOTO:  Mr. Allen taught at San Jose State University and Mills College in Oakland, Calif., before joining Berkeley in 1994 as a professor of ethnic studies and African American studies. Credit:  via U.S. Naval Institute

After graduating from Morehouse College in Atlanta with a bachelor’s degree in sociology in 1963, Mr. Allen moved to New York City, where he was a welfare caseworker and then a reporter for The National Guardian, a left-wing newsweekly. He earned a master’s degree from the New School for Social Research in 1967.

He began teaching in 1969, first in the Black studies department of San Jose State University and then at Mills, where he was chairman of the ethnic studies department. He joined Berkeley in 1994 as a professor of ethnic studies and African American studies. He received his Ph.D. in sociology from the University of California, San Francisco, in 1983.

Mr. Allen was a longtime editor of The Black Scholar, a Black studies and research journal, which he joined in 1971. He and the novelist Alice Walker, his companion at the time, founded Wild Tree Press, a feminist publishing company, in 1984.



Mr. Allen’s book “Black Awakening in Capitalist America” (1969) detailed the rise of Black activism. Credit: Doubleday Anchor

His book “Black Awakening in Capitalist America” (1969) detailed the rise of Black activism. His other books included “A Guide to Black Power in America: An Historical Analysis” (1970) and “Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters: C.L. Dellums and the Fight for Fair Treatment and Civil Rights” (2014).

Mr. Allen is survived by his wife, Zelia Bora; his son, Casey Allen, from his marriage to Pamela Parker, which ended in divorce; his sisters, Damaris Kirschhofer, Teresa Coughanour and Rebecca Allen; and three grandchildren.

After publishing his book about the Port Chicago episode, Mr. Allen remained active in campaigns seeking exoneration of the 50 sailors and in the naming of two parks to honor them, one of them, the Port Chicago Naval Magazine National Memorial, in Concord, Calif.

Even as the Navy considered clearing the sailors, the Port Chicago Alliance, a nonprofit group, persuaded the State of California and cities, counties and organizations in the state to pass resolutions supporting the exoneration. It also organized an inaugural four-day Port Chicago Weekend, a festival in the Bay Area, which began on July 18 and was able to celebrate the exoneration.

Yulie Padmore, the alliance’s executive director, credited Mr. Allen with being a significant champion of justice for the Black sailors.

“Without his work, we wouldn’t know what we know today,” she said in an interview. “We wouldn’t be here without him talking to the men and hearing what they wanted to say all along.”


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 

Richard Sandomir, an obituaries reporter, has been writing for The Times for more than three decades.  
More about Richard Sandomir


A version of this article appears in print on July 24, 2024, Section B, Page 10 of the New York edition with the headline: Robert L. Allen, Writer Who Helped Vindicate Black Sailors, Dies at 82. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper


MORE ON ROBERT L. ALLEN:

Bibliography

  • Black Awakening in Capitalist America: An Analytic History (1969)
  • A Guide to Black Power in America: An Historical Analysis (1970)
  • Reluctant Reformers: The Impact of Racism on Social Movement in the U.S. (1983)[7]
  • Brotherman: The Odyssey of Black Men in America (co-edited with Herb Boyd,[8] reprinted 1996)
  • Strong in the Struggle: My Life as a Black Labor Activist (with ILWU militant Lee Brown, 2001)
  • Honoring Sergeant Carter: A Family's Journey to Uncover the Truth About an American Hero[9] (with Allene G. Carter, 2004)
  • The Port Chicago Mutiny: The Story of the Largest Mass Mutiny Trial in U.S. Naval History[10][11] (Heyday Books, 1989, republished 2006).

Awards

 
 
Dr. Nathan Hare  (1933-2024) 
  

 

Volume 1, 1969 – Issue 2: Black Politics

We are saddened to learn that Dr. Nathan Hare transitioned on June 10, 2024. He was one of the founders of The Black Scholar journal, and its publisher until 1975. In his honor, we share his first “From the Publisher” column, “Behind Everything Under the Sun“, from the December 1969 issue.*

*click view pdf for access
 
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 
PHOTO: Herb Boyd speaking in 2011 at the National Writers Union (NWU – UAW Local 1981) 30th anniversary celebration in NYC
 
Herb Boyd is a journalist, activist, critic and teacher who has authored or edited 23 books, including his most recent one, Black Detroit: A People's History of Self Determination (Amistad, 2017). His book Baldwin's Harlem, a biography of James Baldwin, was a finalist for a 2009 NAACP Image Award. In 1995, with Robert Allen, he was a recipient of an American Book Award for Brotherman--The Odyssey of Black Men in America, an anthology. We Shall Overcome, a media-fusion book with narration by the late Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee, is used in classrooms all over the world, as is his Autobiography of a People and The Harlem Reader. His articles can be found in such publications as The Black Scholar, The Final Call, the Amsterdam News, Cineaste, Downbeat, and The Network Journal, among others.

Among the highlights of his remarkable journalistic career was an invitation to fly on Air Force One with President Obama, whom he has interviewed on several occasions.

Boyd is also a frequent guest on national television and radio shows, as well as a keynote speaker at many functions sponsored by noted community and college organizations, where his commentaries on African American culture and politics have earned him an increasingly large audience and popularity. For more than forty years, he has taught at institutions of higher learning. Currently, he teaches at the College of New Rochelle in the Bronx and at City College New York, and is also a national and international correspondent for Free SpeechTV.org, a media company that specializes in Internet television.