“Black America does not exist in a vacuum. Analyzing the condition of Black people in America, therefore, cannot be separated from the task of analyzing America itself. And the American condition, some 10 years before George Orwell’s prophetic 1984, is one of brooding apocalypse. Indeed, the smell of apocalypse rises, like a stench, from every corner of the land. The cities teeter on the edge of bankruptcy; the hospitals maim and kill rather than heal and cure; the schools no longer even pretend to teach; and the economy feeds, like some Bela Lugosi vampire, on the ever-shrinking income of the citizenry. Politically, the so-called ‘two-party system’ reveals itself to be little more than a second-rate Abbott and Costello comedy, while administrations past and present surface daily as skin-tight accomplices of the Mafia, the CIA, or both. Like Humpty Dumpty, the American social order is tumbling down. This breakdown in the American social order poses a particular challenge to Black intellectuals because it reveals, at the same time, a parallel breakdown of American intellectual life.
Most American intellectuals having dedicated their lives and their careers to huckstering for ‘the greatest system the world has ever known,’ are totally unprepared to admit the meaning of the deep and searing faults which now bubble up in scandal after scandal from the nation’s democratic’ depths. So, at precisely the moment when new social answers are required, American intellectuals, because of their blood-knot commitment to already failed political, economic, and cultural systems, and their inability to conceive of structures, forms, modes of thought and action outside of those. systems are unable even to pose the proper questions. They are trapped in the fabrications of yesteryear, enmeshed in a time which shall not come again. Black intellectuals, on the other hand, have a different legacy to draw upon, one which makes it impossible for most of us to join the anvil chorus of self-celebration which is the substance of the American intellectual tradition. We belong to the tradition of America’s victims, a tradition which has given us a particular angle of vision largely at odds with America, a tradition which has led to the repudiation, ridicule, exile and assassination of our prophets by a society determined to deny the validity of their vision and the truth of our history.”
—William Strickland (1937-2024), “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene”, Black World magazine, 1975
Civil Rights History Project: William Lamar Strickland
Library of Congress
June 24, 2014
Film, Video
William Lamar Strickland oral history interview for the Civil Rights History Project conducted by Joseph Mosnier in Amherst, Massachusetts, September 23, 2011:
VIDEO: https://www.loc.gov/item/2015669154/
VIDEO: https://www.loc.gov/item/2015669154/
African American Oral History Narratives:
William Strickland
William Strickland
Institute of the Black World
June 22, 2021
https://www.umass.edu/news/article/memoriam-william-strickland
In Memoriam: William Strickland
William “Bill” Strickland (1937-2024)
William Strickland, 87, Emeritus Professor in the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies, died April 10.
Strickland, who joined the Department of Afro-American Studies in 1973, taught political science at UMass Amherst for 40 years and served as the director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers. Upon his retirement in 2013, he donated his papers to the Robert S. Cox Special Collections & University Archives Research Center.
Per his April 19 obituary from Casper Funeral & Cremation Services in Boston, which can be found below and on Legacy.com, a symposium and celebration of life is being planned for fall 2024 and a lecture series fund is being established in his name. More details will be forthcoming.
William “Bill” Strickland, an incisive scholar, beloved teacher, and decades-long fighter in the struggle for Black liberation, died April 10 at home in Amherst, MA at the age of 87. He was a former professor in the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, where he taught for 40 years before retiring in 2013.
For more than 60 years, Prof. Strickland dedicated his life to advancing civil rights, human rights, and political power for communities throughout the African Diaspora. A prolific speaker and writer, he shared his incisive critiques of American racism, capitalism, and imperialism in the pages of Essence, African World, The Black Scholar, Presence Africaine, and the New York Times. He also served as a consultant for the landmark docuseries on the Civil Rights Movement, Eyes on the Prize, and the PBS documentary Malcolm X: Make It Plain, and he took special pride in his companion text to the series.
Born William Lamar Strickland on January 4, 1937 in Roxbury, MA, he was raised by his mother, Mittie Louise Strickland (née Norman), a union worker who had moved north from Georgia during the Great Migration. He graduated in the class of 1954 from the prestigious Boys Latin (now Boston Latin) before enrolling in Harvard University, where he majored in Psychology. Strickland paused his studies to join the US Marine Corps from 1956-59, serving stints in London and Vietnam, before returning to Harvard to complete his undergraduate degree.
Like many of his generation, Strickland’s entrée to the Civil Rights Movement came through his involvement with the NAACP Youth Council as a high school student in the early 1950s. Growing up in Roxbury, he became acquainted with Malcolm Little (later Malcolm X) through his older cousin Leslie Edman, a friend of Malcolm’s who also served time with him in Charlestown State Prison.
While his service in the Marines taught him about “dimensions of white America that I never would have learned otherwise,” it was his introduction to the works of Richard Wright and James Baldwin at Harvard that helped awaken his political consciousness. As an undergraduate, he enrolled in graduate classes alongside scholar C. Eric Lincoln and Urban League executive director Whitney Young and joined the Boston chapter of the Northern Student Movement (NSM) – a northern counterpart to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee – alongside legendary Boston activist Mel King. It was also at Harvard where he reconnected with Malcolm X in 1961 and formed a close friendship that lasted until Malcolm’s assassination in 1965.
In Memoriam: William Strickland
William “Bill” Strickland (1937-2024)
William Strickland, 87, Emeritus Professor in the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies, died April 10.
Strickland, who joined the Department of Afro-American Studies in 1973, taught political science at UMass Amherst for 40 years and served as the director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers. Upon his retirement in 2013, he donated his papers to the Robert S. Cox Special Collections & University Archives Research Center.
Per his April 19 obituary from Casper Funeral & Cremation Services in Boston, which can be found below and on Legacy.com, a symposium and celebration of life is being planned for fall 2024 and a lecture series fund is being established in his name. More details will be forthcoming.
William “Bill” Strickland, an incisive scholar, beloved teacher, and decades-long fighter in the struggle for Black liberation, died April 10 at home in Amherst, MA at the age of 87. He was a former professor in the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, where he taught for 40 years before retiring in 2013.
For more than 60 years, Prof. Strickland dedicated his life to advancing civil rights, human rights, and political power for communities throughout the African Diaspora. A prolific speaker and writer, he shared his incisive critiques of American racism, capitalism, and imperialism in the pages of Essence, African World, The Black Scholar, Presence Africaine, and the New York Times. He also served as a consultant for the landmark docuseries on the Civil Rights Movement, Eyes on the Prize, and the PBS documentary Malcolm X: Make It Plain, and he took special pride in his companion text to the series.
Born William Lamar Strickland on January 4, 1937 in Roxbury, MA, he was raised by his mother, Mittie Louise Strickland (née Norman), a union worker who had moved north from Georgia during the Great Migration. He graduated in the class of 1954 from the prestigious Boys Latin (now Boston Latin) before enrolling in Harvard University, where he majored in Psychology. Strickland paused his studies to join the US Marine Corps from 1956-59, serving stints in London and Vietnam, before returning to Harvard to complete his undergraduate degree.
Like many of his generation, Strickland’s entrée to the Civil Rights Movement came through his involvement with the NAACP Youth Council as a high school student in the early 1950s. Growing up in Roxbury, he became acquainted with Malcolm Little (later Malcolm X) through his older cousin Leslie Edman, a friend of Malcolm’s who also served time with him in Charlestown State Prison.
While his service in the Marines taught him about “dimensions of white America that I never would have learned otherwise,” it was his introduction to the works of Richard Wright and James Baldwin at Harvard that helped awaken his political consciousness. As an undergraduate, he enrolled in graduate classes alongside scholar C. Eric Lincoln and Urban League executive director Whitney Young and joined the Boston chapter of the Northern Student Movement (NSM) – a northern counterpart to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee – alongside legendary Boston activist Mel King. It was also at Harvard where he reconnected with Malcolm X in 1961 and formed a close friendship that lasted until Malcolm’s assassination in 1965.
PHOTO: William “Bill” Strickland addresses a crowd in front of the Student Union building in 1987.
Strickland was named executive director of NSM in September 1963 and helped steer the national interracial organization into the mainstream of the emergent Black Power Movement. “It is becoming increasingly evident,” he declared that fall, “that ‘civil rights’ is no longer either an adequate term or an accurate description of the quest for full freedom which is now challenging our society.”
Working out of the NSM national office in Harlem, Strickland worked with Malcolm X on rent strikes, school boycotts, campaigns against police brutality, and broader struggles for Black liberation alongside activists like James Baldwin, Herbert Callender, Jesse Gray, John Lewis, Bayard Rustin, and many others. When Malcolm X formed the Organization of Afro-American Unity in 1964, Strickland was a founding member as a student representative.
At the invitation of Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer, Strickland also went south to support the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party with its challenge to the Democratic National Convention in 1964. That December, Strickland helped organize a Harlem rally in support of the MFDP challenge and fostered a historic introduction between Malcolm and Mrs. Hamer. It was a contribution that Strickland remained proud of throughout his years.
After NSM dissolved in 1966, Strickland taught as a visiting lecturer in Black History at Columbia University, filling in for renowned historian Eric Foner. While teaching at Columbia, he also served as a member of the advisory board for the groundbreaking television documentary series “Black Heritage,” spearheaded by Dr. John Henrik Clarke.
Following the assassination of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Strickland headed to Atlanta where he co-founded the first independent Black think tank, the Institute of the Black World, with Dr. Vincent Harding in 1969. With the participation of renowned scholars, artists, and activists including Lerone Bennett, Sr., Howard Dodson, Katherine Dunham, Robert “Bobby” Hill, Joyce Ladner, Walter Rodney and many others, IBW positioned itself as “a gathering of Black intellectuals who are convinced that the gifts of their minds are meant to be fully used in the service of the black community.” IBW notably played a formative role in the struggle to build the academic discipline of Black Studies amidst the student protests sweeping the nation in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
In 1973, Strickland joined the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, where he taught political science for 40 years and served as the director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers. Among his most popular courses were Black Politics, History of the Civil Rights Movement, The Writings of Frantz Fanon, and The Political Thought of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. Strickland combined his razor-sharp intellect, personal reflections on the Movement, and caustic humor to create transformative learning experiences for his students, within and beyond the classroom.
Strickland also remained engaged in political work throughout his years at UMass, most notably serving as the New England Coordinator for Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns in 1984 and 1988.
After retiring in 2013, Strickland split his time between Amherst and Ibiza, Spain, where he had a close community of dear friends. He continued to speak at conferences, symposia and events, dedicated to passing on stories, lessons, and legacies from the Black Freedom Movement to younger generations. He spent much of his time over the last several years in Amherst with his devoted friend and steadfast caregiver Edward Cage by his side.
Prof. Strickland leaves to cherish his memory his first cousins Earnestine “Perri” Norman, Dorothy Craig, Gwendolyn Smith, Arthur Norman, and Keith Norman; second cousins Amy Simpson and Gregory Berry; ex-wife Leslie Lowery; and countless friends, colleagues, comrades, and students around the world who carry forth his legacy in the ongoing struggle of Black liberation.
In lieu of flowers, his close friends Edward Cage and Amilcar Shabazz encourage those who wish to honor Bill Strickland’s legacy to donate to Amherst Media in his memory. A symposium and celebration of life is being planned for fall 2024 and a lecture series fund is being established in his name. More details will be forthcoming.
https://s-usih.org/2017/05/william-strickland-and-the-problem-of-modern-america/
William Strickland and the Problem of Modern America
by Robert Greene II
May 14, 2017
Dr. William Strickland
In the last six months, it has become a trend among intellectuals and academics to mine the past for thinkers to whom we can look to for guidance in how to address the “Age of Trump.” Hannah Arendt and Richard Hofstadter have, not surprisingly, become the leaders in this renaissance of thinking about oppressive regimes abroad and at home. Thankfully, other scholars have critiqued this, reminding us that African American intellectuals, among many others, embody a tradition of fighting government tyranny at home. For many Americans, fear of the government, concerns about the trampling of their constitutional rights, and desperation to find hope during hopeless times, is nothing new during the Trump Administration. It is merely day to day life in America.
It is in this frame of mind that I wish to bring attention of the readers of this blog to the works of William Strickland. Bill Strickland was heavily involved in the Black Freedom movement of the 1960s, working on several projects in the South as a scholar-activist. By the 1970s, he spent a considerable amount of time working and writing for the Institute of the Black World, an African American think-tank based in Atlanta, Georgia. While there, he wrote numerous pieces for publications such as Black World, tackling the thorny subjects of Watergate and the problems of American decline during the era. Reading some of his essays in recent days makes several things clear. First, the current spate of crises is worrying, but the United States has faced similar moments of tumult. That is not a comforting thought—because it is easy to consider how things can go badly from here on out. Nor is this to say that our present moment is exactly like Watergate and the 1970s. But the mixture of domestic government crises and foreign policy headaches does seem awfully familiar.
Second, reading Strickland should push intellectual historians—especially those of post-World War II America—to look beyond the usual suspects when contemplating the past to consider the present. I mentioned earlier the need to look to Arendt and other European intellectuals, or Hofstadter and the usual suspects of American thought. But even with African American intellectuals, we tend to look towards James Baldwin to make sense of the present. That’s understandable—and intellectually good. But there are other thinkers, like Strickland, Angela Davis, Vincent Harding, and others we should also look to understand both the present moment and the past. We cannot afford to rest on examining just a few intellectuals. Many thinkers ignored or downplayed by most historians offer a great deal to think about.
Two essays jump out for me from Strickland’s Black World opus. “Watergate: It’s Meaning for Black America” from the December 1973 issue of Black World was Strickland’s way of arguing that the Watergate crisis was merely the federal government’s war against radical activism finally eating away at the system itself. “Watergate,” he argued, “is more than a symbol of the pervasive corruption of American government. It is also perhaps the least well understood example of the power of Black people and Black struggle to shape the direction of American society.”[1] Writing about programs such as COINTELPRO and the federal government’s attempts to break radical social justice movements in the 1960s and early 1970s, Strickland made it clear that such programs—not to mention the deceit surrounding American entry into Vietnam—was the proper starting point for understanding Watergate.
The problems facing America at home and abroad were tied together in Strickland’s essay. Strickland did so again two years later, in his essay “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene” published in 1975. The dire situation facing Americans on a variety of fronts—something written about by other intellectuals at the same time—was again at the heart of Strickland’s essay. “This breakdown in the American social order,” he wrote, “poses a particular challenge to Black intellectuals because it reveals, at the same time, a parallel breakdown of American intellectual life.”[2] In other words, America’s problems mirrored a weakening of the American “mind.” While Strickland opined that African American intellectuals, due to the unique cultural and intellectual tradition they came from, had an opportunity to change the American intellectual tradition, the problem in the 1970s was that black intellectuals were unsure of what such a change should look like.
This is meant merely as a short introduction to Strickland’s valuable work. I would urge more historians to wrestle with his works, and to consider how they inform both how we should think about the 1970s and the present-day. After all, Strickland and others knew they wrote not merely for the present, but for a United States that has, time and again, faced serious problems of how to create a more perfect union.
[1] “Watergate: It’s Meaning for Black America,” Black World, December 1973, p. 5.
[2] “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene,” Black World, November 1975, p. 5.Tags: 1970s, African American Intellectual History, Bill Strickland, Black Radical Tradition
Strickland was named executive director of NSM in September 1963 and helped steer the national interracial organization into the mainstream of the emergent Black Power Movement. “It is becoming increasingly evident,” he declared that fall, “that ‘civil rights’ is no longer either an adequate term or an accurate description of the quest for full freedom which is now challenging our society.”
Working out of the NSM national office in Harlem, Strickland worked with Malcolm X on rent strikes, school boycotts, campaigns against police brutality, and broader struggles for Black liberation alongside activists like James Baldwin, Herbert Callender, Jesse Gray, John Lewis, Bayard Rustin, and many others. When Malcolm X formed the Organization of Afro-American Unity in 1964, Strickland was a founding member as a student representative.
At the invitation of Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer, Strickland also went south to support the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party with its challenge to the Democratic National Convention in 1964. That December, Strickland helped organize a Harlem rally in support of the MFDP challenge and fostered a historic introduction between Malcolm and Mrs. Hamer. It was a contribution that Strickland remained proud of throughout his years.
After NSM dissolved in 1966, Strickland taught as a visiting lecturer in Black History at Columbia University, filling in for renowned historian Eric Foner. While teaching at Columbia, he also served as a member of the advisory board for the groundbreaking television documentary series “Black Heritage,” spearheaded by Dr. John Henrik Clarke.
Following the assassination of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Strickland headed to Atlanta where he co-founded the first independent Black think tank, the Institute of the Black World, with Dr. Vincent Harding in 1969. With the participation of renowned scholars, artists, and activists including Lerone Bennett, Sr., Howard Dodson, Katherine Dunham, Robert “Bobby” Hill, Joyce Ladner, Walter Rodney and many others, IBW positioned itself as “a gathering of Black intellectuals who are convinced that the gifts of their minds are meant to be fully used in the service of the black community.” IBW notably played a formative role in the struggle to build the academic discipline of Black Studies amidst the student protests sweeping the nation in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
In 1973, Strickland joined the W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, where he taught political science for 40 years and served as the director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers. Among his most popular courses were Black Politics, History of the Civil Rights Movement, The Writings of Frantz Fanon, and The Political Thought of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. Strickland combined his razor-sharp intellect, personal reflections on the Movement, and caustic humor to create transformative learning experiences for his students, within and beyond the classroom.
Strickland also remained engaged in political work throughout his years at UMass, most notably serving as the New England Coordinator for Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns in 1984 and 1988.
After retiring in 2013, Strickland split his time between Amherst and Ibiza, Spain, where he had a close community of dear friends. He continued to speak at conferences, symposia and events, dedicated to passing on stories, lessons, and legacies from the Black Freedom Movement to younger generations. He spent much of his time over the last several years in Amherst with his devoted friend and steadfast caregiver Edward Cage by his side.
Prof. Strickland leaves to cherish his memory his first cousins Earnestine “Perri” Norman, Dorothy Craig, Gwendolyn Smith, Arthur Norman, and Keith Norman; second cousins Amy Simpson and Gregory Berry; ex-wife Leslie Lowery; and countless friends, colleagues, comrades, and students around the world who carry forth his legacy in the ongoing struggle of Black liberation.
In lieu of flowers, his close friends Edward Cage and Amilcar Shabazz encourage those who wish to honor Bill Strickland’s legacy to donate to Amherst Media in his memory. A symposium and celebration of life is being planned for fall 2024 and a lecture series fund is being established in his name. More details will be forthcoming.
https://s-usih.org/2017/05/william-strickland-and-the-problem-of-modern-america/
William Strickland and the Problem of Modern America
by Robert Greene II
May 14, 2017
Dr. William Strickland
In the last six months, it has become a trend among intellectuals and academics to mine the past for thinkers to whom we can look to for guidance in how to address the “Age of Trump.” Hannah Arendt and Richard Hofstadter have, not surprisingly, become the leaders in this renaissance of thinking about oppressive regimes abroad and at home. Thankfully, other scholars have critiqued this, reminding us that African American intellectuals, among many others, embody a tradition of fighting government tyranny at home. For many Americans, fear of the government, concerns about the trampling of their constitutional rights, and desperation to find hope during hopeless times, is nothing new during the Trump Administration. It is merely day to day life in America.
It is in this frame of mind that I wish to bring attention of the readers of this blog to the works of William Strickland. Bill Strickland was heavily involved in the Black Freedom movement of the 1960s, working on several projects in the South as a scholar-activist. By the 1970s, he spent a considerable amount of time working and writing for the Institute of the Black World, an African American think-tank based in Atlanta, Georgia. While there, he wrote numerous pieces for publications such as Black World, tackling the thorny subjects of Watergate and the problems of American decline during the era. Reading some of his essays in recent days makes several things clear. First, the current spate of crises is worrying, but the United States has faced similar moments of tumult. That is not a comforting thought—because it is easy to consider how things can go badly from here on out. Nor is this to say that our present moment is exactly like Watergate and the 1970s. But the mixture of domestic government crises and foreign policy headaches does seem awfully familiar.
Second, reading Strickland should push intellectual historians—especially those of post-World War II America—to look beyond the usual suspects when contemplating the past to consider the present. I mentioned earlier the need to look to Arendt and other European intellectuals, or Hofstadter and the usual suspects of American thought. But even with African American intellectuals, we tend to look towards James Baldwin to make sense of the present. That’s understandable—and intellectually good. But there are other thinkers, like Strickland, Angela Davis, Vincent Harding, and others we should also look to understand both the present moment and the past. We cannot afford to rest on examining just a few intellectuals. Many thinkers ignored or downplayed by most historians offer a great deal to think about.
Two essays jump out for me from Strickland’s Black World opus. “Watergate: It’s Meaning for Black America” from the December 1973 issue of Black World was Strickland’s way of arguing that the Watergate crisis was merely the federal government’s war against radical activism finally eating away at the system itself. “Watergate,” he argued, “is more than a symbol of the pervasive corruption of American government. It is also perhaps the least well understood example of the power of Black people and Black struggle to shape the direction of American society.”[1] Writing about programs such as COINTELPRO and the federal government’s attempts to break radical social justice movements in the 1960s and early 1970s, Strickland made it clear that such programs—not to mention the deceit surrounding American entry into Vietnam—was the proper starting point for understanding Watergate.
The problems facing America at home and abroad were tied together in Strickland’s essay. Strickland did so again two years later, in his essay “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene” published in 1975. The dire situation facing Americans on a variety of fronts—something written about by other intellectuals at the same time—was again at the heart of Strickland’s essay. “This breakdown in the American social order,” he wrote, “poses a particular challenge to Black intellectuals because it reveals, at the same time, a parallel breakdown of American intellectual life.”[2] In other words, America’s problems mirrored a weakening of the American “mind.” While Strickland opined that African American intellectuals, due to the unique cultural and intellectual tradition they came from, had an opportunity to change the American intellectual tradition, the problem in the 1970s was that black intellectuals were unsure of what such a change should look like.
This is meant merely as a short introduction to Strickland’s valuable work. I would urge more historians to wrestle with his works, and to consider how they inform both how we should think about the 1970s and the present-day. After all, Strickland and others knew they wrote not merely for the present, but for a United States that has, time and again, faced serious problems of how to create a more perfect union.
[1] “Watergate: It’s Meaning for Black America,” Black World, December 1973, p. 5.
[2] “Black Intellectuals and the American Social Scene,” Black World, November 1975, p. 5.Tags: 1970s, African American Intellectual History, Bill Strickland, Black Radical Tradition
Summary from video interview at the Library of Congress in 2011:
William Strickland recalls growing up in Boston, Massachusetts, attending Boston Latin High School and Harvard University, and serving as a Marine. He remembers his friendship with Malcolm X, joining the Northern Student Movement, and his work with Vincent Harding and the Institute of the Black World. He also discusses the current research on Malcolm X and his opinions on politics.
William Strickland recalls growing up in Boston, Massachusetts, attending Boston Latin High School and Harvard University, and serving as a Marine. He remembers his friendship with Malcolm X, joining the Northern Student Movement, and his work with Vincent Harding and the Institute of the Black World. He also discusses the current research on Malcolm X and his opinions on politics.
Names Strickland, William, 1937- interviewee
Mosnier, Joseph, interviewer
Civil Rights History Project (U.S.)
Created / Published 2011.
Headings - Strickland, William,--1937---Interviews:
- Harding, Vincent
- X, Malcolm,--1925-1965
- Boston Latin School (Mass.)
- Harvard University
- Institute of the Black World
- Northern Student Movement
- African American civil rights workers--Interviews
- African American college teachers--Interviews
- African American veterans--Interviews
- Civil rights movements--United States
Genre Filmed Interviews
Interviews
Oral histories
Video recordings
Notes - Recorded in Amherst, Massachusetts, on September 23, 2011.
- Civil Rights History Project Collection (AFC 2010/039), Archive of Folk Culture, American Folklife Center, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
- Copies of items are also held at the National Museum of African American History and Culture (U.S.).
- The Civil Rights History Project is a joint project of the American Folklife Center, Library of Congress and the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of African American History and Culture to collect video and audio recordings of personal histories and testimonials of individuals who participated in the Civil Rights movement.
- William Strickland was born in 1937 in Boston, Massachusetts. He attended Harvard University and worked as a professor of political science and Afro-American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
- In English.
- Finding aid http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.afc/eadafc.af013005
Medium 12 video files of 12 (HD, Apple ProRes 422 HQ, QuickTime wrapper) (130 min.) : digital, sound, color.
1 transcript (56 pages).
Source Collection Civil Rights History Project collection AFC 2010/039: 0055
Repository Library of Congress Archive of Folk Culture, American Folklife Center, 101 Independence Ave. S.E., Washington, DC USA 20540 to 4610 http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.afc/folklife.home
