Tuesday, December 17, 2024

IMPORTANT NEW BOOK:

Salvage: Readings from the Wreck
by Dionne Brand
‎Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2024

[Publication date: October 1, 2024]
 
One of Literary Hub's most anticipated books of 2024

Dionne Brand explores English and American literature, and the colonial aesthetic that shaped her sense of self and the world, of what was possible and what was not.

In Salvage: Readings from the Wreck, Dionne Brand’s first major book of nonfiction since her classic A Map to the Door of No Return, the acclaimed poet and novelist offers a bracing look at the intersections of reading and life, and what remains in the wreck of empire. Blending literary criticism and autobiography-as-artifact, Brand reads Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko, Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, and Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park, among other still widely studied works, to explore encounters with colonial, imperialist, and racist tropes from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries―tropes that continue in new forms today. Brand vividly shows how contemporary practices of reading and writing are shaped by the narrative structures of these and related works, and explores how, in the face of this, one writes a narrative of Black life that attends to its own consciousness and expression.

With the power and eloquence of a great poet coupled with the rigor of a deep and subtle thinker, Brand reveals how she learned to read the literature of two empires, British and American, in an anticolonial light―in order to survive, and in order to live.

This is the library, the wreck, and the potential for salvage she offers us now, in a brilliant, groundbreaking, and essential work.
 
REVIEWS:
 

"Brand shows that learning to read English literature involved learning not to notice who, or what, was missing . . . Brand’s key point is that the minutiae of white characters’ daily lives serve to conceal the unseen ― unsalvaged ― minutiae of the enslaved and Indigenous lives under imperial control . . . Equally suggestive are moments in Brand’s book when she shows us how a passage ostensibly not about the violence of colonialism is in fact a barely conscious acknowledgment of it." ―Sophie Gee, The New York Times Book Review

"In this insightful meditation on her formation as a colonial subject, Brand attends to the instrumentality of the novel and the regime of the aesthetic in the project of empire . . . A life can be “destroyed” by books, Brand observes . . . A life also can be remade by books."
―Saidiya Hartman, BOMB

"Award-winning novelist Brand, Toronto’s former poet laureate, melds autobiography and literary criticism to offer a shrewd, intimate reading of the 17th-, 18th-, and 19th-century novels that shaped her sense of self . . . [a] penetrating cultural criticism
." ―Kirkus (starred review)

"In this scintillating literary analysis, Canadian poet Brand, who grew up in Trinidad, examines depictions of imperialism in works by Charlotte Brontë, William Thackeray, and other British writers . . . Brand’s piercing analysis is at once sweeping and deeply personal . . . It’s a potent reevaluation of the British literary canon."
―Publishers Weekly (starred review)

 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

 

Dionne Brand is the author of 23 widely acclaimed books of fiction, poetry, and nonfiction. Her latest poetry collection, Nomenclature: New and Collected Poems, won the Los Angeles Times Book Prize for Poetry. Her other collections have won the Griffin Poetry Prize, the Governor General’s Literary Award, and the Trillium Book Award. Her works of nonfiction include Bread Out of Stone and A Map to the Door of No Return: Notes to Belonging. From 2009 to 2012 she served as Toronto’s poet laureate, and in 2021 she was awarded a Windham-Campbell Prize for Fiction. She lives in Toronto.  
 

Monday, December 16, 2024

In Conversation wth Saidiya Hartman and Dionne Brand: Two of the Major And Most Important Writers, Public Intellectuals, Social and Cultural Critics, Poets, Novelists, Literary Theorists, and Teachers of the 21st Century

https://bombmagazine.org/articles/2024/09/16/dionne-brand-by-saidiya-hartman/

fall 2024 issue

Interview


Dionne Brand by Saidiya Hartman

At once an autobiography of the reading self and a blistering critique of the “great works” of Anglophone literature, Brand’s latest book builds on her longstanding commitment to Black poesis. 

September 16, 2024

Dionne Brand. Photo © Clea Christakos-Gee.

For five decades, Dionne Brand has explored the boundaries of form, writing at the intersection of poetics and critical thought. As she writes in “An Ars Poetica from the Blue Clerk” (2017), she has strived “to produce a grammar in which Black existence might be the thought and not the unthought,” pressing at the limits of poetry and prose to uncover the critical “possibilities for Black existence, for being in the diaspora.”

Brand is the author of twelve books of poetry, six works of fiction, and six works of nonfiction. Her latest book, Salvage: Readings from the Wreck, continues this exploration of black existence and formal innovation in an autobiography of the reading self, a personal history of “how a reader is made [and] unmade.” In this insightful meditation on her formation as a colonial subject, Brand attends to the instrumentality of the novel and the regime of the aesthetic in the project of empire. Engaging with history and form, politics and aesthetics, Salvage approaches the novel as colonial pedagogy. Through a series of close readings from Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko (1688) to J. M. Coetzee’s Foe (1986), Brand uses the “artifice” of the autobiographical, inhabiting the history of literature as an intimate chronicle of her life and world. A life can be “destroyed” by books, Brand observes: novels, steeped in the imperial episteme, aestheticize and efface the violence that has made and unmade the captive, the wretched, the blackened, and the colonized. A life also can be remade by books. In the work of Gwendolyn Brooks, Wilson Harris, Toni Morrison, and John Keene, Salvage unearths the capacity of narrative to render black life as that “which exceeds the wreck.”

For Brand, black poesis—as social practice and creative invention—has unfolded as a centuries-long refusal of the given and a ceaseless practice of transfiguration. The possibilities of language are inseparable from the imperative to decompose the narrative of nonbeing. Such concerns have guided her longstanding inquiry in poetics and fiction. Her work has endeavored to retrieve black life from the register of pathology by restoring the “synesthetic space of our living,” the fullness of the sensorium. The task of the writer, simply put, is to find an exit from “the collapsed world” of empire and the “coloniality of form.” Through her employment of verbless grammars and nomenclatures, inventories and forensics, Brand transforms language into an open assembly that yields the possibility of conceiving existence anew.

Read an excerpt from Salvage: Readings from the Wreck in our latest issue.


Saidiya Hartman Reading Salvage, I was struck by the resonance of a set of questions, both conceptual and thematic, across the body of your work. The wreckage of modernity, the coloniality of being, the oceanic, and the politics of language and literature are the tributaries from early works like Winter Epigrams & Epigrams to Ernesto Cardenal in Defense of Claudia, Ossuaries, and The Blue Clerk. In Salvage, you return to these questions, meditating on the “great works” of Anglophone literature ranging from Robinson Crusoe to Mansfield Park, stressing the violence of these works and the need to trespass this canon in narrating the lives of black people. You state that the task of the writer is to “retrieve a life in the register of the social,” to “convey the sensorium of blackness,” to blow “life into the collapsed world of coloniality.” What is the relationship of Salvage to the wreckage? As with “Ruttier for the Marooned in the Diaspora,” nautical and maritime metaphors are central to articulating dispossession and survival in the wake of the slavery and exile. Wreckage is articulated variously, as the wreckage of coloniality, the wreckage of modernity, the wreckage of the Enlightenment project, and the wreckage of the vessels that brought us to these shores. I would describe Salvage as a reparative work, because it does offer a set of formal responses for attending to the wreckage. As you write, “the salvage is the life which exceeds the wreck.”

Dionne Brand One thing that marks the works that I’ve produced is an excavation of us from this thing, from these sets of relations that constantly occlude, bind, bury, or actively or violently prevent a certain kind of living. I’m constantly digging through the detritus of coloniality, because all it leaves is detritus. It buries you in detritus. It locks you into the one-notedness of itself and the absolute boundaries that it sets for you. However, you exceed these boundaries constantly; have always exceeded them. And the part of you that is more than these boundaries notices its enclosures. You’re not simply bound in the enclosure; you notice the enclosures constantly, and you’re always more than them. When you see the narratives that attend or reinforce the repository of that relation, that hold coloniality’s intentions, you can’t help but sometimes be alarmed or find it hilarious that it seeks to bind you in the smallness of its ideas, and that its ideas are so limited. Nevertheless, one must engage in this kind of tedious business of excavation. Sometimes you find yourself trying to dig your way out of the bullshit, basically. And then sometimes you find yourself in the mood for recovering your humor and your intelligence from it.

SH The word enclosure is key. The forms of your work—the nomenclatures, ruttiers, verso pages, epigrams, maps, inventories—enact this breaking out and existing beyond epistemic, political, and aesthetic enclosure, that is, the conceptual prisons that make it impossible to imagine the world in any other terms except those given and imposed. Your work has been characterized by this sustained attention to form, a metadiscourse on form, and the writing experiments with method and genre to think beyond the given. In Salvage, you employ the term forensics. Could you say more about your method and the relation of excavation—digging through the detritus of coloniality—to forensics?

DB The use of the multiple genres or genre-crossing started innocently. I began as a poet and then thought, What can I do to add the internal mechanisms of poetry to prose? I always had a distrust of linearity and linear structure, and I felt that poetry was much more expansive, much more open to philosophical meanderings to describe a life that had been enclosed in racist description. Blackness in such narratives, benign or malignant, could only appear in a particular form—either as abject or contesting that abjectness in some always failing way.

What also became apparent was the capacity for these various forms to be an analytic lens. Within each particular analytic lens, I would then consider what else might be an instrument for contemplating or looking through this life—hence the use of forensics or the inventory or the nomenclature. I’d also look to the other affective instruments of black life—reggae, calypso, jazz—that allowed one to jump and move quickly across planes of understanding to come to certain conclusions, the ones that black people in America have always had to come to in order to save their lives. They had to make a leap, and it’s the same leap as a metaphoric leap, a really quick leap into another form or shape.

These analytics get used in the business of figuring out how to destroy the enclosure, escape the enclosure. I’m always thinking about what analytic tools one might array against hegemony. Even though the material conditions might hold you down, they’re not representative of the aesthetic or intellectual conditions. That was the play, the possibility, and the thinking going on in what I call the sensorium of being alive and black—improvisatory moves on the impulse of rescue, moves against the dangers of coloniality and imperialism. I would ask myself, How can I access the width and breadth of the sensorium?

“The type of being illustrated in a literary text is a reflection of the type of being that exists in the material world. That production is very much tied up and interested in the relations we live in.”
— Dionne Brand

SH Salvage is another elaboration of this analytic lens. Why now? I have an answer to this, but I don’t know if my answer would be the same as yours. In one respect, Salvage is a text that you have written across twenty-four books. The metacharacter of your work, as you have noted, always reflects on the very conditions of writing, the materiality and historicity of writing, the predisposition toward certain kinds of narratives and genres. In your poetry and prose, you never forget the literary as a mode of production or the aesthetic as a regime of power. That’s always there.

DB Tell me your answer! (laughter)

SH Well, important aspects of our intellectual formation are shared. One of those critical nodes is the Grenada Revolution. Another is the writing of Amílcar Cabral, the revolutionary leader and brilliant anti-colonial thinker from Guinea-Bissau. His speeches and essays were foundational to my thought, and his work appears as a critical intertext in your work too. Cabral’s beautiful lines appear across the corpus of your work, in the prose and the poetry. We also hear the prescience of Frantz Fanon’s words “our historic mission is to authorize every revolt, every desperate act” sounding again in your work. The last is the emergence of postcolonial studies: Salvage is in dialogue with Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s “Three Women’s Texts and a Critique of Imperialism.” Ours is a different moment. We are in the wake of the postcolonial—the post no longer has critical purchase; we are all too aware that we exist in the stranglehold of coloniality.

Given this, the work of Salvage is not to educate us about the coloniality of the English canon but to think critically about the novel and narrative as the affective implements of empire. The “toxicity” of these foundational texts resides in the values and ideals, in the cultivation and transmission of taste. In short, the novel is sedimented with the history of slavery and empire, capitalism and dispossession. So what does it mean, as readers, to take in the world in this form? In Salvage, you reckon with the imperial narratives that have formed you and damaged you. A life animated by books is something that everyone may understand, but a life destroyed by books is the more complex, contradictory, mysterious proposition. You aptly note, books can animate and destroy you. I believe the note to writers is: Beware of the forms we have inherited. Other kinds of narratives also exist. Your readings of C. L. R. James and Gwendolyn Brooks and Wilson Harris and John Keene illuminate these other ways of writing and conceiving the world. Salvage offers a genealogy of reading, a forensics of the novel, and an interrogation of the building blocks of narration. That’s how I would answer it, but how would you?

DB What are those building blocks of narrative and how are they sedimented in the ways we write and therefore the ways we think? What is in attendance presently is a revanchism of imperialism, of raw, ugly racism that is boldly at the surface of European- and American-driven politics. The incredibly robust and violent resurgence of this narrative seemed to say something about the aliveness of that narrative, that it can still summon young, middle-aged, and old people of European descent. That, to me, was a sign that those ideas had not been destroyed entirely or had not been thrown completely into the cesspit of history. Within the elaborations of governing and living, they’ve been allowed to survive. So many scholars—including, as you’ve noted, Said and Spivak—have thrown an incredible amount of energy against them. But liberal democracy maintained their viability, even in the very ways in which we attack them. Which is to say that, to some degree, we still accepted them as credible, as aesthetically pleasing. These texts remain as part of the beautiful when they are, in fact, not beautiful at all. They are full of slavery, full of exploitation. Slavery and exploitation are on the bare skin of them.

The argument is often made that we are not in these texts—but we are in the texts. We are not excluded. In Salvage, I’m not talking about being excluded, I’m really concerned with how I’m included. The ways in which we were included are very much on the surface of the page. In William Makepeace Thackeray’s Vanity Fair, the person who opens the novel is a black man named Sambo, but we do not get the chance to look at him except through how he is located abjectly in that society as a joke. In Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park, how does Mansfield Park come about? How does it exist? There’s this reglorification of those texts in a lot of Netflix shows, in new variations of nineteenth century texts with black people in them as main characters. Well, black people were always in Mansfield Park as slaves in Antigua. What if we were to begin there, rather than some call for inclusion?

I’m rereading these texts with the hope of abandoning them as aesthetic objects. When these texts were written, they were done so self-consciously as colonial objects. If they were being made as aesthetic objects, they were for the European bourgeoisie. In fact, these texts were created and encouraged because they told readers about the wonderful life that slave-owning, the eradication of Indigenous peoples, and violence allowed.

SH I really like that formulation: to reread these texts with the hope of abandoning them as aesthetic objects. Salvage clearly articulates the ways in which a colonial project, a settler project, even when it does not announce itself explicitly and politically, finds refuge in the categories of the aesthetic and the beautiful. Here the role of the novel is critical. You also look at the regimes of cognition and perception, taste and sensibility that produce the subject and fashion the human. You build on Sylvia Wynter’s essay “Novel and History, Plot and Plantation” and Simon Gikandi’s Slavery and the Culture of Taste, which brilliantly articulate the connective tissue between slavery’s regime of production and the cultivation of subjectivity and discernment. What does it mean that the taxonomy of values that undergirded racial slavery provides the compass for many of the texts upheld as great literary achievements?

DB These texts are followed. They existed then and exist now as examples of what to do. They are instructional. Whatever writer is writing in this moment, that’s the genealogy they follow for how to produce a novel—what shape to put them in, how to produce character, what a character might be—and often without paying any attention to the ideas they are reproducing. This isn’t without consequence, because the material conditions we live in are also being reproduced through literary texts. The type of being illustrated in a literary text is a reflection of the type of being that exists in the material world. That production is very much tied up and interested in the relations we live in.

SH Salvage brings to mind Toni Morrison’s Playing in the Dark, where she explored “American Africanism,” the structuring presence and absence of an Africanist persona in the shaping of US literature, and the myriad uses of this fabricated entity. In your engagement, it is the colonial other who gives shape and meaning to British self- fashioning. The forensics, the analysis and excavation undertaken, is not about the project of inclusion, which desires to step into that same regime of the subject and achieve recognition and visibility in identical terms. Bridgerton is an easy example. If there is an adjustment or shift in this colonial regime of representation, it is in the expanded hues of its cast, but all that it promises is the endless reproduction of the same. It’s the nightmare of inclusion: Yes, black and brown actors can extend and reanimate the imperial text, can resurrect aristocrats and slaveholders, endowing them with a new life. This is happening in the political field too.

DB Yeah. This is making me depressed. I mean, not that I’m not already. (laughter)

SH In Salvage, you write that the autobiography identifies “the subject who is supposed to be made, through colonial pedagogies in the form of texts—fiction, non-fiction, poetry, photographs, governmental and bureaucratic structures.” I want to ask about the relation between autobiography and the photograph, specifically the photograph taken when you were about four years old with your sisters and your cousin. This photograph is taken in the studio of Mr. Wong, and it is to be sent to your mother and your aunt who are becoming nurses in England. You describe the novel and the photograph as regimes of capture. At the same time, the photograph is very central to the autobiographical enactment of Salvage. It allows you to think about yourself in the third person, specifically the ways the autobiographical fabricates a person. Implicitly, you suggest the portrait is not a likeness, it is and is not you, but a decisive moment in the making of the colonial subject and an opening onto the structuring narratives that will determine your life. Yet it is also an opening and a way of upending ways of knowing and understanding things and negating particular scripts of the self. The frame registers a small resistance.

In a much earlier poem, “Blues Spiritual for Mammy Prater” in No Language is Neutral, you describe a photograph of Mammy Prater at 115 years old. In the poem, you write that she has been waiting for and anticipating the technology that might capture her. Can you describe your use of photographs in building the structure of Salvage? What is the place of the photograph as a capture and framing of life and sensory experience, as a placement of a subject in an order, a vertical scale of valued and devalued life?

“…the photograph or transaction cannot quite capture what they might be. It only captures what they are in a certain relation.”

— Dionne Brand


DB You know, I’m not a visual artist nor a critic of visual art. But I’m taken by photographs and what they hold. In that early poem, what jumped out at me was how Mammy Prater’s figure in the photograph exuded a weight and patience, a knowledge about a future time when something might be recognized in the photograph. The poem talks about how she waited for her century to turn, until the technology of photography was ready to capture this something. It seemed to me that the statement she conveyed through the photograph was waiting to be understood by us in much later years. It could be understood in her time, but not sufficiently—not in in a way that could repay that pose. Only in the future could that pose be repaid by an understanding of what it took to sit there and be there.

In the case of Salvage, the photograph of the young girls—of me, my sisters, and my cousin—is a document of coloniality. It’s also a personal document and a passport to someplace else. It was made to be sent across the Atlantic to repay the sacrifices of the women who would receive it, women who were themselves transported in those same ships to be in service to England. And all of their knowledge about England had to be transported back, whether that would be in the form of money, experience, or the hope of return or the hope of our going. The photograph is an object of that traversal across the Atlantic.

SH It’s involved in the circulation of affect, of longing, of disappointment, of regret. But it seems that it’s also more than a document. The photograph might be able to push back against the narrative that encloses it. There’s a beautiful line: “She does not yet understand (but maybe she glimpses) the full-on violence of narrative. She is trying to be … to find the new medium.” The girl in the photograph is looking for a new medium.

DB Yes, the girls in the photograph are still not fully made; the photograph or transaction cannot quite capture what they might be. It only captures what they are in a certain relation. Their various attentions to the photographer and to things outside of the photograph give a small indication, perhaps, of discomfort with or anticipation of what is outside of the photograph.

What’s happening outside the making of that photograph is also anti-colonial struggle. That photograph is taken after Eric Williams writes Capitalism and Slavery and after his return to Trinidad. C. L. R. James had already written Minty Alley, but the girls in the photograph don’t know that yet.

So much is going on outside of the photograph—people are alive, other relations are being built. The British Empire might have a hold over the photograph and, to some extent, the girls in the photograph and the photograph’s recipients, but there is great foment outside of the photograph.

SH Toward the end of the book, you describe the beautiful blur the girls’ movement inside the photograph produces. This movement becomes a key point for thinking about what’s not arrested by the frame, as does Roy DeCarava’s the sound i saw, a beautiful example of “the synesthetic space of our living.” I deeply appreciate your approach to history, your critique of history, your creation of counter-histories, all of which are enabled by multiple registers of time. Your historical enactments are so rich because time itself is opened, sedimented, and marked by what has happened and what we don’t yet know. In Ossuaries, this temporal entanglement is about the last days of a current time, a future time, and a possible time. You’ve noted that your compositions, whether poetry, prose poems, or novels, are made up of more than what can be contained in a particular cultural or historical moment. In this respect, there is a meditation on the document and the archive, though not in any literal or direct way, precisely because of the temporal sensibility that’s at stake in the work.

DB I just think that time is always going on, in its frayedness. One only attaches a set of signposts—like one o’clock, three o’clock, whatever— depending on one’s interests, right? And those signposts are limited by the aspirations of the time master. But I’ve had to think about time differently to escape that arbitrariness or the regimen of it. As I see it, life escapes that regimentation all the time. It’s not in my interest or in the interest of black people to observe that regimentation—except as cautionary— because so much of what we live happens outside of that kind of time. Again, it’s a question of linearity and nonlinearity. Rather than attend to the qualities of time’s regimentation through processes that are outside of myself and uncontrolled by me, I decided to attend to the qualities of time that exist outside of capital.

In my novel At the Full and Change of the Moon, Kamena has to find his way back to a marronage, but he cannot recall how he got there the first time. This is because he got there the first time through attending to other emotions, other senses of apprehension. He listened for sounds, how his body felt. There was no wayfinding other than through those qualities of observation. That is time too. In some ways, he never finds his way back. The world isn’t linear; he doesn’t need to find his way there in order to find a plot to grow something, to make money, to have transactions with other human beings. He just needs to find his way there toward freedom. In this regard, time is about using certain perceptions to come to what one wants to be, what one desires. If we were to rely on the parameters of capital time to do that, we’d be nothing. One has to exist in the time outside of capital in order to observe oneself and capital—its actions in the world and how much it squeezes out.

SH It’s precisely in these seemingly disposable lifetimes outside capitalist accumulation and representation where possibility unfolds, where one gets closer to freedom or a happening. Certainly, with regard to Kamena and marronage, you don’t feel that there is a distinct place or territory of marronage. One experiences it as another dimension, as a different bundle of sense and perception. It feels like an interface of worlds as opposed to directional or spatial.

DB It isn’t particularly spiritual, either. When Kamena arrives at the marronage the first time, it is rescue and relief from the violence of accumulation. He is no longer a commodity. This is an entirely different set of relations. And so, it’s always this question: What is it I would be? Or what is it that I am?

SH What have I forgotten that I knew, so I can be there again? That’s the “full,” the return, the recursive character of it.

DB And so he always comes back to Culebra, the ghostly place with the disintegrated nuns, and he asks Bola, “Hold this for me.” What he tells her, as instructions to find the marronage, is completely useless in linear time. His directions are like this: When you hear a leaf fall in the middle of the center of a forest and hear three birds and the flap of a wing. It’s nothing within the regime of the usable, which compresses and makes small all of our perceptions and observations.

SH You attend to the toxins that are a part of the imperial narrative regime and the violence of linear narrative in Salvage, but you also address other possibilities for narrating black life through reflections on the writing of Harris, Brooks, James, and others. Can there be a narrativization of black life that’s not a reinscription of the enclosure or a refashioning of the master narrative?

DB Brooks’s novel Maud Martha is the most beautiful thing. You find this being, this narrator, who doesn’t allow the regime of narration that would enclose her to take over the story and determine how one narrates a black life. She sits in the story, that small, perfect novel, and just lives.

SH In Salvage, you say, beautifully, that Maud Martha is an example “of a narrative attending to its own expression, attending to describing its consciousness” and “unimpeded by the demand to locate itself adjacent to a spectator who wishes to dislocate that consciousness or make it inanimate and tangential.” It’s as if Maud Martha is operating in the paradoxical space of giving an account of oneself when it is impossible to give an account of the sort of self that I am.

DB Yes. You find it in every paragraph. It’s not ignoring the location that character finds herself in, but offering a description that doesn’t center the location. Maud Martha doesn’t locate herself there; she is located. She makes her own description of the world she lives in, not attending to reinscribing that as location at all. The spaces in Brooks’s language don’t bind Maud Martha to that placement. Maud Martha is the central observer.

“Rather than attend to the qualities of time’s regimentation through processes that are outside of myself and uncontrolled by me, I decided to attend to the qualities of time that exist outside of capital.”

— Dionne Brand


SH Right. Do you want to say more about The Blue Clerk’s relationship to Salvage?

DB Over the course of the last many years, I’ve been thinking about what it is to write fully, to be fully in the world against all kinds of economies—the economies of publishing, the economies of writing, all these economies that we are inundated with now because all life on the planet is economic. (laughter)

SH The financialization of everything.

DB Every square meter of air. (laughter)

So what is it to write fully? The Blue Clerk came out through the making of the essay for The Black Scholar and is an iteration of the persona of the clerk, someone who is outside of these regimes, who is a collector of what the author cannot say and write—what the author thinks. The blue clerk is both sharp and bitter and wants to be uninvolved in whatever economies—affective and financial—the author belongs in. I think it’s probably true for every black writer that the transactional economies of academic or commercial trade publishing put a capitalist weight on the writing itself, and that capitalist weight is commanded by the ideas of a ruling class, if you will. Old-fashioned phrase!

SH Soon that phrase will be outlawed in the States. (laughter)

DB It’s the ideas of the ruling class that are melded into these economies. They tell you what you can and cannot say. This year, we’ve had a full sense of that—Gaza, genocide. Anyway, The Blue Clerk came out of that, this archive of what the author cannot say. The blue clerk wants to make a different language.

SH The clerk is an unconscious recording surface marked by particular histories and the guardian of the archive. The Blue Clerk provides a history of the book, as it raises the question, What is the book? It is an excoriating and humorous view of the author as a totally compromised figure, an indulgent persona with the inclination to wax poetically and philosophically.

DB Yes. The author is totally compromised. She gets shut down by the clerk. (laughter)

SH Right. The author is forced to inhabit the structure of her contradictions. There is an added layer of self-reflexivity about the book. The what-is-the-book is articulated in the discussion of the pages, what happens on the verso as opposed to the recto, the fiction of an end, and the role of the index in organizing and disarranging what the reader has encountered. The index is also a point for reflecting on the history and social forces that produce the book, the conventions that discipline and constrain it, that silence the author, that repress the complexities of existing in this brutal world, that produce falsity in the guise of tidiness. The index solicits and plays with the reader and suggests there are multiple pathways of reading. This multiplicity produces the quality of openness.

DB And even the index is an index of what. The index probably has an index too. That book may not have ever ended. In fact, the ending of the book, in terms of pages, was a capitulation to the author. So the clerk provided an index that troubles the idea of indices, that leads astray rather than guides, and further she places a verso that seems a repetition of an already written verso after the index by way of suggesting that the collection of versos has not come to an end. If anyone were to have made the mistake of reading this book in a linear fashion—I mean, I don’t know how you would have—the clerk says, If you in any way read this in a linear fashion, then here’s the index, it’s in the back, read it this way.

SH It activates the book in a way that impedes linearity after the fact. That index reminds me of another book that you discuss in Salvage that we both very much appreciate—A History of Bombing by Sven Lindqvist. It’s very frustrating to read that book because it impedes forward movement. The reader is trapped in the recursive structures of coloniality and capitalism. You read ahead only to be sent back to the beginning or to another event, to a reversal or origin and its decisive consequences. The endless variations of death and destruction and extraction and accumulation. Lindqvist’s book is also a forensics of the European imagination.

DB Oh, you led me to that book, and it was wonderful. I agree. What Lindqvist and my conversation with you gave me was a confirmation about the work of texts and fictional narratives in the world. Specifically, the work of European fictional narratives and what the writing establishment obfuscates in those narratives, what worlds it ingests and reproduces as normal, as natural, and what passes it gives itself about that reproduction. These narratives talk about art and an unassailability of art qua art, when in fact, art is wedded to the reproduction of certain social and economic structures. The mere proposal of “character” or “scene” is taken for granted as an aesthetic practice when, in fact, that is not a given and we are often reproducing that world, even if not consciously. Now, you can do that innocently if you like, but some of us can’t. I can’t give myself the excuse of the aesthetic when I know how bound up it is with the social and the economic. It’s quite a deliberate act on my part how I reproduce the world, and I think that is the case for many black writers.

SHI want to close with one last big, ponderous question. I know it’s kind of impossible to answer, but: How does narrative or the novel figure in the destitution of the colonial world? What might it bring forward or yield?

DB (laughter)

SH Just a small, small question. (laughter)

DB I think that narrative structure has to be worked the way our actual living is worked through and against the structure of capital. It cannot reproduce the structure of capital, that is to say, capital’s given forms or even its experimentations. Our lives always exceed the bounds of capital. We’re not the benefactors of that narrative’s political structure nor its literary structure. We lie as inert in the literary as we do in the political structure. There can be so much dishonesty when we put pen to paper, too, because of the awareness of the narrative regime and ruling ideas of the present. It’s beside those ruling ideas that you start to pen a paragraph. So how do you plan the paragraph honestly? Can I make a model of how I move in the world with how I make words in the world? How do you affect the structure of writing with the structure of your life?
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 
Dionne Brand is the author of numerous volumes of fiction, poetry, and nonfiction. Her latest poetry collection, Nomenclature: New and Collected Poems, won the Los Angeles Times Book Prize for Poetry. Her other collections have won the Griffin Poetry Prize, the Governor General's Literary Award, and the Trillium Book Award. Her works of nonfiction include Bread Out of Stone and A Map to the Door of No Return: Notes to Belonging. From 2009 to 2012 she served as Toronto's poet laureate, and in 2021 she was awarded a Windham-Campbell Prize for Fiction. She lives in Toronto.

ABOUT THE INTERVIEWER:

Saidiya Hartman is the author of Scenes of Subjection, Lose Your Mother, and Wayward Lives, Beautiful Experiments. She received a MacArthur Fellowship in 2019 and was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2022. She is a member of the Royal Society of Literature, a University Professor at Columbia University, and a contributing editor at BOMB.

The Blue Clerk: A Reading with Dionne Brand followed by a conversation with Saidiya Hartman in Paris, France: October 31, 2018

The Blue Clerk: A Reading with Dionne Brand followed by a conversation with Saidiya Hartman



Barnard Center for Research on Women
 
December 22, 2018

Reading of The Blue Clerk by Dionne Brand Followed by a conversation with Saidiya Hartman Part of The Sojourner Project - Dialogues on Black Precarity, Fungibility, and Futurity A convening curated by the Practicing Refusal Collective This event was recorded on October 31, 2018 in Paris, France. The Sojourner Project was convened with the generous support of the Barnard Center for Research on Women, Columbia Institute for Research on Women Gender and Sexuality Studies, the Columbia Institute for Ideas & Imagination, and the Barnard College Office of International Initiatives and Special Projects.
 
VIDEO:
 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 
Dionne Brand is the author of numerous volumes of fiction, poetry, and nonfiction. Her latest poetry collection, Nomenclature: New and Collected Poems, won the Los Angeles Times Book Prize for Poetry. Her other collections have won the Griffin Poetry Prize, the Governor General's Literary Award, and the Trillium Book Award. Her works of nonfiction include Bread Out of Stone and A Map to the Door of No Return: Notes to Belonging. From 2009 to 2012 she served as Toronto's poet laureate, and in 2021 she was awarded a Windham-Campbell Prize for Fiction. She lives in Toronto.

ABOUT THE INTERVIEWER:

Saidiya Hartman is the author of Scenes of Subjection, Lose Your Mother, and Wayward Lives, Beautiful Experiments. She received a MacArthur Fellowship in 2019 and was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2022. She is a member of the Royal Society of Literature, a University Professor at Columbia University, and a contributing editor at BOMB.
 
 

IMPORTANT NEW BOOKS:

Defectors: The Rise of the Latino Far Right and What It Means for America
by Paola Ramos
Pantheon,  2024


[Publication date: September 24, 2024]

AN NPR BEST BOOK OF 2024 • An award-winning journalist's exploration of how race, identity and political trauma have influenced the rise in far-right sentiment among Latinos, and how this group can shape American politics

“A deeply reported, surprisingly personal exploration of a phenomenon that is little understood in our politics: the affiliation of Latino voters with causes and candidates that would seem, at first glance, unwelcoming to them
."—Rachel Maddow

Democrats have historically assumed they can rely on the Latino vote, but recent elections have called that loyalty into question. In fact, despite his vociferous anti-immigrant rhetoric and disastrous border policies, Trump won a higher percentage of the Latino vote in 2020 than he did in 2016. Now, journalist Paola Ramos pulls back the curtain on these voters, traveling around the country to uncover what motivates them to vote for and support issues that seem so at odds with their self-interest.

From coast to coast, cities to rural towns,
Defectors introduces readers to underdog GOP candidates, January 6th insurrectionists, Evangelical pastors and culture war crusaders, aiming to identify the influences at the heart of this rightward shift. Through their stories, Ramos shows how tribalism, traditionalism, and political trauma within the Latino community has been weaponized to radicalize and convert voters who, like many of their white counterparts, are fearful of losing their place in American society.

We meet Monica de la Cruz, a Republican congresswoman from the Rio Grande Valley who won on a platform centered on finishing “what Donald Trump started” and pushing the Great Replacement Theory; David Ortiz, a Mexican man who refers to himself as a Spaniard and opposed the removal of a statue of a Spanish conquistador in New Mexico; Luis Cabrera, an evangelical pastor pushing to “Make America Godly Again;” Anthony Aguero, an independent journalist turned border vigilante; and countless other individuals and communities that make up the rising conservative Latino population. Cross-cultural and assiduously reported,
Defectors highlights how one of America's most powerful and misunderstood electorates may come to define the future of American politics.
REVIEWS: 
"Ramos’s empathy is formidable. As frightened as she is by the defectors’ politics, she is always curious to learn more."
—Jennifer Szalai, The New York Times

"Defectors is a deeply reported, surprisingly personal exploration of a phenomenon that is little understood in our politics: The affiliation of Latino voters with causes and candidates that would seem, at first glance, unwelcoming to them. Paola takes us into the lives of Latinos who support presidential candidates with plans for mass deportations or lead efforts to ban books and stop diversity initiatives. She introduces us to Latinos who patrol the border as vigilantes and Latinos who marched on the Capitol on January 6th. From Miami and the Bronx to Arizona, New Mexico and the Rio Grande Valley, Paola shows us why the Latino vote is not just increasingly powerful, but increasingly in flux. It turns out the answers are there if you ask the right questions, and that is exactly what Paola does in this terrific book."
—Rachel Maddow, Emmy award-winning host of The Rachel Maddow Show and New York Times bestselling author of Prequel

"Defectors...casts aside the misguided notion that Latinos are a monolith and looks at the small but expanding part of the population moving steadily right. Through reporting trips and conversations with experts and psychologists alike, Ramos interrogates the idea that the Latino electorate is aligned with progressive values, writing about an Afro-Latino former Proud Boy leader, a Latino border vigilante, and Latino insurrectionists who participated in the January 6 US Capitol attack. As she persuasively proves, not all white supremacists are white."
—Vogue

"It's hard to fathom how any vulnerable group, be they Latinos, Black, or even white women, can consistently vote for conservative candidates who are hostile to their interests, and their humanity. In
Defectors, Paola Ramos seeks to understand ultra conservative Latinos, and instead of lecturing them, explains how they've come to support violent authoritarianism.” 
—Elie Mystal, New York Times bestselling author of Allow Me to Retort

"With both humanizing compassion and sharp urgency,
Defectors highlights the voices and ideologies behind our current political moment. Paola deftly shows how historical trauma and cultural values have caused a rightward shift among an increasingly politically active population and reveals why America's Latino voices will matter in this election more than ever, and in every election to come."
—Ana Navarro, Emmy award-winning cohost of "The View"
 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


Paola Ramos is an author and Emmy-Award winning journalist. She is a contributor for Telemundo News and MSNBC, where she is the host of “Field Report.” Ramos is a former Correspondent for Vice News. Prior to her career in journalism, Ramos was the Deputy Director of Hispanic Media for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, a political appointee during the Obama Administration, and served in President Obama’s 2012 re-election campaign.

She is also a former Hauser Leader in the Center for Public Leadership at Harvard Kennedy School, where she received her Master’s in Public Policy, and recently joined the board of trustees of her alma mater, Barnard College. She is the author of
Finding Latin-X: In Search of the Voices Redefining Latino Identity. Ramos was born in Miami to Cuban and Mexican parents, grew up in Madrid, and currently lives in Brooklyn, NY.
 

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.


“Close your eyes,” said President Joe Biden, imploring Americans to go back to that day. “What do you see?” He was on national TV addressing a divided nation a year after the January 6 insurrection, in which more than two thousand people stormed the U.S. Capitol. When people closed their eyes, they probably saw a sea of violent white Americans clenching their fists and contesting the 2020 election results, fueled by a desire to preserve their diminishing power amid America’s rapidly changing demographics. Or, in Biden’s words: “Rioters rampaging, waving for the first time inside this Capitol a Confederate flag that symbolized the cause to destroy America, to rip us apart.” But in my mind, I zeroed in on the Latinos—inconspicuous among the vast, loud crowd—a significant number of whom were also present that day to make their voices heard.
 
That curiosity is what prompted me to attend a small press conference in downtown Miami held the same day as President Biden’s address. When I arrived at around 4:00 p.m., a small crowd of Latino MAGA supporters were gathered outside of Miami’s federal courthouse, waiting for the event—meant to commemorate the anniversary of the Capitol riot—to begin. I wanted to make eye contact with the Latino insurrectionists.
 
They were young, old, brown, light-skinned, former Democrats and lifelong Republicans. Among them were members of Moms for Liberty, the right-wing “parental rights” group; the Proud Boys, an extremist white supremacist organization; the Miami Springs Republican Club; as well as ordinary Latinos hiding behind large sunglasses, black masks, and baseball caps. Some of them had attended the January 6 rally without entering the Capitol building, while others had never even set foot in Washington, D.C., but all found common ground in their support of the insurrection. After a short prayer vigil to honor rioters who had been sentenced to prison, Gabriel Garcia took the podium. All eyes were fixed on him.
 
Garcia was one of the people who appeared in my mind when I closed my eyes and thought about that day. He was a Cuban American from South Florida who had violently stormed the Capitol, proudly livestreaming his journey through the building on Facebook. Footage from that day shows Garcia basking in glory, perhaps elated to be accepted into the crowd of white supremacists. Yet, that January afternoon in Miami, Garcia, who had a Miami accent and immigrant parents, took a more somber tone as he reflected on and justified his presence at the Capitol. “If we don’t agree with the left, or the media’s bias, we get called ‘white supremacists’ or ‘racists,’” Gabriel told attendees and a few journalists present. He paused before adding, “Let me tell you something, there’s nothing racist about a guy called Gabriel Garcia.” His supporters nodded their heads or raised their American flags to the sky in agreement. That a Latino could be a white supremacist, or a racist was simply unfathomable.
 
Fourteen months after that press conference, on May 4, 2023, an Afro-Latino man who had as a boy dreamed of becoming a spy was found guilty of seditious conspiracy for his role in the insurrection. Throughout the years, I had followed Enrique Tarrio’s journey as the chairman of the Proud Boys, interviewing him as he became increasingly radicalized and obsessed with the illusion of white power. Even though Enrique would repeatedly deny he was a white supremacist—at times by noting that he was at least 40 percent Afro-descendant—he had turned into one of the far right’s most ardent spokespersons. Enrique wasn’t physically present at the riot, but the jury determined that he had played an even more significant role that day: He was one of the masterminds behind the insurrection.
 
Merely two days after Enrique’s conviction made national headlines, leaving pundits aghast that a Latino could carry such weight on the far right, thirty-three-year-old Mauricio Garcia made his way to the Allen Premium Outlets, just thirty minutes outside of Dallas. Immediately after stationing his car in the parking lot, Garcia got out and started walking toward people with his AR-15 in hand. From across the parking lot, Beatriz Leon, a Guatemalan woman, and her sister heard Garcia yelling, and then start firing at people, seemingly indiscriminately. Panicked, Beatriz quietly got inside her car, grateful that she had left her three young daughters at home. Garcia murdered eight people and wounded seven before he was eventually shot and killed by a police officer. After the carnage, Beatriz and her sister were safely escorted from the crime scene.
Digging into Garcia’s background in the aftermath of his death, the Texas Department of Public Safety quickly learned that he was a neo-Nazi sympathizer and self-described “full blown white supremacist.” He had left behind a long trail of social media posts and handwritten notes that painted a picture of a young brown man tormented by his identity, attempting to reconcile his Latino background with his white supremacist ideals. According to the Anti-Defamation League’s Center on Extremism, Garcia had once posted a meme that depicted Latino children at a crossroads faced with the choice to either turn left toward “act Black” or right toward “become white supremacist.” Garcia had always chosen to turn right.
 
A year after the shooting, Beatriz told me that she still feels traumatized—frightened by loud noises and the darkness of nightfall. She has only been able to go back to the Allen mall once and doubts she’ll ever return. It’s too hard. To this day, Beatriz’s sister refuses to go out to public spaces where large groups of people gather, like malls or movie theaters. Both women are still terrified. And knowing that the shooter was Latino adds a layer of betrayal. “It hurts, knowing that we are the same,” Beatriz said when I asked how she felt after finding out that the shooter was a white supremacist Latino. “How is it possible that you can have so much hate in your heart towards your own people?”
 
From Gabriel Garcia to Enrique Tarrio to Mauricio Garcia, it’s clear that Latinos, too, can be white supremacists. We can espouse and push principles, systems, and beliefs that uphold racial hierarchies and preserve structural racism. I am convinced that the vast majority of the nearly 64 million Latinos in this country are driven by a desire for social justice and equality. As Latinos, our ancestors’ journeys to the U.S., although individually unique, were all sparked by the promise of greater freedoms. I believe those shared roots are what make us empathetic, open, and compassionate people. Yet, those roots are also what hold us hostage to our past—a past that’s marked by racial baggage, colonial traditions, and political traumas that can evoke a proclivity to white supremacy as we find our place in America. Gabriel, Enrique, and Mauricio are extreme, violent examples of this tendency, but their stories reflect the forces many Latinos are caught between—that of embodying a multiracial America or a white supremacist one; that of being victims or perpetrators; colonized or colonizers. As you’ll see in this book, Latinos, like all Americans, are caught between the pulls of progressive and ultraconservative political beliefs. We, too, dance on this spectrum.

The truth is that we are constantly negotiating the pressures of racial, cultural, and/or political assimilation. The day I got my acceptance letter from Barnard College, the big white envelope also included a welcome package for students of color. I was shocked to receive it. I remember asking my mother if she thought the admissions department had made a mistake: “Who do they think I am?” As a fair-skinned, seventeen-year-old first-generation Latina born in Miami, where being Latino was the norm, most people I grew up with looked and sounded like me: We all spoke English with a slight accent, spoke Spanish at home with our families, and lived unselfconsciously in the world as privileged white people. Unlike darker-skinned Latinos and Afro-Latinos in different parts of the country, many of us were never forced to question our racial and cultural identities. To suddenly feel othered, as Barnard’s welcome package seemed to indicate, just made me want to assimilate even more.
 
It wasn’t until I stepped onto Barnard’s campus in New York City that I realized that the image I had of myself was different from the way America saw me. As a light-skinned Latina with a Cuban mom and a Mexican dad, I had never really thought about myself in racial terms. In Miami, I lived in a Latino bubble where both class and skin-color privilege insulated me from my differences from mainstream America and distinguished me from other Miami Latinos often marginalized from the community, such as Afro-Cubans. This bubble of privilege burst on the first day of classes. While most of my peers took the mandatory freshman-year English Seminar in different auditoriums, I was told to go down the hall to the English as a Second Language classroom. I remember how ashamed I felt walking down that hall and how much I wanted to turn back toward the sea of white American students. Wasn’t I supposed to be with them? Weren’t they what success in America looked like, the very success I was being sent to an elite Northeastern college to achieve? Yet the moment I opened the door of the small classroom where ESL classes were being held and sat at a table full of first- and second-generation Mexican, Dominican, Salvadoran, Black, and brown students, I felt more at home than I ever had.
 
That classroom is where I became aware of myself as part of a national Latino community; where I became aware of myself racially and not just ethnically; where I became responsible for the privilege my skin, class, and immigration status carried; and where I started to understand how beautifully complex Latino/Latinx identity is in America. More importantly, it’s where I developed a sense of Latino solidarity and allegiance. Regardless of background, skin color, or class position, we had a bond defined by what you couldn’t see: All of us were building on our families’ legacies in America and bound together by the slippery concept of “Latinidad.” Our ancestors, grandparents, and parents left everything behind in search of freedom and opportunity. Some left because of poverty, others disillusioned by revolutions, and many to flee violence. They left by rafts and boats, by plane or by walking across borders. And they stayed and built lives here, even as the freedom they sought ended up being harder to grasp than they imagined when they bought into the American dream.
 
So, for the first time in my life, on that Upper West Side campus, not only was I aware of what made me different, I was proud of it. But what if, at that crossroad, I had refused to go down that Barnard hallway with the other Latino students? What if, like Mauricio Garcia’s online meme suggested, I had turned right toward the room that was less racially and ethnically diverse? That choice could have set me off on a different path in life, distinctively shaping my views and future. I would not have been alone. Defection has always been part of the Latino story in this country. That is why we can’t turn a blind eye to it now.

Racket, The: A Rogue Reporter vs The American Empire
by Matt Kennard

Bloomsbury Academic, 2024
(Second edition]


[Publication date: June 13, 2024]

While working for the Financial Times, investigative journalist Matt Kennard had unbridled access to the crème de la crème of the global elite. From slanging matches with Henry Kissinger to afternoon coffees with the man who captured Che Guevara, Kennard spent four years gathering extraordinarily honest testimony from the horse's mouth on how the global economic system works away from the convenient myths. It left him with only one conclusion: the world as we know it is run by an exclusive class of American racketeers who operate with virtually unlimited weapons and money, and a reach much too close to home. Owing to the very nature of the Financial Times, however, Kennard was not able to publish these findings as part of his day job. Enter The Racket, now in a fully updated second edition. This tell-all book, reported from all corners of the world, will transform everything you thought you knew about how the world works—and in whose interests. Kennard reports not only from across the United States, but from the United Kingdom, the Caribbean, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East. In doing so he provides startlingly clear and concrete evidence of unchecked, high-level, interrelated systems of exploitation all over the world. At the same time, through encounters with high-profile opponents of the racket such as Thom Yorke, Damon Albarn, and Gael García Bernal, Kennard offers a glimpse of a developing resistance, which needs to win. Now more relevant than ever, this 2nd edition contains a new preface by the author and a new foreword by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Chris Hedges.

 

REVIEWS:


“In this important book, Kennard explores the direct impacts of militarized, globalized American capitalism on some of the most battered parts of our world. With devastating precision and a formidable sense of urgency, he reports on corporate shock doctors in Haiti, imperialist drug warriors in Honduras, pillaging coal and mining giants in southern Africa and Appalachia - and so much more. Most importantly, he never loses sight of the the growing numbers of resistors holding on to their creativity and self-determination in the face of these forces.” 
―Naomi Klein

“Matt Kennard's perceptive direct reporting and analysis of policy aim to expose 'the racket' that dominates much of global society and to 'blow their cover.' His in-depth studies, ranging from Haiti to Palestine to Bolivia to Honduras to the destitute in New York City and far more bring home in vivid and illuminating detail the reality of life and struggles of much of the world's population, their defeats and victories, their suffering and vitality and hope.” ―Noam Chomsky

“Timely and readable. [...] Kennard ranges widely in his attempt to show the scope and depth of the Racket. From the 'disaster capitalism' imposed on an earthquake-traumatized Haiti to the undermining of democracy in Bolivia, Kennard lays bare the mechanics of the scam. [...] This book is a valuable tool for anyone wishing to engage in the worldwide struggle for justice.” ―New Internationalist

“Matt Kennard left his secure job with the Financial Times on a mission to expose the world financial system as a gigantic racket operated by the United States of America for the benefit of a tiny number of extremely rich individuals. [...] He has travelled the world, and has material to work on. There is no arguing with his Chomskyan analysis of the grotesque consequences of US financial imperialism in Latin America, or Washington's refusal to confront Israel over its maltreatment of the Palestinian population.” ―Peter Oborne, New Statesman

“The Racket is a powerful tool for self-education: it offers essential information about the insatiable and sordid nature of global, elitist, exploitive, profit-blinded governments and institutions that have, together, perfected the task of making billions of people miserable, poor and fatally unhappy. It also offers testimony from activists and artists who are not giving in, giving up, or lying down.” ―Alice Walker

“I congratulate Matt Kennard for this brutally honest work. We need Kennard in this world (jungle) and other writers like him who have the courage and creative mind to expose the lies and deception of the Free Market, Free Elections, Free Choices, Democracy, Peace, Cooperation, Friendship, Partnership, Equality, Justice and other beautiful words hiding savage brutality, violence, terrorism, colonialism, and imperialism.” ―Nawal El Saadawi

“If I was editor of an old-fashioned newspaper, the kind that published and be damned, I'd hire Matt Kennard. The Racket is a front page story.” ―John Pilger

“Matt Kennard exposes the failure of US neoliberalism and a major reason why China's star is rising while American foreign policy is imploding into a black hole.” ―John Perkins

“Kennard is no conspiracy theorist. Whatever you think about his conclusions, this is a first-class piece of radical investigative journalism.” ―The Journalist

“[The Racket] depicts the U.S. system of economic control and exploitation as a violent, highly oppressive nexus of government power and private wealth. Kennard's global investigation of the effects on the ground of what is known variously as the Washington Consensus, neoliberalism, or, in Naomi Klein's phrase, 'disaster capitalism'-including severe poverty, loss of political autonomy, and war and terror as conditions of life-follows in the footsteps of previous critics of U.S. imperialism like Klein and Noam Chomsky. Kennard includes unusually candid interviews with members of the World Bank and other financial institutions. These and other sections from a journalistic perspective help elucidate […] such tragedies as Haiti's post-earthquake 'reconstruction' or aggressive mining operations in Africa and South America.” ―Publishers Weekly

“Contains […] vivid on-the-ground reporting from Haiti, Palestine and Egypt. [Kennard] reports on the depredations of mining companies and the baleful effects of the 'war on drugs' in Honduras, Bolivia and elsewhere, with many eye opening discussions of the minutiae of trade negotiations [...] as well as the privatised prison industry and the Occupy Wall Street movement in the US. To this extent, the book is a little brother to Naomi Klein's brilliant The Shock Doctrine, which showed in 2007 how civil wars and natural disasters in poor countries are routinely exploited by US and global business interests pushing for radical programmes of privatisation from which they intend to profit. (The same thing happened, Kennard notes, after the 2010 earthquake in Haiti.)” ―The Guardian

“Kennard's new book, The Racket, is an ambitious and sweeping account of how US-backed superpowers keep the poor poor and the rich rich. It's a kind of anti-capitalist manifesto, only without all the hipster-Marxist jargon that makes those kinds of books so inaccessible to the people who want to read them. In The Racket, Kennard speaks to everyone from earthquake victims in Haiti, to the leaders of big oil companies, to celebrities in a quest to find out how global, multilateral institutions like the World Bank and IMF create a world only conducive to the needs of private capital. He patiently explains to his readers how the US government controls banks and big businesses, enforcing their ideology on the rest of the world with the help of a brutal military and the sinister tactics employed by their intelligence agencies. Essentially, The Racket is the best noir thriller about shady mobsters you've ever read, and all the more terrifying because it's a book about US history.” ―VICE

“Matt Kennard has announced his presence on the scene as the next generation's John Pilger. […] Kennard deftly manages the balancing act between making judgments (in favour of people over profit and the progress of society) and of getting out of the way while he lets his interview subjects tell their own stories. The book spans the globe, and is strongest in its sections on Latin America – especially on Bolivia and the US-backed terror war against the leftist government there. But Kennard does a brilliant job of tying the strands together and joining the dots between disparate struggles against corporate greed and imperial power around the world.” ―Asa Winstanley, Middle East Monitor

“Kennard decided to leave his comfortable job at the Financial Times and start to do some real journalism instead. The Racket, his second book, is very much the result of this transformation and it is nothing sort of marvellous. Angry, scornful and yet optimistic about the potential for change, it's a socially engaged and often autobiographical exploration packed with solid research and interviews with those on the class-war front line. [...] A polemical, first-hand expose of the corporate elites who rule and ruin the world for the rest of us, ex-Financial Times journalist Matt Kennard's The Racket is investigative journalism at its best. [...] Covering the Turkish repression of the Kurds, the continuing US-led plunder of South America and the downtrodden of the US itself, the book makes a good case for Kennard being a true heir to John Pilger and the older generation of muckrakers.” ―Morning Star

“Following Amy Goodman's dictum that 'the role of journalism is to go where the silences are,' Kennard fires off incendiary dispatches from the parts of the world rarely covered by the Western mainstream media. [...] [T]he book focusses on Turkey's US-backed ethnic cleaning of the Kurds and US attempts to undermine progressive change in Haiti, Honduras and Bolivia. Like the best work of John Pilger, George Monbiot and Naomi Klein, The Racket is investigative, passionate journalism with a purpose – to defend the powerless against rapacious power. A hugely important tour de force, it will inform and inspire resistance movements for years to come.” ―Ian Sinclair, Red Pepper

“Investigative journalist Matt Kennard's The Racket is an exposé of the murky collusions between global high-finance and the militarised US state in the post-war era. Kennard traces the expansion of US corporate power across the globe, using case studies from Palestine, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico and more to illustrate the pernicious and far-reaching impact of the US 'imperial mindset.' A former Financial Times journalist, Kennard identifies the US as the primary actor in enforcing 'the racket', or the system whereby capitalist elites are buttressed through the violent suppression of labour unions, social movements and political groups in selected US satellite states. Nowhere is this more evident than in US intervention within 'America's backyard' of Latin America. Kennard explores in eminently readable prose the self-evident brutality and futility of the War on Drugs in Honduras, links between US multinationals and the Colombian paramilitaries and anti-labour union governments, and the dynamic resistance presented by anti-imperialist Morales and the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) in Bolivia.” ―Olivia Arigho Stiles, Alborada

“This is radical journalism of the highest order. A very useful book.” ―Socialist Review

“Matt Kennard threw away a cushy career with an establishment newspaper just to let you in on a secret: you don't get the story, you get the cover-up. From Egypt to South Africa to Washington to London, Kennard lets us in on the details of buried truth.” ―Greg Palast

“A brilliant atlas of what Kennard calls 'heavy history' - the hurricane-like path of global destruction wrought by neoliberalism and wars against the poor.” ―Mike Davis

“A crucial exposé of the powerful, of injustice, and of the war against the poor. It should inspire all of us to fight back.” ―Owen Jones

“This firecracker of a book, written by a former insider journalist who realised the true, exploitative agenda of corporate media, unleashes a gonzo journey across the world of US empire. From Palestine to Bolivia and America to South Africa, reporter Matt Kennard provides a roadmap of deformed economics, state violence and inspiring resistance. The Racket's key message is that another, more just world is possible when political and media courtiers of power recognise their own complicity in Washington's destructive policies in the name of 'development,' 'humanitarian intervention,' and 'liberation.' Read this book, be startled and then take action.” 
―Antony Loewenstein

“The Racket is tough, angry, relentlessly researched and riveting, in the grand Chomskyan tradition but with the added value of the journalist's mobility and on the spot coverage. Kennard's range is wide, both geographically and topically, but with a single target-the depredations of the US superpower's corporate and political elites on their own home turf and abroad that the lap-dog media rarely touch.” ―Susan George

“Matt Kennard reveals the criminal and ruthless dynamics of global imperialism. His analysis is richly researched, keenly illustrative, and consistently on target. May this book get the wide readership it deserves.” ―Michael Parenti

“Drawing on his wide-ranging in-depth investigations of exploitation and resistance from Haiti to Tunisia, Matt Kennard provides a valuable portrait of the structure and dynamics of the world's biggest criminal enterprise. Uncovering the linkages among corporate power, free trade agreements, the International Monetary Fund, and military hegemony, he offers a clinical analysis of how the American racket operates but also inevitably triggers resistance. A masterpiece of engaged journalism.” 
―Walden Bello

“The Racket is a well-researched political tour through weaponised corruption and tyranny, destitution, robbery, mass murder and concluding in the censoring of the arts in the United States and Britain. Matt Kennard puts no deodorant on the reptiles waste in the imperial barnyard.” 
―Gavin McFayden

“This new edition of Matt Kennard's explosive book should be obligatory reading for anyone interested or involved in politics. I cannot praise it highly enough ... The Racket is a vital source of information about what is happening on a global scale to entrap us all in the empire's web of deceit and megalomania, if only we are prepared to open our eyes.” ―The Morning Star

“This book is essential reading for those interested in understanding the levers used by the US to customise the world to fit its purpose, from instigating coups in countries like Bolivia, to the painful, wholesale restructuring of Haiti in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake … This is an urgent, revelatory work - a must-read for anyone who wants to better understand the times we live in.” ―Middle East Eye 
 
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 
Matt Kennard is co-founder, and chief investigator, at Declassified UK, a news outlet investigating British foreign policy. He was a fellow and then director at the Centre for Investigative Journalism (CIJ) in London, UK. He has worked as a staff writer for the Financial Times in Washington, DC, New York, and London. He is the author of several acclaimed books including Irregular Army (2012), and co-author (with Claire Provost) of Silent Coup (2023).



Darkening Blackness: Race, Gender, Class, and Pessimism in 21st Century Black Thought
by Norman Ajari
Translation by Matthew B. Smith

Polity, 2024

[Publication date:  February 6, 2024]

The concept of Afropessimism does not refer to Black people, but rather to the likelihood of white society overcoming its own negrophobia, and to a radical distrust in white narratives of inclusivity. What if the ideas and reforms we regard as progressive were just the new and shiny face of racism? In the time of Black Lives Matter, the unswerving dehumanization and killing of Black people form the bedrock of our civilization. But a vast anti-Black collective feeling also manifests itself as a more insidious shared unconscious, hidden from view by the doctrines we deem as emancipatory. This book challenges the simplistic and pacifying aspects of current African American thought. It puts forward alternatives to intersectionality, poststructuralism, and radical democracy, which are often prioritized in the Black analysis of race, gender, and class.

Accessible, historically informed, and politically alert, this book offers a critical analysis of the groundbreaking theories and strategies that radically reimagine the future of Black lives throughout the world.

 

REVIEWS

“Norman Ajari’s Darkening Blackness is a masterful defense of Afro-American pessimism and Black Male Studies against the misguided view that ‘pessimism’ means hopelessness and eternal defeat. Instead, pessimism is treated as meaning the rejection of fantasies, especially the fantasy that says one more revision will alter insidious white racialized civil society and intrinsically unjust Euro/American institutions. Step into Ajari’s theoretical world and step out unburdened by fantasy.”
--Leonard Harris, Purdue University

“For those who still do not understand that the pessimism in Afropessimism is not an emotional dispensation but a meta-critique of the first principles of Western thought, Norman Ajari’s Darkening Blackness is required reading. His analysis of Black Male Studies will have as many people nodding their heads as shaking their heads, which is the first step toward rigorous and honest debate.”
--Frank B. Wilderson III, Chancellor’s Professor of African American Studies, University of California, Irvine

“An empirically informed and theoretically provocative explanation of the ontological negation that characterizes the Black social condition. Beyond the boundaries of the dominant rubrics of race-gender theory, Ajari's penetrating analysis culminates in the articulation of a normative commitment to Black Autonomy (Pan-Africanism) that has the potential to trigger a creative pinnacle in Black thought centered on the notion of self-defense.’’
--Miron J. Clay-Gilmore, Ethnic and Racial Studies Journal

“By presenting the Black Radical tradition and putting the emphasis on Afro-American pessimism and Black Male Studies from a Pan-African perspective, this book does much more than describe these theories but gives an understanding of the Black Radical tradition from the perspective of its negativity, taken as a power.’’
--Charles des Portes, Ethnic and Racial Studies Journal

“Ajari does what is necessary, which is expanding the scope of Afropessimism and, in so doing, making sure that it is in the ambit of the Black radical tradition, including its many iterations.’’
--Journal of Literary Studies

“Ajari's persuasive argumentation with indisputable historical and theoretical facts makes his work an impressive literature on black studies’’
--Chrysanthus Ogbozo, Theoria
 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


Norman Ajari is a lecturer in Francophone Black Studies at the University of Edinburgh.