Saturday, November 30, 2024

The Eternal Legacy of Edward Said and the Ongoing 'Question of Palestine': "The Ground Zero of A Liberated World"

Edward Said & The Question of Palestine
Southbank Centre, November 20 2024

The Palestine Festival of Literature


November 27, 2024


VIDEO:  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hPWiBgbkSJ8 

 

 
The Royal Festival Hall, London To mark Fitzcarraldo Editions' republication of Edward Said’s classic text "The Question of Palestine", we were honoured to bring together Jehad Abusalim (via video), Tamim Barghouti, Budour Hassan, Saree Makdisi, Max Porter, Jacqueline Rose, Wadie Said, Avi Shlaim and Ahdaf Soueif - hosted by Aimee Shaalan, at the Royal Festival Hall in London to speak to our current moment within the long history of the Palestinian struggle. They consider what The Question of Palestine has become today, and the painful contradiction that Said himself would observe: that Palestinian gains in international moral and cultural standing since the book’s publication have done nothing to prevent the continuous losses of land and life; and that the establishment of Palestinian histories and narratives in the broader public imagination has led not to equality, but to dehumanisation and death on a scale previously unimaginable.

THE ETERNAL REDEMPTIVE POWER OF KNOWLEDGE, ART, AND EXPERIENCE IN THE (REAL) WORLD: EDWARD SAID (1935-2003) AND MAHMOUD DARWISH (1941-2008)

 
 
EDWARD SAID
(1935-2003)
 

Mahmoud Darwish’s farewell to Edward Said:


I CANNOT quite say goodbye to Edward Said, because he remains so present among us and alive in the world. He was our conscience and our ambassador to the world, who never tired of resisting the new world order and defending equity, humanity and the sharing of civilisations and cultures. But he has finally tired of the long and absurd fight with death. For 12 years he was heroic in his battle with illness, heroic in his constant creative renewal, through writing, music, chronicling the humanist spirit, continuing the vital quest for meaning and essence and the intellectual appeal for rigour.

Ask Palestinians to name their greatest source of pride and they will tell you immediately: Edward Said. Our cultural history has known no genius to equal his, so plural yet so unique. For the foreseeable future, he will remain the pioneer who brought the name of his homeland out of the political sphere into universal cultural consciousness. Palestine fathered him, yet his fidelity to the values of justice that are so terribly undermined in his homeland and his defence of its children’s rights to life and liberty make him one of the symbolic fathers of the new Palestine.

Edward Said was an indivisible whole. The man, the critic, the musician, the thinker, and the politician were brought together in him, never contradicting each another. He was a charismatic personality with worldwide fame, a rare example of someone both an intellectual and a star, both elegant and eloquent, deep, scathing, and yet a gentle aesthete of life and language.

We are uneasy at saying farewell to him because we want to deny his absence. The universe converges on Palestine for a precious moment. His family now is the world. Our loss is shared, and so is our sorrow. He set Palestine at the heart of the world and brought the world into the heart of Palestine.
 
 
MAHMOUD DARWISH
(1941-2008)


http://panopticonreview.blogspot.com/…/mahmoud-darwish-grea…

FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on August 10, 2008):

Sunday, August 10, 2008

Mahmoud Darwish 1941-2008: Great Poet, Critic, and Activist

All,

The world has lost one of the greatest and most profound poets of the past century, the extraordinary Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish. A legendary and iconic cultural and political figure of the Palestinian people (who traditionally deeply cherish, honor, and appreciate the art of poetry) Darwish wrote over 20 volumes of vastly popular and critically acclaimed poetry and his work was translated into over 20 languages throughout the world. Darwish was instrumental in making a global audience conscious of the heroic struggles of the Palestinian people for independence from Israeli colonial occupation and the ongoing fight for sovereignty and statehood This is a major loss but the tremendous legacy Darwish has left for people everywhere who revere art, freedom, and justice will never die.

Kofi

https://www.nytimes.com/…/11/world/middleeast/11darwish.html

Middle East

Mahmoud Darwish, Leading Palestinian Poet, Is Dead at 67
by ETHAN BRONNER

August 10, 2008
New York Times


PHOTO: Mahmoud Darwish: 1941-2008

JERUSALEM — Mahmoud Darwish, whose searing lyrics on Palestinian exile and tender verse on the human condition led him to be widely viewed as the pre-eminent man of Palestinian letters as well as one of the greatest contemporary Arab poets, died Saturday night in Houston after complications from heart surgery. He was 67.

Mr. Darwish, a heavy smoker, was known to suffer from health problems. Still, his death was received among Palestinians with shock and despair.

Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, declared three days of mourning on Sunday, saying that Mr. Darwish was “the pioneer of the modern Palestinian cultural project,” adding, “Words cannot describe the depth of sadness in our hearts.”

Yasir Abed Rabbo, secretary of the executive committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, said, “No one could have imagined that Mahmoud’s voice could disappear.”

The Palestinian Authority will give Mr. Darwish a state funeral in the West Bank on Tuesday, the first since Yasir Arafat died in 2004.

Twice divorced with no children, Mr. Darwish had the straight hair, wire-rim glasses and blue blazer of a European intellectual and was, paradoxically for someone seen as the voice of his people, a loner with a narrow circle of friends. He was uncomfortable in public, where he was widely recognized, but he cared deeply about young Arab writers and published their work in the Ramallah-based journal that he edited, Al Karmel.

And while he wrote in classical Arabic rather than in the language of the street, his poetry was anything but florid or baroque, employing a directness and heat that many saw as one of the salvations of modern literary Arabic.

“He used high language to talk about daily life in a truly exceptional way,” said Ghassan Zaqtan, a Palestinian poet and a close friend. “This is someone who remained at the top of Arabic poetry for 40 years. It was not simply about politics.”

Nonetheless, politics played a major role in Mr. Darwish’s life and work. Born to a middle-class Muslim farming family in a village near Haifa in what is today Israel, Mr. Darwish identified strongly with the secular Palestinian national movement long led by Mr. Arafat.

Palestinians in Ramallah, West Bank, held a vigil on Sunday in honor of Mahmoud Darwish, who died Saturday in Houston. Credit Abbas Momani/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Mr. Zaqtan and Mr. Abed Rabbo said he was the author of Mr. Arafat’s famous words at the United Nations General Assembly in 1974: “I come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter’s gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.”

He also wrote the Palestinian declaration of independent statehood in 1988 and served on the executive committee of the P.L.O. But he quit in the early 1990s over differences with the leadership and moved firmly out of the political sphere, lamenting the rise of the Islamist group Hamas and what he viewed as the bankruptcy of Palestinian public life.


Mr. Darwish first gained a following in the 1960s for his frank political poems, and to some extent they remain the source of his fame. Among his best known was “Identity Card” from 1964, in which he attacked Israel’s desire to overlook the presence of Arabs on its land:

“Write down!/I am an Arab/ and my identity card number is 50,000/I have eight children/And the ninth will come after a summer.”

It ends: “Therefore!/Write down on the top of the first page:/I do not hate people/Nor do I encroach/But if I become hungry/The usurper’s flesh will be my food/Beware .../Beware ... /Of my hunger/And my anger.”

There were other harsh political works in the following two decades, but those who knew Mr. Darwish said he had often expressed little pride in them, preferring his more personal and universal poems. He told The New York Times in a 2001 interview in Paris: “Sometimes I feel as if I am read before I write. When I write a poem about my mother, Palestinians think my mother is a symbol for Palestine. But I write as a poet, and my mother is my mother. She’s not a symbol.”

During the war that led to Israel’s independence, Mr. Darwish and his family, from the Palestinian village of Al Barweh, left for Lebanon. The village was razed but the family sneaked back across the border into Israel, where Mr. Darwish spent his youth.

Politically active fairly early, he was arrested several times and was a member of the Israeli Communist Party. He left in 1971 and lived in the Soviet Union, Tunisia, Egypt, Lebanon and France.

After Mr. Arafat set up the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Gaza in the mid-1990s, Mr. Darwish came to live in Ramallah, where he rented a house. He said he never really felt at home there — he made clear that exile for him was increasingly an emotional rather than a purely political dilemma — and wrote more comfortably when in Europe.

He maintained a wide circle of literary acquaintances, including Israelis, and he said he fully supported a two-state solution.

His work earned him a number of international literary awards and was translated into more than 20 languages, more than any other contemporary Arab poet, according to Mahmoud al-Atshan, a professor of Arabic literature at Bir Zeit University in the West Bank.

There was at first some question of where he would be buried, as some close to him sought to persuade Israel to let him be buried in the area of his home village. But the mayor of Ramallah said Mr. Darwish would be buried in Ramallah, the effective Palestinian capital of the West Bank.

A version of this article appears in print on , on Page B6 of the New York edition with the headline: Mahmoud Darwish, 67, Leading Palestinian Poet. Order Reprints| Today's Paper

Published work by Mahmoud Darwish

Poetry:


Asafir bila ajniha (Wingless birds), 1960

Awraq Al-Zaytun (Leaves of olives), 1964

Ashiq min filastin (A lover from Palestine), 1966

Akhir al-layl (The end of the night), 1967

Yawmiyyat jurh filastini (Diary of a Palestinian wound), 1969

Habibati tanhad min nawmiha (My beloved awakens), 1969

al-Kitabah 'ala dhaw'e al-bonduqiyah (Writing in the light of the gun), 1970

al-'Asafir tamut fi al-jalil (Birds are Dying in Galilee), 1970

Mahmoud Darwish works, 1971. Two volumes

Mattar na'em fi kharif ba'eed (Light rain in a distant autumn) 1971

Uhibbuki aw la uhibbuki (I love you, I love you not), 1972

Jondiyyun yahlum bi-al-zanabiq al-baidaa' (A soldier dreaming of white lilies), 1973

Complete Works, 1973. Now al-A'amal al-jadida (2004) and al-A'amal al-oula (2005).

Muhawalah raqm 7 (Attempt number 7), 1974

Tilka suratuha wa-hadha intihar al-ashiq (That's her image, and that's the suicide of her lover), 1975

Ahmad al-za'tar, 1976

A'ras (Weddings), 1977

al-Nasheed al-jasadi (The music of human flesh), 1980. Joint work

Qasidat Bayrut (Ode to Beirut), 1982

Madih al-zill al-'ali (A eulogy for the tall shadow), 1983

Hissar li-mada'eh al-bahr, 1984

Victims of a Map, 1984. Joint work with Samih al-Qasim and Adonis in English.

Sand and Other Poems, 1986

Hiya ughniyah, hiya ughniyah (It's a song, it's a song), 1985

Ward aqal (Fewer roses), 1985

Ma'asat al-narjis, malhat al-fidda (Tragedy of daffodils, comedy of silver), 1989

Ara ma oreed (I see what I want), 1990

Ahad 'asher kaukaban (Eleven planets), 1992

Limaza tarakt al-hissan wahidan (Why did you leave the horse alone?), 1995. English translation 2006 by Jeffrey Sacks (ISBN 0976395010)

Psalms, 1995. A selection from Uhibbuki aw la uhibbuki, translation by Ben Bennani

Sareer El-Ghariba (Bed of a stranger), 1998

Then Palestine, 1999 (with Larry Towell, photographer, and Rene Backmann)

Jidariyya (Mural), 2000

The Adam of Two Edens: Selected Poems, 2001

Halat Hissar (State of siege), 2002

La ta'tazer 'amma fa'alt (Don't apologize for what you did), 2003

Unfortunately, It Was Paradise: Selected Poems, 2003. Translations by Munir Akash, Caroyln Forché and others

al-A'amal al-jadida (The new works), 2004. A selection of Darwish's recent works

al-A'amal al-oula (The early works), 2005. Three volumes, a selection of Darwish's early works

Ka-zahr el-lawz aw ab'ad (Same as almond flowers or farther), 2005


Prose:

Shai'on 'an al-wattan (Something about the homeland), 1971

Wada'an ayatuha al-harb, wada'an ayuha al-salaam (Farwell, war, farwell, peace), 1974

Yawmiyyat al-hozn al-'aadi (Diary of the usual sadness), 1973

Dhakirah li-al-nisyan (Memory for Forgetfulness), 1987. English translation 1995 by Ibrahim Muhawi

Fi wasf halatina (Describing our condition), 1987

al-Rasa'il (The Letters), 1990. Joint work with Samih al-Qasim

Aabiroon fi kalamen 'aaber (Bypassers in bypassing words), 1991

Fi hadrat al-ghiyab (In the presence of absence), 2006


See poem entitled "Under Siege" by Mahmoud Darwish following the obituaries:

Palestinians plan big funeral for poet DarwishSunday by Mohammed Assadi
August 10, 2008

RAMALLAH, West Bank (Reuters) - Mahmoud Darwish, whose poetry encapsulated the Palestinian cause, will get the equivalent of a state funeral in the West Bank on Tuesday -- an honour only previously accorded to PLO leader Yasser Arafat.

Tributes for Darwish poured in on Sunday, a day after the 67-year-old writer died from complications following heart surgery in a U.S. hospital in Houston, Texas.

"He translated the pain of the Palestinians in a magical way. He made us cry and made us happy and shook our emotions," said Egypt's vernacular poet Ahmed Fouad Negm.

"Apart from being the poet of the Palestinian wound, which is hurting all Arabs and all honest people in the world, he is a master poet," Negm told Reuters in Cairo.

Darwish's funeral in Ramallah will be the first sponsored by the Palestinian Authority since Arafat died in 2004.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas declared three days of national mourning. People held candle-lit vigils on Saturday and Sunday in the darkened streets of Ramallah, where Darwish's poems were read aloud and some mourners wept.

French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said his country shared Palestinian admiration for "this great figure whose poetry, which reflects nostalgia and liberty, speaks to us all.

"Mahmoud Darwish knew how to express the attachment of an entire people to its land and the absolute desire for peace. His message, which calls for coexistence, will continue to resonate and will eventually be heard," Kouchner said in a statement.

The poet, born in territory now Israel, had made his home in the West Bank city since returning in the 1990s from a long exile during which he rose to prominence in Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO).

"The Palestinian question, in Mahmoud Darwish's poetry, was no longer a legend, but the story of people made of flesh, blood and feelings," said Zehi Wahbi, a friend of Darwish and a Lebanese television presenter and poet.

For Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa, Darwish was "the voice of Palestinian civilisation, with its pains, sadness and ambitions".

Widely seen as the Palestinian national poet, Darwish's writing was much translated.

Several of his books were translated into Israel's vernacular, Hebrew, though the nationalist message of his work was largely shunned in the Jewish state, where a plan in the 1990's to teach his poetry in state schools was quickly shelved.

Darwish won new generations of admirers with work that evoked not just the pain of Palestinians displaced, as he was as a child, by the foundation of Israel 60 years ago, but also subtle paradoxes and broader human themes.

He enjoyed a following across the Arab world, where he had the kind of readership contemporary poets in English and other European languages, eclipsed by novelists, can only dream of.

"He turned the Palestinian cause into songs that transcended the cause and all other Arab issues," said Abdel-Rahman al-Abnoudi, a prominent Egyptian poet and a friend of Darwish.

Darwish gave voice to Palestinians' dreams of statehood, helping to craft their 1988 declaration of independence.

He penned the words Arafat spoke at the United Nations in 1974: "Today I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter's gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand."

(Additional reporting by Allyn Fisher-Ilan in Jerusalem, Thomas Perry in Beirut, Alaa Shahine in Cairo and Tamora Vidaillet in Paris; Writing by Alistair Lyon, edited by Richard Meares)


Palestinian Poet Mahmoud Darwish Is Dead at 67
August 9, 2008
by THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

GAZA CITY, Gaza Strip (AP) -- Mahmoud Darwish, a Palestinian cultural icon whose poetry eloquently told of his people's experiences of exile, occupation and infighting, died Saturday in Houston. He was 67.

The predominant Palestinian poet, whose work has been translated into more than 20 languages and won numerous international awards, died following open heart surgery at a Houston hospital, said Nabil Abu Rdeneh, a spokesman for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.

Born to a large Muslim family in historical Palestine -- now modern-day Israel -- he described his people's struggle for independence while also criticizing both the Israeli occupation and the Palestinian leadership. He gave voice to the Palestinian dreams of statehood, crafted their declaration of independence and helped forge a Palestinian national identity.

''He felt the pulse of Palestinians in beautiful poetry. He was a mirror of the Palestinian society,'' said Ali Qleibo, a Palestinian anthropologist and lecturer in cultural studies at Al Quds University in Jerusalem.

Darwish first gained prominence in the 1960s with the publication of his first poetry collection, ''Bird without Wings.'' It included the poem ''Identity Card'' that defiantly spoke in the first person of an Arab man giving his identity number -- a common practice among Palestinians when dealing with Israeli authorities and Arab governments -- and vowing to return to his land.

Many of his poems have been put into music -- most notably ''Rita,'' ''Birds of Galilee'' and ''I yearn for my mother's bread'' -- and have become anthems for at least two generations of Arabs.

He wrote another 21 collections, the last, ''The Impression of Butterflies,'' in 2008.

Qleibo described Darwish's poetry as ''the easy impossible,'' for Darwish's ability to condense the Palestinian narrative into simple, evocative language -- breaking away from the more traditional heavy, emotive and rhythmic verse of other Arab poets.

Darwish wrote the Palestinian Declaration of Independence in 1988, read by the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat when he unilaterally declared statehood. The declaration was symbolic and had no concrete significance.

Darwish's influence was keenly felt among Palestinians, serving as a powerful voice for many.

''He started out as a poet of resistance and then he became a poet of conscience,'' said Palestinian lawmaker Hanan Ashrawi. ''He embodied the best in Palestinians ... even though he became iconic he never lost his sense of humanity. We have lost part of our essence, the essence of the Palestinian being.''

Last year, Darwish recited a poem damning the deadly infighting between rival Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah, describing it as ''a public attempt at suicide in the streets.''

Darwish was born in the Palestinian village of Birweh near Haifa, which was destroyed in the 1948 Mideast war that led to Israel's independence. He joined the Israeli Communist Party after high school and began writing poems for leftist newspapers.

''When we think of Darwish ... he is our heart, and our tongue,'' said Issam Makhoul, an Arab lawmaker and veteran member of the Israeli Communist Party.

Darwish left Israel in the early 1970s to study in the former Soviet Union, and from there he traveled to Egypt and Lebanon. He joined the Palestine Liberation Organization, but resigned in 1993 in protest over the interim peace accords that the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat signed with Israel. Darwish moved to the West Bank city of Ramallah in 1996.

His work is widely admired on the Arab and Palestinian street. In Israel, it evokes different feelings.

In 2000, Israel's education minister, Yossi Sarid, suggested including some of Darwish's poems in the Israeli high school curriculum. But Prime Minister Ehud Barak overruled him, saying Israel was not ready yet for his ideas in the school system.

In 1988, a Darwish poem, ''Passing in Passing Words,'' was read by then-Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir inside Israel's parliament as an example of the Palestinians' unwillingness to live alongside Jews. The poem suggested that Darwish called for Jews to leave the region.

Adel Usta, a specialist on Darwish's poetry, said the poem was misunderstood and mistranslated.

''He created a national Palestinian identity that no other poet could achieve,'' Usta said.

Darwish married and divorced twice. He does not have any children.

Siham Daoud, a fellow poet and longtime friend of Darwish, said he traveled to a hospital in Houston, Texas, ten days ago for the surgery and asked not to be resuscitated if it did not succeed. She said Darwish had a history of heart problems, and had been operated on twice in the past.

Akram Haniyeh, Editor-in-Chief of the Al Ayyam newspaper and a close friend of Darwish, was by Darwish's bedside in Houston. He said Darwish underwent an operation on Wednesday and there were complications.

Mahmoud Darwish, poet of the Palestinians, dies Sat Aug 9, 2008 By Mohammed Assadi and Ali Sawafta

RAMALLAH, West Bank, Aug 9 (Reuters) - Mahmoud Darwish, whose poetry his fellow Palestinians embraced as the voice of their suffering, died on Saturday after heart surgery in Texas.

President Mahmoud Abbas declared three days of national mourning to honour the 67-year-old writer who, a close friend said, never came round from a major operation two days earlier.

"The passing of our great poet, Mahmoud Darwish, the lover of Palestine, the pioneer of the modern Palestinian cultural project, and the brilliant national leader, will leave a great gap in our political, cultural and national lives," Abbas said.

"Words cannot describe the depth of sadness in our hearts," he added. "Mahmoud, may God help us for your loss."

The death of a man whose life and words were tightly bound up in a struggle for a Palestinian national rebirth that seems little closer now than when his first work was published in 1960 immediately triggered a wider outpouring of popular emotion.

As news from Houston filtered through, people, some weeping, gathered round candles in the darkened streets of Ramallah. The poet had made his home in the West Bank city since returning in the 1990s from a long exile during which he rose to prominence in Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO).

Palestinian television interrupted programmes to air film of Darwish, the "national poet", reading from his work. Officials said his body would be flown back for burial in Ramallah.

He won new generations of admirers with work that evoked the pain of Palestinians displaced, as he was as a child, by the establishment of Israel 60 years ago, but also did not shrink from criticism and touched on broader human themes, like love.

An intensely private man who largely lived alone, he enjoyed a mass following across the Arab world, where he had the kind of readership contemporary poets in other languages only dream of.

Palestinians at home and abroad spoke of intense, personal feelings of bereavement. "His death is a loss to the Palestinian people, to the Palestinian cause and to freedom-loving people around the world," said Ahmad Ibrahim, a banker in Ramallah.

Philosophy professor Abdel-Rahim al-Sheikh was choked with emotion: "I cannot speak now. My soul is not helping me."

EXILE

Just last month Darwish packed out a hall for a reading in Ramallah and millions watched on television an event to mark the 60th anniversary of the Palestinian "Nakba", or catastrophe.

In 1948, Darwish was among that half of the Arab population of Palestine driven from their homes, in his family's case near the port of Haifa. They later returned to live in the area.

Jailed several times, Darwish left in 1971 for the Soviet Union. Exile in Cairo, Beirut, Tunis and Paris followed.

In 1988, Israel's parliament debated one work which incensed Israelis who saw an attack on the existence of the Jewish state -- though Darwish said he wanted an end only to their occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip: "So leave our land. Our shore, our sea. Our wheat, our salt, our wound," he had written.

"Take your portion from our blood and go away".

In 2000, an Israeli minister proposed adding Darwish to the school curriculum -- but the proposal went no further.

Darwish served on the executive committee of the PLO but broke with Arafat when the two disagreed over the 1993 Oslo accords on establishing a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

Fifteen years on, negotiations appear to most observers to be going nowhere. Violence, a split between Abbas and his Islamist rivals in Gaza and continued Israeli settlement in the West Bank leave few Palestinians hopeful of a viable state.

Last month, Darwish, a heavy smoker who had twice before undergone major heart surgery, spoke to Reuters of his fading health and his gloomy assessment of the world he would leave.

His last works are imbued with a sarcastic humour and a sense of both Israelis and Palestinians, however antagonistic, bound irredeemably together to share an uncertain future.

"Sarcasm helps me overcome the harshness of the reality we live, eases the pain of scars and makes people smile," he said.

"History laughs at both the victim and the aggressor."

In a new poem called "The Written Script", Darwish related a dialogue between a victim and his enemy who fall into a pit:

He saw Israelis bent on suicide, taking Palestinians with them, if the occupation of the West Bank went on: "A killer and his victim die together in one hole," he says in the piece.

Another recent poem "The Dice Thrower", told how Darwish saw death coming yet he clung to life: "To Life I say: Go slow, wait for me until the drunkenness dries in my glass.

"I have no role in what I was or who I will be.

"It is chance and chance has no name.

"I call the doctor 10 minutes before the death, 10 minutes are sufficient to live by chance." (Additional reporting by Wafa Amr, Joseph Nasr and Houston bureau; Writing by Alastair Macdonald)

Poem by Maumoud Darwish
Under Siege

Here on the slopes of hills, facing the dusk and the cannon of time

Close to the gardens of broken shadows,

We do what prisoners do,

And what the jobless do:

We cultivate hope.

***

A country preparing for dawn. We grow less intelligent

For we closely watch the hour of victory:

No night in our night lit up by the shelling

Our enemies are watchful and light the light for us

In the darkness of cellars.

***

Here there is no "I".

Here Adam remembers the dust of his clay.

***

On the verge of death, he says:

I have no trace left to lose:

Free I am so close to my liberty. My future lies in my own hand.

Soon I shall penetrate my life,

I shall be born free and parentless,

And as my name I shall choose azure letters...

***

You who stand in the doorway, come in,

Drink Arabic coffee with us

And you will sense that you are men like us

You who stand in the doorways of houses

Come out of our morningtimes,

We shall feel reassured to be

Men like you!

***

When the planes disappear, the white, white doves

Fly off and wash the cheeks of heaven

With unbound wings taking radiance back again, taking possession

Of the ether and of play. Higher, higher still, the white, white doves

Fly off. Ah, if only the sky

Were real [a man passing between two bombs said to me].

***

Cypresses behind the soldiers, minarets protecting

The sky from collapse. Behind the hedge of steel

Soldiers piss—under the watchful eye of a tank—

And the autumnal day ends its golden wandering in

A street as wide as a church after Sunday mass...

***

[To a killer] If you had contemplated the victim’s face

And thought it through, you would have remembered your mother in the

Gas chamber, you would have been freed from the reason for the rifle

And you would have changed your mind: this is not the way

to find one’s identity again.

***

The siege is a waiting period

Waiting on the tilted ladder in the middle of the storm.

***

Alone, we are alone as far down as the sediment

Were it not for the visits of the rainbows.

***

We have brothers behind this expanse.

Excellent brothers. They love us. They watch us and weep.

Then, in secret, they tell each other:

"Ah! if this siege had been declared..." They do not finish their sentence:

"Don’t abandon us, don’t leave us."

***

Our losses: between two and eight martyrs each day.

And ten wounded.

And twenty homes.

And fifty olive trees...

Added to this the structural flaw that

Will arrive at the poem, the play, and the unfinished canvas.

***

A woman told the cloud: cover my beloved

For my clothing is drenched with his blood.

***

If you are not rain, my love

Be tree

Sated with fertility, be tree

If you are not tree, my love

Be stone

Saturated with humidity, be stone

If you are not stone, my love

Be moon

In the dream of the beloved woman, be moon

[So spoke a woman

to her son at his funeral]

***

Oh watchmen! Are you not weary

Of lying in wait for the light in our salt

And of the incandescence of the rose in our wound

Are you not weary, oh watchmen?

***

A little of this absolute and blue infinity

Would be enough

To lighten the burden of these times

And to cleanse the mire of this place.

***

It is up to the soul to come down from its mount

And on its silken feet walk

By my side, hand in hand, like two longtime

Friends who share the ancient bread

And the antique glass of wine

May we walk this road together

And then our days will take different directions:

I, beyond nature, which in turn

Will choose to squat on a high-up rock.

***

On my rubble the shadow grows green,

And the wolf is dozing on the skin of my goat

He dreams as I do, as the angel does

That life is here...not over there.

***

In the state of siege, time becomes space

Transfixed in its eternity

In the state of siege, space becomes time

That has missed its yesterday and its tomorrow.

***

The martyr encircles me every time I live a new day

And questions me: Where were you? Take every word

You have given me back to the dictionaries

And relieve the sleepers from the echo’s buzz.

***

The martyr enlightens me: beyond the expanse

I did not look

For the virgins of immortality for I love life

On earth, amid fig trees and pines,

But I cannot reach it, and then, too, I took aim at it

With my last possession: the blood in the body of azure.

***

The martyr warned me: Do not believe their ululations

Believe my father when, weeping, he looks at my photograph

How did we trade roles, my son, how did you precede me.

I first, I the first one!

***

The martyr encircles me: my place and my crude furniture are all that I have changed.

I put a gazelle on my bed,

And a crescent of moon on my finger

To appease my sorrow.

***

The siege will last in order to convince us we must choose an enslavement that does no harm, in fullest liberty!

***

Resisting means assuring oneself of the heart’s health,

The health of the testicles and of your tenacious disease:

The disease of hope.

***

And in what remains of the dawn, I walk toward my exterior

And in what remains of the night, I hear the sound of footsteps inside me.

***

Greetings to the one who shares with me an attention to

The drunkenness of light, the light of the butterfly, in the

Blackness of this tunnel!

***

Greetings to the one who shares my glass with me

In the denseness of a night outflanking the two spaces:

Greetings to my apparition.

***

My friends are always preparing a farewell feast for me,

A soothing grave in the shade of oak trees

A marble epitaph of time

And always I anticipate them at the funeral:

Who then has died...who?

***

Writing is a puppy biting nothingness

Writing wounds without a trace of blood.

***

Our cups of coffee. Birds green trees

In the blue shade, the sun gambols from one wall

To another like a gazelle

The water in the clouds has the unlimited shape of what is left to us

Of the sky. And other things of suspended memories

Reveal that this morning is powerful and splendid,

And that we are the guests of eternity.

Translated by Marjolijn De Jager

Submitted by C.K.

Mahmoud Darwish

Copyright 2008 The Associated Press

Posted by Kofi Natambu at 7:00 PM

Labels: 20th century poetry, cultural history, Language and Culture, Mahmoud Darwish, Palestine, Self Determination

Thursday, November 21, 2024

Percival Everett, Author of ‘James,’ Wins National Book Award for Fiction

75th Annual National Book Awards Ceremony



National Book Foundation 

Streamed live 8 hours ago

Tune in live to the 75th National Book Awards Ceremony on November 20, 2024 at 8:00pm EST. Hosted by Kate McKinnon, and featuring musical guest Jon Batiste. Join us for the announcement of the 2024 Winners of the National Book Award for Young People’s Literature, Translated Literature, Poetry, Nonfiction, and Fiction, and the presentation of the Foundation’s two lifetime achievement awards, to W. Paul Coates and Barbara Kingsolver.

To learn more about the 2024 National Book Award Finalists, and support our year-round work: https://www.nationalbook.org/awards2024/


PLEASE NOTE: This previously recorded program via video begins @12:50. Percival Everett receives his National Book Award for Fiction and gives his acceptance speech @1:57:58. W. Paul Coates receives his Literarian Award and gives his acceptance speech @33:46:
 

  

Percival Everett photographed in South Pasadena, California, in March 2022

PHOTO: Percival Everett photographed in South Pasadena, California, in March 2022. Photograph: Dan Tuffs/The Observer

 

All,


FINALLY one of the greatest writers in American history receives the national/global recognition,  appreciation and honor from the literary world and beyond that he so righteously deserves and has for over 40 years now.  Since 'Suder' his debut novel in 1983 Percival Everett has written an astonishing 35 books of fiction, short stories, and poetry which have been widely acclaimed by critics and readers alike throughout not only the United States but the world. A prolific author, critic, and professor who has taught literature, critical and literary theory, and philosophy at the University of Southern California (USC) since 1998 and whose work has been translated in many languages worldwide Everett has not only fully earned his most recent honor but to myself and many others he is overdue to be a very serious candidate to win both the Pulitzer and the Nobel Prize in Literature as well. He's that good and I truly hope and suspect that he will also attain these world class literary honors in the very near future.

 

Kofi 



https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/20/books/booksupdate/national-book-award-2024.html

Percival Everett, Author of ‘James,’ Wins National Book Award for Fiction

Jason De León received the nonfiction award for “Soldiers and Kings: Survival and Hope in the World of Human Smuggling. 

This is a photo of the author Percival Everett. He is wearing a tux with a white shirt and bow tie, and there is a medal around his neck. He is holding a glass in one hand and smiling broadly.

PHOTO: Percival Everett, awarded the prize for fiction, said seeing so many people gathered together to celebrate literature gave him a sense of optimism. Credit:  Karsten Moran for The New York Times


by Alexandra Alter
November 20, 2024
New York Times


Percival Everett won the National Book Award for fiction on Wednesday for his novel “James,” a propulsive and slyly funny retelling of Mark Twain’s “Adventures of Huckleberry Finn” from the perspective of Huck’s companion, an enslaved man named James.

In accepting the award, Everett said that seeing people coming together to celebrate books gave him a sense of optimism during what was, for him, a challenging moment.

“Two weeks ago, I was feeling pretty low, and to tell you the truth, I still feel pretty low,” he said, in an oblique reference to the results of the presidential election. “As I look out at this, so much excitement about books, I have to say, I do feel some hope.”

Published this spring, “James” drew rapturous reviews from critics. “It is a tangled and subversive homage, a labor of rough love,” Dwight Garner wrote in The New York Times, calling the novel a masterpiece that deserves to be read alongside the book that inspired it.

This year’s award ceremony, which drew 800 guests to a black-tie dinner at Cipriani Wall Street, marked the 75th National Book Awards.

The event kicked off with a piano riff on Beethoven’s Fifth symphony by Jon Batiste, the Grammy Award and Academy Award-winning singer, songwriter and composer.

He was followed by Kate McKinnon, a comedian and actress who hosted the event and joked about her lack of literary credentials in the opening remarks. After describing the power of books to illuminate, provoke and inspire change, she confessed that the line was written by ChatGPT. “Is that bad?” she asked.


PHOTO: Kate McKinnon joked about her lack of credentials to M.C. the literary award. Credit: Karsten Moran for The New York Times

Even with McKinnon’s jokes and frequent whoops of delight, the mood often turned somber, as writers spoke about the role of literature in challenging times, with ongoing wars, political division, racial inequality and growing book removals around the country.

“Hard times are coming,” said Ruth Dickey, executive director of the National Book Foundation, quoting a speech given by Ursula K. Le Guin at the National Book Awards in 2014, as she described the threat of rising censorship and book bans.

The award for nonfiction was given to the anthropologist Jason De León for “Soldiers and Kings: Survival and Hope in the World of Human Smuggling,” an immersive account of the nearly seven years he spent embedded with human smugglers on the U.S.-Mexico border. The book depicts traffickers as both victims and perpetrators of violence, often suffering from the same poverty as migrants.

In accepting the award, which he dedicated to “everyone on the migrant trail,” De León denounced the incoming Trump administration’s proposed crackdown on immigration and other policies. “I will not accept the dystopian American future,” he said.


PHOTO: Jason De León, who won the nonfiction award, spoke out against the immigration policies espoused by the upcoming Trump administration. Credit: Karsten Moran for The New York Times

The National Book Award, established in 1950, is one of the most prestigious literary prizes in the United States. Past winners include William Faulkner, Flannery O’Connor, Ralph Ellison, Louise Erdrich, Colson Whitehead and Jesmyn Ward.


The prize, which is given in five categories — fiction, nonfiction, poetry, translated literature and young people’s literature — is open to books released by U.S. publishers in the United States between Dec. 1, 2023 and Nov. 30, 2024. Earlier this year, the National Book Foundation announced that it was dropping the citizenship requirement, opening up the prize to immigrants and others who have made their home in the United States.

The National Book Foundation also recognized Barbara Kingsolver, the author of nine novels, including “The Poisonwood Bible” and “Demon Copperhead,” which won the 2023 Pulitzer Prize, with a lifetime achievement award.

In accepting the prize, Kingsolver made a case for morally engaged literature that raises uncomfortable questions about social inequality and injustice. “I think we’re at our best when we’re disruptors, when we rattle self absorption,” she said. “We get to crack people open.”


PHOTO: Barbara Kingsolver, honored for her lifetime accomplishments, made an argument for literature that “rattles self absorption.”Credit: Karsten Moran for The New York Times

The foundation also honored W. Paul Coates, publisher and founder of Black Classic Press and BCP Digital Printing, with the Literarian Award, which recognizes service to the literary community.


Coates’s award provoked controversy after an article in Jewish Insider questioned the foundation’s decision, noting that Black Classic Press had republished the late Tony Martin’s 1993 book “The Jewish Onslaught,” which was criticized as antisemitic at the time of its publication for Martin’s claims that Jewish people were opposed to Black progress.

The foundation defended its choice in a statement to Jewish Insider, noting that they awarded the prize to Coates for his work “to ensure that Black voices and stories, that might otherwise have been lost, are instead preserved as an irreplaceable part of American literary history.” On Wednesday night, Coates received the award to warm applause and without incident, and spoke about the purpose of his press.

“My mission is recovery, and making Black self-narrating voices known to the world,” he said.

The award for translated literature, which was added in 2018, went to Yáng Shuāng-zǐ’s “Taiwan Travelogue.” The novel, about a Japanese novelist who travels to Taiwan in 1938 and forms a relationship with her young female interpreter, was translated from Mandarin by Lin King.

The award for young people’s literature was given to Shifa Saltagi Safadi for “Kareem Between,” a coming-of-age novel that centers on a Syrian American boy struggling to fit in. In her acceptance speech, Safadi thanked Allah and the Muslim writers who had come before her, and denounced the “dehumanization of Arabs and Islamophobia,” as well as the war in Gaza.

The poetry prize was awarded to Lena Khalaf Tuffaha for “Something About Living,” a collection that explores the erasure of Palestinian history. Tuffaha, who decried the ongoing violence in Gaza, said that she was honored to accept the award as a Palestinian American on “behalf of all the deeply beautiful Palestinians that this world has lost, and in honor of all the miraculous ones who endure.”
 
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 

Alexandra Alter writes about books, publishing and the literary world for The Times. More about Alexandra Alter

See more on: National Book Foundation, Barbara Kingsolver, Percival Everett
 


 

The author of James, shortlisted for the Booker Prize 2024, on how he sees himself as being in conversation with the creator of Huckleberry Finn, and the skills he learnt from reading Tristram Shandy

Read interviews with all of the longlisted authors here.

Publication date and time: Published

The inspirations behind my Booker-shortlisted book

Mark Twain’s Adventures of Huckleberry Finn is the source of my novel. I hope that I have written the novel that Twain did not and also could not have written. I do not view the work as a corrective, but rather I see myself in conversation with Twain.


The book that made me fall in love with reading

Kurt Vonnegut’s Slaughterhouse-Five.


The book I return to time and time again

Samuel Butler’s The Way of All Flesh. I love the way Butler creates the history of the family seemingly without effort and I love the humour.


The book I can’t get out of my head

There are too many to single out just one.


The book that changed the way I think about the world

Chester Himes’s novel Third Generation made me consider the politics of skin colour. I could see my own mother in the mother of the character and so formed a better understanding of people in general.


Chester Himes’s novel Third Generation made me consider the politics of skin colour

The book that changed the way I think about the novel 

Sterne’s Tristram Shandy taught me the importance of play as an avenue to meaning. Also, I learned that important truths don’t need and often don’t come italicised or with brassy accompaniment.


The book that impressed me the most 

Again, Tristram Shandy, for its intelligence and play.  It challenges how a work of fiction is supposed to mean and make meaning.  An 18th-century novel that could pass for post-modern (if there were such a thing). 

 
The book I’m reading at the moment 

Joseph Horowitz’s Dvořák’s Prophecy.  This is a wonderful book about the construction of so-called high and low culture in turn-of-the-20th-century United States. 

 
The Booker-nominated book everyone should read 

J.M. Coetzee’sDisgrace.


Nonso Anozie reads from ‘James’ | The Booker Prize

 
October 12, 2024 
 

Watch Nonso Anozie read from Booker Prize 2024-shortlisted ‘James’, written by Percival Everett. The story so far: It’s 1861 and Jim, a slave and soon-to-be companion of Huckleberry Finn on a dangerous journey along the Mississippi River, is a man driven by a fierce instinct to survive and to protect his family. This includes teaching his own and other children the behavioural and language skills needed to avoid antagonising the white people who have made their lives hell.

Wednesday, November 20, 2024

Prominent Grass Roots Organizer, Social Activist, Campaign Strategist, Journalist, and Political Advisor Waleed Shahid On What Powerful Political and Economic Forces Within the Democratic Party Were Fundamentally Responsible For Kamala Harris's Loss

 
"...Why, after every electoral loss, is the left always the scapegoat? It’s easier to blame activists for pushing a progressive agenda than confront the real issue: the Democratic Party has long been shaped by far more powerful forces—corporate interests, lobbyists, and consultants—whose influence has neglected the real crises facing everyday Americans. We see this cycle again and again.

Contrary to establishment narratives, the Democratic leadership has often resisted advocacy organizations pushing for bold reforms on immigration, Big Tech, climate, debt, healthcare, rent, mass incarceration, Palestinian rights, and for policies like the Build Back Better agenda. This tension isn’t just about differing priorities—it reveals the actual balance of forces in the party. Corporate donors on Wall Street and Silicon Valley pour billions into campaigns, shaping agendas to suit their interests. A consultant class reaps millions from flawed strategies and failed candidates yet continues to fail upward, perpetuating a pattern of mediocrity. They, not progressives, are the roadblock preventing Democrats from becoming a populist force that could disrupt the status quo and win back voters of all stripes.

It was these elements within the party that kneecapped the Democrats’ most ambitious efforts to help ordinary Americans. The Biden administration entered with huge plans, notably Build Back Better, which would have delivered immediate relief: expanded child tax credits, free community college, universal child care and pre-K, paid leave, and more. Progressives pushed mightily for Build Back Better to pass. It was centrist obstruction—namely Senators Manchin and Sinema—that blocked those policies. The result was a patchwork of long-term measures like the Inflation Reduction Act and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal, whose benefits won’t be felt until 2025 at the earliest, if at all. By failing to pass Build Back Better, Democrats lost the chance to deliver easy-to-understand, tangible economic benefits and solidify their image as the party of working people.

And it was corporate Democrats—particularly lobbyists like Harris’s brother-in-law, former Uber executive Tony West, and David Plouffe—who held the most sway over Harris’s campaign. They advised her to cozy up to ultra-wealthy celebrities, Liz and Dick Cheney, and Mark Cuban, and avoid populist rhetoric that could have distanced her from the corporate elites who dominate the party. In 2024, the biggest spenders in Democratic Party politics weren’t progressives—it was AIPAC, cryptocurrency PACs, and corporate giants like Uber, all of whom poured millions into Democratic campaigns without regard for public opinion or the will of the people.

The Harris campaign’s messaging failed because, while populist economic appeals resonated with voters, the public face of the campaign was discouraged from embracing them..."
--Waleed Shahid, "The Left Didn't Sink Kamala Harris.  Here's What Did", The Nation, November 18, 2024
 
It’s easier to blame activists, but far more powerful forces have led Democrats to neglect the real crises facing Americans.

by Waleed Shahid
November 18, 2024
The Nation


Kamala Harris pauses while speaking on stage as she concedes the election, at Howard University on November 06, 2024 in Washington, DC.
PHOTO: Kamala Harris pauses while speaking on stage as she concedes the election, at Howard University on November 6, 2024, in Washington, DC. (Andrew Harnik / Getty Images)

In the aftermath of Kamala Harris’s loss, many pundits and politicians are turning to a familiar scapegoat. Critics like Adam Jentleson, a former aide to senators Harry Reid and John Fetterman, claim that “woke” advocacy groups made Democrats adopt extreme policies and drove voters away from the Democratic Party, sealing Donald Trump’s victory. But the truth is simpler—and more uncomfortable for the Democratic establishment. Despite the noise, voters didn’t reject Harris because of leftist rhetoric or activist slogans. They rejected her because she and her party failed to address the economic pain of working-class voters, who chose change over more of the same.

There’s a generation of Black and brown organizers, often the first in their families to step into positions of power, navigating institutions historically dominated by others. Alongside them are downwardly mobile white millennials, raised with expectations of stability but battered by an economy that delivers none. These activists, working within nonprofits and campaigns, fighting for causes once central to Democratic values, have somehow become scapegoats for the party’s electoral woes.

Why, after every electoral loss, is the left always the scapegoat? It’s easier to blame activists for pushing a progressive agenda than confront the real issue: the Democratic Party has long been shaped by far more powerful forces—corporate interests, lobbyists, and consultants—whose influence has neglected the real crises facing everyday Americans. We see this cycle again and again.

Contrary to establishment narratives, the Democratic leadership has often resisted advocacy organizations pushing for bold reforms on immigration, Big Tech, climate, debt, healthcare, rent, mass incarceration, Palestinian rights, and for policies like the Build Back Better agenda. This tension isn’t just about differing priorities—it reveals the actual balance of forces in the party. Corporate donors on Wall Street and Silicon Valley pour billions into campaigns, shaping agendas to suit their interests. A consultant class reaps millions from flawed strategies and failed candidates yet continues to fail upward, perpetuating a pattern of mediocrity. They, not progressives, are the roadblock preventing Democrats from becoming a populist force that could disrupt the status quo and win back voters of all stripes.

It was these elements within the party that kneecapped the Democrats’ most ambitious efforts to help ordinary Americans. The Biden administration entered with huge plans, notably Build Back Better, which would have delivered immediate relief: expanded child tax credits, free community college, universal child care and pre-K, paid leave, and more. Progressives pushed mightily for Build Back Better to pass. It was centrist obstruction—namely Senators Manchin and Sinema—that blocked those policies. The result was a patchwork of long-term measures like the Inflation Reduction Act and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal, whose benefits won’t be felt until 2025 at the earliest, if at all. By failing to pass Build Back Better, Democrats lost the chance to deliver easy-to-understand, tangible economic benefits and solidify their image as the party of working people.

And it was corporate Democrats—particularly lobbyists like Harris’s brother-in-law, former Uber executive Tony West, and David Plouffe—who held the most sway over Harris’s campaign. They advised her to cozy up to ultra-wealthy celebrities, Liz and Dick Cheney, and Mark Cuban, and avoid populist rhetoric that could have distanced her from the corporate elites who dominate the party. In 2024, the biggest spenders in Democratic Party politics weren’t progressives—it was AIPAC, cryptocurrency PACs, and corporate giants like Uber, all of whom poured millions into Democratic campaigns without regard for public opinion or the will of the people.

The Harris campaign’s messaging failed because, while populist economic appeals resonated with voters, the public face of the campaign was discouraged from embracing them. Instead, the focus was on issues like democracy and abortion, which, while important, couldn’t by themselves capture the priorities of working-class voters. In her public remarks and interviews, Harris, drawing on the advice of corporate leaders, frequently adopted a Wall Street–friendly tone that resonated with business interests, even if it alienated many of her core supporters.


Current Issue
November 2024 Issue

It’s easy to forget that in 2020, Democrats saw historic turnout, driven largely by young voters who were energized by the largest left-wing and Black freedom protests since the 1960s. Biden won, and Democrats seemed to capture the nation’s hunger for justice and change, even as protesters marched with polarizing slogans like “Defund the Police.” Despite the controversy surrounding these messages, Biden triumphed decisively, calling for racial justice. The energy in the streets reflected a moment of possibility, a vision that real change was within reach. But by 2024, that grassroots energy had dissipated, and the Biden-Harris administration did little to revive it.

The loss of energy that Biden and Harris presided over showed up in youth turnout, which dropped to 42 percent in 2024, down from 50 percent in 2020 and closer to 2016 levels. However, battleground states saw higher youth turnout, around 50 percent. Young voters favored Harris over Trump by four points (51 percent to 47 percent), a sharp decline from Biden’s 25-point lead in 2020. The administration’s failure to offer a compelling narrative or deliver meaningful economic reforms alienated many young voters, especially on issues like unconditional weapons transfers to Israel. Trump capitalized on this vacuum with false promises and an anti-war message. Meanwhile, young workers, hit hardest by inflation and stagnant wages, saw little relief from the administration’s policies, leaving them feeling unseen and unmotivated. The simplest explanation may be the most accurate: after four years in opposition, Democrats under Biden had no plan for countering centrist obstruction from Manchin and Sinema. Nor did they have a clear strategy for transitioning to a new candidate, as Biden once suggested, or supporting a contested 2024 primary.

This disconnect was made worse by the administration’s lackluster communication strategy. Biden has avoided the media more than any modern president. In contrast, Mexico’s President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) dominated the narrative with daily, three-hour, entertaining, and combative press conferences that have earned him one of the largest YouTube followings in Mexico. AMLO’s approach to the attention economy helped his party to secure another presidential term, defying global anti-incumbent trends.

Biden and Harris’s reluctance to embrace what some Democratic elites might view as “tasteless” or “uncouth” populist appeals allowed their opponents to seize the public’s attention, creating a void that ultimately drained the administration of the energy and momentum it once had. Trump’s simple, emotionally charged narrative about fixing the economy, winding down foreign wars, restoring order, and protecting “traditional” American values may have been filled with bigotry and lies. But it commanded the public discourse, pushing the Biden-Harris administration off center stage.

It’s true that some younger leftists embrace purity politics. But as Semafor’s Benjy Sarlin points out, the most polarizing moments in recent Democratic campaigns—like Beto O’Rourke’s “Hell yes” remark on gun confiscation or Julián Castro’s call to decriminalize border crossings during the 2020 primaries—were driven by the candidates themselves, not external activist pressure. Why did Kamala Harris take the positions she did in 2019? Because she was trying to distinguish herself in a crowded Democratic primary, where Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren were surging and Biden seemed to have the center locked down. Ultimately, these moves were about gaining media attention in a competitive primary, not a direct result of pressure from advocacy groups—many of which, like Sunrise Movement, Working Families Party, and Justice Democrats, with which I was affiliated, have spent years working within the system to create lasting change and deliver real policy results that resonate with voters

The backlash against “wokeness” often rests on vague critiques, offering little more than cultural hand-wringing without any clear solutions. And when those solutions do emerge, they’re often morally indefensible. Jentleson’s criticism of progressive advocacy groups rings especially hollow when you consider the track record of his own political mentors. In 2010, his former boss, Harry Reid, publicly opposed the “Ground Zero mosque,” a proposed Islamic cultural center near the World Trade Center. While technically acknowledging the developers’ rights, Reid capitulated to Republican culture wars by suggesting Muslim Americans build the mosque elsewhere. This wasn’t a principled stance—it was a political maneuver that lent legitimacy to Islamophobia, feeding into narratives from figures like Sarah Palin and Newt Gingrich, who compared the center to a Nazi building next to the Holocaust Museum. In doing so, Reid allowed bigotry to flourish, leaving a vulnerable community to bear the brunt of political scapegoating.

From asylum seekers to transgender rights, today’s debates mirror the “Ground Zero mosque” controversy. From 2017 to 2020, Democrats, including Harris, were eager to condemn Trump’s cruel immigration policies. Now, however, they seem more focused on dodging the topic altogether. These are issues demanding a new approach, one that emphasizes year-round persuasion and agenda-setting over political convenience. Thermostatic public opinion might be a reality of politics, but voters appreciate when you stand for something with conviction and authenticity.

This is where movements and parties work best together: movements push the boundaries of what’s possible, creating the political space to reframe issues like transgender rights and immigration in majoritarian terms, and politicians follow when the political weather aligns with their self-interest. These two sides will clash, but it’s in that tension that progress lies.

Democrats can’t be scared of that process. They must stop ceding the narrative to far-right framing and instead invest in populist campaigns that aren’t afraid to antagonize villains, highlight the humanity of marginalized communities, and expose the Republican Party’s divide-and-conquer tactics. Only then can they build the political power necessary to shift the conversation and secure real change.

Anyone who knows me knows I’m critical of the academic jargon and misguided tactics that sometimes dominate activist circles. But to blame activists for the party’s struggles is to overlook the much larger battles they’re engaged in: 11 million undocumented Americans left in limbo, a prison system that incarcerates more people than any other in history, and an economy where three people hold more wealth than the bottom half of the country. These are the moral tests of our time—tests that any party claiming to stand for justice will be judged by. Scapegoating those pushing for change isn’t just unfair; it’s counterproductive, fracturing necessary coalitions and undermining the ability of the party to tackle the crises ahead.

Harris’s defeat should prompt serious introspection for Democrats—but not the narrow, one-sided critique Jentleson offers. Everyone, including progressive advocacy groups, has lessons to learn. The path forward isn’t about hippie-punching—it never has been. Time and again, the center-left’s response to electoral defeat has been to blame the unpopular and disruptive activists pushing for progress, whether abolitionists, suffragettes, labor unions, civil rights leaders, or environmentalists.

History reveals that oversimplified approaches often sidestep the harder questions. Success doesn’t come from rejecting the complexity of a diverse coalition but from learning to navigate it. To win, Democrats must inspire the public in a fractured information age, engage meaningfully with the cultural shifts around race, gender, family, and migration, make democracy work despite obstructionists like Manchin and Sinema, and—most critically—deliver tangible results that improve people’s lives. And if the corporate, status quo–loving forces within the party are standing in the way of that mission, they must be moved aside.

Success will come not by pointing fingers but by telling a story of transformation—with clear villains, bold vision, and conviction that democracy can, indeed, make a difference.



ABOUT THE AUTHOR:



Waleed Shahid

Waleed Shahid is the director of The Bloc and the former spokesperson for Justice Democrats. He has served as a senior adviser for the Uncommitted Campaign, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Jamaal Bowman. He is a member of The Nation’s editorial board.