We Are Internationalists: Prexy Nesbitt and the Fight For African Liberation
by Martha Biondi
University Of California Press, 2025
Explores forgotten solidarity with African liberation struggles through the life of Black Chicagoan Prexy Nesbitt.
For many civil rights activists, the Vietnam War brought the dangers of US imperialism and the global nature of antiracist struggle into sharp relief. Martha Biondi tells the story of one such group of activists who built an internationalist movement in Chicago committed to liberation everywhere but especially to ending colonialism and apartheid in Africa.
Among their leaders was Prexy Nesbitt. Steeped from an early age in stories of Garveyism and labor militancy, Nesbitt was powerfully influenced by his encounters with the exiled African radicals he met in Dar es Salaam, London, and across the United States. Operating domestically and abroad, Nesbitt's cohort worked closely with opponents of Portuguese and white minority rule in Mozambique, Angola, and South Africa. Rather than promoting a US conception of Black self-determination, they took ideas from African anticolonial leaders and injected them into US foreign policy debates.
The biography of a man but even more so of a movement, We Are Internationalists reveals the underappreciated influence of a transformative Black solidarity project.
REVIEWS
From the Back Cover:
"Through Chicagoan Prexy Nesbitt's life of organizing at the grassroots and crisscrossing the globe, we learn about long-forgotten efforts spanning decades to support the many liberation and peace struggles in southern Africa. Now more than ever, young Americans need to know that internationalism and solidarity with anticolonial struggles in the Global South have a deep history in the American Left, especially the Black Left."
Among their leaders was Prexy Nesbitt. Steeped from an early age in stories of Garveyism and labor militancy, Nesbitt was powerfully influenced by his encounters with the exiled African radicals he met in Dar es Salaam, London, and across the United States. Operating domestically and abroad, Nesbitt's cohort worked closely with opponents of Portuguese and white minority rule in Mozambique, Angola, and South Africa. Rather than promoting a US conception of Black self-determination, they took ideas from African anticolonial leaders and injected them into US foreign policy debates.
The biography of a man but even more so of a movement, We Are Internationalists reveals the underappreciated influence of a transformative Black solidarity project.
REVIEWS
From the Back Cover:
"Through Chicagoan Prexy Nesbitt's life of organizing at the grassroots and crisscrossing the globe, we learn about long-forgotten efforts spanning decades to support the many liberation and peace struggles in southern Africa. Now more than ever, young Americans need to know that internationalism and solidarity with anticolonial struggles in the Global South have a deep history in the American Left, especially the Black Left."
—Angela Y. Davis, author of Freedom Is a Constant Struggle
"At this moment, when the lives of Bayard Rustin, Ella Baker, Claudette Colvin, and others are gaining fresh attention and new appreciation, Prexy Nesbitt's story is both relevant and necessary. A huge audience is eager for a deeper awareness of where we've come from, where we are today, and where we might go."
"At this moment, when the lives of Bayard Rustin, Ella Baker, Claudette Colvin, and others are gaining fresh attention and new appreciation, Prexy Nesbitt's story is both relevant and necessary. A huge audience is eager for a deeper awareness of where we've come from, where we are today, and where we might go."
—Bill Ayers, author of When Freedom Is the Question, Abolition Is the Answer
"The most consequential social movement to develop in the United States after the civil rights era of the 1960s was the movement to end apartheid in South Africa. Despite its significance, we know very little about it. And we know next to nothing about the amazing efforts of Black Americans like Prexy Nesbitt to address the colossal injustices facing the whole region of southern Africa. We Are Internationalists fills a long-standing void in our understanding of the vast and sometimes vacuous post–civil rights era."
"The most consequential social movement to develop in the United States after the civil rights era of the 1960s was the movement to end apartheid in South Africa. Despite its significance, we know very little about it. And we know next to nothing about the amazing efforts of Black Americans like Prexy Nesbitt to address the colossal injustices facing the whole region of southern Africa. We Are Internationalists fills a long-standing void in our understanding of the vast and sometimes vacuous post–civil rights era."
—Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, author of From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Martha Biondi is Lorraine H. Morton Professor of Black Studies and Professor of History at Northwestern University and author of The Black Revolution on Campus and To Stand and Fight: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New York City.
InJustice: How Politics and Fear Vanquished America’s Justice Department
by Carol Leonnig and Aaron C. Davis
Penguin Press, 2025
InJustice: How Politics and Fear Vanquished America’s Justice Department
by Carol Leonnig and Aaron C. Davis
Penguin Press, 2025
[Publication date: November 4, 2025]
An Instant New York Times Bestseller
“An amazing piece of work . . . This is not just a series of newly reported anecdotes and pieces of information. It is a remarkable thesis about how Trump effectively broke the Justice Department in his first term by bullying it.”
“An amazing piece of work . . . This is not just a series of newly reported anecdotes and pieces of information. It is a remarkable thesis about how Trump effectively broke the Justice Department in his first term by bullying it.”
—Rachel Maddow, The Rachel Maddow Show
From Pulitzer Prize–winning Washington Post reporters Carol Leonnig and Aaron C. Davis, a shocking investigation of unparalleled depth into the subversion of the Justice Department over the last decade, culminating in President Donald Trump upending this cornerstone of democracy and threatening America’s rule of law as we have long known it
Throughout his first administration, Trump did more than any other president to politicize the nation’s top law enforcement agency, pressuring appointees to shield him, to target his enemies, and even to help him cling to power after his 2020 election defeat. The department, pressed into a defensive crouch, has never fully recovered.
Injustice exposes not only the Trump administration’s efforts to undermine the department at every turn but also how delays in investigating Trump’s effort to overturn the will of voters under Attorney General Merrick Garland helped prevent the country from holding Trump accountable and enabled his return to power. With never-before-told accounts, Carol Leonnig and Aaron C. Davis take readers inside as prosecutors convulsed over Trump’s disdain for the rule of law, and FBI agents, the department’s storied investigators, at times retreated in fear. They take you to the rooms where Special Counsel Jack Smith’s team set off on an all-but-impossible race to investigate Trump for absconding with classified documents and waging an assault on democracy—and inside his prosecution’s heroic and fateful choices that ultimately backfired.
With a plethora of sources deeply embedded in the ranks of three presidencies, Leonnig and Davis reveal the daily war secretly waged for the soul of the department, how it has been shredded by propaganda and partisanship, and how—if the United States hopes to live on with its same form of government—Trump’s war with the Justice Department will mark a turning point from which it will be hard to recover. Injustice is the jaw-dropping account of partisans and enablers undoing democracy, heroes still battling to preserve a nation governed by laws, and a call to action for those who believe in liberty and justice for all.
REVIEWS:
"Most legal stories rely on the inherent drama of trials, but in Injustice Leonnig and Davis take on the more challenging assignment of depicting a bureaucracy. Zoom meetings, as a rule, are less riveting than cross-examinations, but their upshots, especially here, can be more consequential. The heart of Injustice is the authors’ reconstruction of how Garland led the investigation of the Jan. 6, 2021, attempt to overturn the 2020 election . . . If Injustice has heroes, it’s the investigators from the House Select Committee on the events of Jan. 6, who did what Garland forbade his subordinates to do: examine the role of Trump and his White House in the attack on the Capitol . . . The disturbing takeaway of Injustice is that, at the Justice Department, political independence has been replaced by abject servility to Trump."
"Most legal stories rely on the inherent drama of trials, but in Injustice Leonnig and Davis take on the more challenging assignment of depicting a bureaucracy. Zoom meetings, as a rule, are less riveting than cross-examinations, but their upshots, especially here, can be more consequential. The heart of Injustice is the authors’ reconstruction of how Garland led the investigation of the Jan. 6, 2021, attempt to overturn the 2020 election . . . If Injustice has heroes, it’s the investigators from the House Select Committee on the events of Jan. 6, who did what Garland forbade his subordinates to do: examine the role of Trump and his White House in the attack on the Capitol . . . The disturbing takeaway of Injustice is that, at the Justice Department, political independence has been replaced by abject servility to Trump."
—Jeffrey Toobin, The New York Times Book Review
"The most detailed account yet of the Justice Department’s disastrous effort to bring Donald Trump to trial during Joe Biden’s administration, which is likely to long rank among U.S. law enforcement’s greatest failures. History will not judge this effort kindly, but perhaps more importantly — at this fractious and precarious moment in American politics — [Injustice] contains critical lessons for a future administration that wants to focus on serious legal accountability for powerful political figures . . . If Democrats are to avoid making the same mistakes all over again, Leonnig and Davis’ book offers both an engaging and enraging opportunity to learn. It’s a journalistic tour-de-force." —Politico
ABOUT THE AUTHORS:
Carol Leonnig, a five-time winner of the Pulitzer Prize, is the author of three bestselling books and an investigative reporter who has worked at The Washington Post for the last twenty-five years. She won the 2015 Pulitzer Prize for her reporting on security failures by the Secret Service. She also was part of Post teams awarded Pulitzers in 2024, 2022, 2018, and 2014. Leonnig, a contributor to MSNBC, is the author of Zero Fail and coauthor of A Very Stable Genius and I Alone Can Fix It.
Aaron C. Davis is an investigative reporter for The Washington Post who has won the Pulitzer Prize twice and has been a finalist three times. He was a lead writer and reporter on the Post’s investigative series into the January 6 attack, which won the George Polk Award, the Toner Prize, and, with other Post coverage, the 2022 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service. In 2018, he was part of a Post team that won the Pulitzer for Investigative Reporting. Davis has reported from fourteen countries. He began at The Washington Post in 2008, after reporting for the Associated Press, The Mercury News, and Florida Today.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
[1]
A Righteous Prosecution?
In 2018, a week before Thanksgiving, Kamil Shields and David Kent-two federal prosecutors who worked in the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia-were losing sleep over high-level interference in their criminal case. It was shocking to them, they confided to colleagues, but the person imperiling a fair prosecution was their ultimate boss, the president of the United States.
Outside the legal community, the work of federal prosecutors such as Kent and Shields has often not been well understood. They were cogs in a network of ninety-three U.S. Attorney's Offices, which fan out across the country from the Department of Justice's main headquarters in Washington, D.C. Together, the attorneys in those offices form a field army that, since President George Washington's first appointments to such posts, has been charged with carefully investigating crimes and pursuing justice on behalf of the U.S. government. Shields and Kent were on the front lines, and their assignment was among the department's most sensitive. Secretly, they were probing one of the government's highest-ranking law enforcement chiefs, Andrew McCabe, who had recently departed as second-in-command at the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
As if the case wasn't fraught enough, the occupant of the Oval Office was ratcheting up the stakes, and the stress level, for the prosecutorial team. Since his surprise victory in the 2016 presidential election, Donald Trump had become locked in an increasingly tense standoff with leaders of the Justice Department, the traditionally rigorous executive branch agency. The FBI, the investigative arm of the department, was the lead federal agency responsible for identifying and interrupting threats to national security. In fulfilling that role, its agents had been probing unusual contacts between Trump's campaign advisers and the Russian government before the election, but the new president had abruptly fired James B. Comey when the FBI director refused to bend to Trump's pressure to either shutter the probe or publicly exonerate him. The dramatic removal, less than four months into Trump's arrival in the White House-and six years before Comey's ten-year term was set to expire-prompted McCabe to open an investigation of the president. It also compelled DOJ leaders to appoint an independent special counsel to take over the Russia investigation and to determine if, by removing Comey, the president had intended to obstruct that probe. In social media posts, Trump had repeatedly blasted the ongoing investigation led by Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller III, the widely respected former FBI director. Trump questioned why Democrats and their sympathizers should not also be subject to federal investigations, and McCabe was one of the president's top targets. In Trump's view, McCabe sat alongside the ranks of Hillary Clinton, Comey, and others whom Trump labeled as criminals.
McCabe had, in fact, erred. He had initially given investigators a false account of his role in leaking information to the press. That was why he was no longer the current FBI deputy director. But the president wasn't supposed to decide if that wrongdoing rose to the level that it should be prosecuted criminally. In fact, he should have steered far clear.
Under a system of guidelines and case reviews honed over more than a century-and then tightened significantly following the Watergate scandal-the Justice Department had a tried-and-true method for deciding whether to criminally prosecute a U.S. citizen. That careful review process had made the Justice Department a beacon for democracy worldwide. And that was in no small part because every time, deep in the bureaucracy, the real work of evaluating a case began with attorneys like Shields and Kent. They were among a class of career attorneys who did their jobs year in and year out, under Republican presidents and Democratic ones, insulated from politics and expected to focus on the facts of a case and how the law applied given each particular set of circumstances. Often, attorneys drew cases based solely on merit and the track record they had amassed in successfully representing the government. Kent, forty-six, had spent most of his legal career in the D.C. office, investigating and indicting the architects of complex crimes and frauds. Peers viewed him as having a thoughtful legal mind. A Stanford Law graduate, he pored over the details and precedent of his cases. His coworkers in the esteemed Fraud and Public Corruption Section, which handled some of the office's toughest cases, considered him a mensch and "a good soldier." In other words, he didn't shy away from problem cases.
Shields, forty, had been on the government staff for nearly five years, primarily prosecuting cybercriminals who had stolen money or secrets by hacking. A Harvard undergrad and Yale Law School graduate, she had been rated a rising star at the prestigious New York firm Sullivan & Cromwell but left before making partner. Not long after becoming a prosecutor, she and her husband had welcomed their first child, a boy.
The two were what are known as line attorneys, due to their position on the front lines in upholding the nation's laws. They partnered with FBI agents to gather the facts of a case, and when they found evidence of serious crimes, they presented it to a grand jury that met in secret. When a jury agreed with the prosecutors that a suspect's acts merited criminal charges, it handed down an indictment, and the line attorneys proceeded to argue for conviction in court. At key steps along the way, they had to answer to layers of supervisors and section chiefs above them. Those checks repeatedly stress-tested the facts of a case and allowed for healthy second-guessing as to whether prosecutors had properly applied the law. Shields, Kent, and their colleagues in the D.C. office-one of the largest and most prestigious in the country-paused before bringing major charges, gathering in a conference room stuffed with well-worn chairs to "murder" one another's draft prosecution memos. Fellow prosecutors would sit around for hours, attempting to attack a proposed argument as a defense attorney or a judge might in hopes of preemptively identifying flaws that could doom the government's quest for justice.
Like so many of their colleagues, Shields and Kent took pride in not just winning convictions but hewing closely to the Justice Department's strict guidelines for impartial decision-making. Both accepted a fraction of the compensation available at private law firms because of the sense of mission and, candidly, the excitement that came with defending the rule of law. Countless federal prosecutors over the years had eventually moved on to jobs in politics, policy, or even plum gigs in private practice, only to wistfully recall their days on the line for the government. There was nothing quite like running a federal investigation, protecting the public, and having the license to go after bad guys no matter how powerful. The work was a calling.
Nine months earlier, in February 2018, Shields had been a little surprised when her supervisors had assigned her and Kent to investigate McCabe, who for a time after Comey's firing had risen to acting director of the FBI. The prosecutors were tasked with reviewing evidence that he had lied to federal agents about the leak of investigative information to a newspaper. A criminal probe of such a senior public official would normally be handled exclusively by the Fraud and Public Corruption Section. A supervisor in that division had decided Shields would be a good fit for the assignment, but she wondered aloud if he had pulled her into the McCabe investigation because no one else was willing to take it on. For much of 2018, Trump had roared that his Justice Department must fire McCabe. His demand had laid bare that the independence and integrity of the Justice Department, foundational goals when Congress created the executive branch agency in 1870, rested almost entirely on whether the elected occupant of the White House faithfully executed their oath of office to preserve and protect the Constitution.
In the five decades since Watergate, the notion of a president pushing the department to prosecute an individual American had become implausible, laughable even, to federal prosecutors. The department's informal motto was to pursue justice "without fear or favor." After President Nixon had resigned in disgrace, Congress had enacted reforms, and Justice had strengthened its code of conduct to try to prevent another president from misusing the immense power of the department. But Trump spoke of the Justice Department as an impediment to his agenda, and as lacking a key ingredient to his liking: loyalty to him. That summer, Trump's adviser Steve Bannon was explicit in a closed-door meeting with special counsel attorneys and FBI agents. Trump, he said, viewed a good attorney general and Justice Department attorneys as "people who really protected their president."
Since early summer, Shields and Kent had been trying to ignore the president's comments about McCabe, they told colleagues. They just wanted to follow the normal painstaking steps in making a case, calling witnesses to testify before a grand jury that was meeting at a federal courthouse near the U.S. Capitol. Bit by bit, they had assembled evidence indicating that McCabe had withheld information from federal agents. Still, the two prosecutors told colleagues they had serious doubts about whether the Justice Department should proceed. It wasn't clear the U.S. government could win in court, and primarily for one unusual reason: Trump's public statements and potentially other actions by the White House could backfire and kill the case. The president's cries that McCabe had "committed many crimes!," as well as his all-caps tweets demanding McCabe's imprisonment, could lead a jury to see the prosecution as politically motivated. They also had reason to fear a potential "ticking time bomb" of broader White House interference that could upend the case in embarrassing fashion.
Heading into the Thanksgiving holiday, however, they faced a deadline. J. P. Cooney, an aggressive prosecutor who had recently been promoted to chief of the Fraud and Public Corruption Section, told Shields and Kent that it was time to give him a "CIM," a case impression memo, summarizing the strengths and weaknesses of charging McCabe. The two were fast approaching the line in the American criminal justice system that every prosecutor must decide whether to cross-and then live with afterward-to prosecute or not?
Federal prosecutors are trained to wield their enormous power-to poke into a person's bank accounts or survey their phone contacts-with care. Long before any charge, a single subpoena for information can forever tarnish an innocent person's reputation. And then, when prosecutors know they have the goods to prove the elements of a crime, they must weigh whether the costs of bringing the charges are worthy and will serve the greater cause of justice and the rule of law. So fraught is the decision that the Justice Department maintains a twenty-three-thousand-word Principles of Federal Prosecution-a bible of sorts for its attorneys to consult about when to prosecute or not.
Shields and Kent believed that McCabe had initially withheld the full truth about his role two years earlier in directing information to The Wall Street Journal, they told their colleagues. They had established that McCabe had instructed Lisa Page, an FBI attorney and his legal adviser, to confirm to a reporter the existence of an investigation into then presidential candidate Hillary Clinton's family foundation-and in a way that described McCabe as supporting several field offices pressing forward on this politically sensitive probe. The story stood to benefit McCabe, an internal watchdog found, by countering complaints from some right-wing pundits and conservative FBI agents that McCabe was conflicted because of his wife's ties to a Democratic donor close to Clinton who had supported her failed run for a state senate seat. After the story ran, however, investigators said McCabe had given his boss, Comey, as well as others, the impression that he didn't know the source of the leak. Initially, McCabe also gave an inaccurate account to investigators, but days later called them to say he had been distracted when they first spoke and now thought he might have authorized a deputy to talk to a reporter.
Making a false statement to an investigator is a federal offense-a 1001, as it's known. The FBI academy drills into agents that, if the government is going to hold anyone to account for mistruths, a sin that can upend the work of solving a crime, it will be them. Yet Kent and Shields felt intense unease about seeking an indictment.
Over that sleep-deprived Thanksgiving weekend, the two wrote and rewrote the CIM, spelling out the challenges of indicting McCabe amid Trump's white-hot pressure campaign, in which he often conflated the McCabe probe with Mueller's Russia investigation. "Universities will someday study what highly conflicted (and NOT Senate approved) Bob Mueller and his gang of Democrat thugs have done to destroy people. Why is he protecting Crooked Hillary, Comey, McCabe . . . and all of his friends on the other side," Trump ranted on November 15, the Thursday before Thanksgiving. Upon returning to work, Shields and Kent shared their memo-and their reservations-with Cooney, their new boss.
Shields and Kent had closely studied the reactions of the grand jury hearing the McCabe case, something prosecutors do to "read" the jurors for doubts or concerns to better tweak or hone their arguments. Prosecutors are legally prohibited from publicly discussing what happens in a grand jury, but word of their CIM and briefings with supervisors circulated in the office. Shields told Cooney the jurors had had very strong and sympathetic reactions to key FBI witnesses who worked with McCabe. Lisa Page, the lawyer and former counselor to McCabe, had laid bare to the grand jury critical weaknesses in a potential prosecution of the FBI leader. She explained that McCabe had a terrible memory for the high volume of cases and decisions that crossed his desk, and frequently had to be reminded by his notes or aides. Importantly, Page also shared that McCabe had no practical reason to lie about or hide what he had done; he was one of the few FBI officials explicitly authorized to communicate with the press. What's more, the FBI's chief press officer had also forgotten McCabe's instructions to share probe information with a reporter when he was questioned. Yet the press officer wasn't being eyed for charges of lying to investigators. The jury clearly liked Page, Shields explained, and watched her with pathos and rapt attention as she recounted the personal toll of Trump's attacks. Page had broken down in tears describing how she felt she had let McCabe down when her internal texts were collected and revealed she had been having an affair with another FBI official, Peter Strzok. Page and Strzok were public figures by this point, after disparaging remarks they had privately shared about Trump being an "idiot" and other personal messages were turned over to Congress and reported on nationally. Trump had subsequently crusaded against them, often vilifying the two as liberals who had helped launch a "Rigged Witch Hunt" to hobble his presidency. He repeatedly called on Congress and other authorities to "Investigate the Investigators."
Furious Minds: The Making Of The MAGA New Right
by Laura K. Fields
Princeton University Press, 2025
by Laura K. Fields
Princeton University Press, 2025
[Publication date:
November 4, 2025]

“[An] excellent new book.”—Michelle Goldberg, New York Times
The story of the radical conservative intellectual movement shaping Donald Trump’s agenda—and how it threatens American freedoms, values, and democracy
Donald Trump is not a big thinker, but his 2016 presidential victory presented a grand opportunity for people who are, and it set off a radicalization and reconfiguration of the American conservative intellectual world. In Furious Minds, Laura Field, who spent close to a decade in conservative academic circles, chronicles the rise of the New Right—the network of academics, public intellectuals, and influencers who provide ideological fuel to Trumpism. This movement includes figures such as Patrick Deneen, Christopher Rufo, Peter Thiel, and JD Vance. Their agenda is built to last, and it has dire long-term implications for liberal democracy.
The New Right has precedents in American history, but it is distinct for its youthfulness, misogyny, and extraordinary successes—most notably the elevation of Vance to the vice presidency. The movement—which draws together associates of the right-wing Claremont Institute, National Conservatives, Postliberals, and the Hard Right—advocates nationalist economics, tight borders, isolationism, and reactionary social values. It helped to strategize January 6th and created Project 2025. But above all, the New Right is engaged in a vast culture war against modern liberal pluralism. It is determined to harness state power and use it in new, illiberal ways, from college campuses to the international scene—all driven by the fantasy of restoring a pure America.
Incisive and urgent, Furious Minds tells the story of the thinkers of the New Right—and their powerful assault on American freedoms, values, and ideals.
"In the ever-growing field of books aiming to explain the rise of the MAGA movement, Furious Minds, by a political theorist with longstanding experience in conservative academia, stands out for its emphasis on ideas. Field shows how the New Right, drawing on a loose network of academics and influencers, has coalesced around a vision of America that is socially reactionary, economically isolationist and deeply skeptical of pluralism as an inherent social good." ― New York Times
"Furious Minds is the most up-to-date introduction we have to the MAGA intellectual right reshaping America with astonishing speed today."---Mark Lilla, New York Review of Books
"A fascinating taxonomy of the wild world of far-right thinking."---Zack Beauchamp, Vox’s The Gray Area
"A meticulous and unsettling revelation of a right-wing plan for a 'new old-fashioned world.'"
The story of the radical conservative intellectual movement shaping Donald Trump’s agenda—and how it threatens American freedoms, values, and democracy
Donald Trump is not a big thinker, but his 2016 presidential victory presented a grand opportunity for people who are, and it set off a radicalization and reconfiguration of the American conservative intellectual world. In Furious Minds, Laura Field, who spent close to a decade in conservative academic circles, chronicles the rise of the New Right—the network of academics, public intellectuals, and influencers who provide ideological fuel to Trumpism. This movement includes figures such as Patrick Deneen, Christopher Rufo, Peter Thiel, and JD Vance. Their agenda is built to last, and it has dire long-term implications for liberal democracy.
The New Right has precedents in American history, but it is distinct for its youthfulness, misogyny, and extraordinary successes—most notably the elevation of Vance to the vice presidency. The movement—which draws together associates of the right-wing Claremont Institute, National Conservatives, Postliberals, and the Hard Right—advocates nationalist economics, tight borders, isolationism, and reactionary social values. It helped to strategize January 6th and created Project 2025. But above all, the New Right is engaged in a vast culture war against modern liberal pluralism. It is determined to harness state power and use it in new, illiberal ways, from college campuses to the international scene—all driven by the fantasy of restoring a pure America.
Incisive and urgent, Furious Minds tells the story of the thinkers of the New Right—and their powerful assault on American freedoms, values, and ideals.
"In the ever-growing field of books aiming to explain the rise of the MAGA movement, Furious Minds, by a political theorist with longstanding experience in conservative academia, stands out for its emphasis on ideas. Field shows how the New Right, drawing on a loose network of academics and influencers, has coalesced around a vision of America that is socially reactionary, economically isolationist and deeply skeptical of pluralism as an inherent social good." ― New York Times
"Furious Minds is the most up-to-date introduction we have to the MAGA intellectual right reshaping America with astonishing speed today."---Mark Lilla, New York Review of Books
"A fascinating taxonomy of the wild world of far-right thinking."---Zack Beauchamp, Vox’s The Gray Area
"A meticulous and unsettling revelation of a right-wing plan for a 'new old-fashioned world.'"
―Publishers Weekly (Starred Review)
"A revelatory, at times horrifying deconstruction of the New Right; it shows how we arrived at this moment, and it discusses the intentions of those who hope to push it further. Understanding their intellectual underpinnings is crucial to organizing an effective response. . . . We recommend her book for the essential knowledge it contains—and for its important advice."
---Michelle Anne Schingler, Foreword
"A meticulous, nuanced study of the patchwork of the US’s far right."---Jeff Fleischer, Foreword (Starred review)
"A perceptive history and analysis, bolstered by the author’s proximity to the subject. . . . a valuable guide to understanding that ideology and countering it."
---Kenneth Silber, Splice Today
"[Laura K. Field's] background perfectly positions her to deliver this lively, devastating taxonomy and critique of MAGA’s ideologues. She was originally trained in Straussian scholarship—a reading of classical political thought that criticizes the modern turn away from the sources of moral authority toward liberalism and, in Strauss’s view, nihilism. His approach has had a deep influence on leading conservative American intellectuals of the past half century. . . . Nearly a decade in these academic circles makes Field a knowledgeable guide to a subject she takes seriously. She’s also a Canadian woman, a double identity that puts her at a skeptical distance from the more and more extreme world of the American right."---George Packer, The Atlantic
"[Laura K. Fields is] a latter-day Athena soothing today’s Furies to rescue American democracy. . . . Readers will benefit from the best researched and most comprehensive account of the New Right that has appeared—or is likely to."---William Galston, The UnPopulist


