Tuesday, September 29, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA: “What’s Past is Prologue…” (November 26, 2014)


“What’s Past is Prologue…” 
FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on November 26, 2014):
 
Wednesday, November 26, 2014


MICHAEL BROWN, the St. Louis Grand Jury, and the rest of us--“Remember, everything that Hitler did in Germany was legal” (see original source of this quote below):

“We are a nation of laws so we must accept the Grand Jury’s decision (in the Michael Brown case).” 
--President Barack Obama

“The black man has no rights that the white man need respect.”
—Judge Roger Taney, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (on behalf of the majority opinion in Dred Scott v. Sanford, 1857)

“Remember: everything that Hitler did in Germany was legal” --Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.  ('Letter From a Birmingham Jail', April 16, 1963)
 
“Until the killing of black men, black mothers’ sons, become as important to the rest of the country as the killing of a white mother’s son, we who believe in freedom cannot rest until this happens.”
—Ella Baker

“Slavery was legal, Jim Crow apartheid was legal, denying black people the right to vote was legal, denying women in general the right to vote was legal, banning and/or destroying labor unions was legal, child labor was legal, putting the indigenous population (i.e. “Indians”) in concentration camps…er, I mean “reservations” was legal, lynching was legal, residential segregation was legal, denying black people access to housing, restaurants, schools, theaters, department stores and public transportation was legal, denying black people the right to read and write was legal, raping black women and then forcing them to have children by white men was legal, killing, torturing, arresting, and imprisoning black men for pursuing romantic or sexual liaisons with white women was legal, assaulting and even murdering black people in general—especially if those assaults and murders were committed by white males—was legal, and excluding immigrants of color from entering this country was legal. So my question is this: Given these indisputable facts established by legal statue and custom in the United States what exactly does President Obama mean when he robotically keeps uttering the patently absurd, demonstrably false, and cowardly phrase “we are a nation of laws”?…” 
—Kofi Natambu


FASCIST AMERICA 2026: "What's Past is Prologue..."

FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES
(Originally posted on June 17, 2015):   

Tuesday, June 17, 2025

The Heritage and Legacy Of Dylann Roof: Ten years after the Charleston, South Carolina massacre of June 17, 2015

https://www.thenation.com/article/society/charleston-massacre-anniversary-dylann-roof/

Society

The Heritage of Dylann Roof

Ten years after the Charleston massacre, reverence for the Confederacy that Roof idolized is going strong.

by Elizabeth Robeson
June 17, 2025
The Nation 


PHOTO: The Confederate flag is seen waving behind the monument of the victims of the Confederation Army during the American Civil War in front of the State Congress building in Columbia, South Carolina, on June 19, 2015.(Mladen Antonov / AFP via Getty Images)

At 4:44 pm on June 17, 2015, a young white man living in Columbia, the capital of South Carolina, put the final touches on a manifesto uploaded to a homemade website with the suggestive name, “The Last Rhodesian.”

A doodled coat of arms identified him with contemporary fascists, its centered othala surrounded by a swastika, a Lebensrune, and a Celtic cross. The signifying numerals 14 and 88 sat on either side; the initials “DSR” were centered below.

Within hours, Dylann Storm Roof, a 21-year-old lone wolf, would reignite the kind of terror carried out by Norwegian Anders Breivik and inspire copycat mass murder in Christchurch, Pittsburgh, Halle, and El Paso.

The manifesto traced Roof’s journey to a state of “racial awareness” and his conviction that only a race war could avert a genocide of Caucasians. His grievances were many but focused on Black Americans, whom he disparaged with the worn tropes of ignorance, criminality, and sexual deviance. It was time, he asserted, “to take drastic action.”

A photo gallery depicted him standing sullenly in iconic Carolina landscapes—a moss-strewn cypress swamp, a plantation’s slave quarters—bedecked in the iconography of white nationalism: the Confederate flag and the crests of dismantled apartheid African states. He brandished a Glock .45 pistol—bought with birthday money from his father—the equivalent of the old regimes’ rifles and shotguns.

“I have been blessed with a significant amount of German blood,” he wrote,” and a German surname.”



Later described as “so frail you could snap him like a twig,” Roof consciously crafted the persona of a fierce soldier in a war he meant to spark that very night.

By 9 pm, Roof had driven 115 miles to the coastal city of Charleston, been welcomed into a Bible study at the South’s most historic Black church, and squeezed his Glock’s trigger 77 times, leaving the shredded bodies of nine African Americans, including its pastor and an 87-year-old woman, on the floor of their fellowship hall.

In the aftermath of Roof’s nightmarish rampage, South Carolina governor and future presidential aspirant Nikki Haley teamed with US Senator Lindsey Graham to speak for the state’s Republicans, the ardent defenders of the Confederate battle flag, itself the creation of a South Carolinian. To contain the unfolding crisis and its threat to the state’s lucrative draw as an idyllic tourist and retirement mecca, Haley and Graham moved quickly to frame Roof as an outlier.

Appearing on The View the morning after the carnage, Graham stated emphatically: “Let’s talk about one thing it’s not. It’s not a window into the soul of South Carolina. It’s not who we are. It’s about this guy [who] has got tons of problems.” He described Roof as “sick and twisted.”

Haley called a press conference to say that she would ask the legislature to remove the Confederate banner from a 30-foot flagpole in front of the Capitol next to the Confederate monument, a soaring obelisk with a soldier standing aloft. Republicans had placed it there in 2000 as a cynical response to the NAACP’s demand that it be removed from the capitol dome, where it had flown since 1961 as a derisive reminder of slavery.

State Republicans had marketed their resistance to the “Take it Down” crusade with their own branded slogan of “Heritage Not Hate,” a retort that fueled even more agitation. As white supremacists predictably do, the “Heritage” crowd waged an ideological campaign grounded in revisionist fantasy. By attempting to sever the flag from the savage racism that birthed it, they risibly argued that it represented a benign tradition of ancestor veneration.

By the time Haley’s press conference began, photographs of Roof, the Rebel flag, and his Glock had circled the globe, cementing the (accurate) association of the “Stars and Bars” with deadly white terrorism. But another recurring image played to the governor’s advantage—that of Joey Meek, Roof’s friend and sometimes bunkmate, outside a faded yellow mobile home set in tangled brush. The subliminal projection of Roof as a “poor white” made it easier for Haley to deflect attention away from her more refined embrace of white supremacy and onto a contemptible scapegoat.

Astonishingly, Haley denounced Roof’s “sick and twisted” co-option of the flag, which she called “a symbol of respect, integrity, and duty.” In a flourished crescendo, she declared, “That is not hate, nor is it racism.”

A full week had not elapsed since the Charleston bloodletting and in the middle of Black Carolina’s raw grief, Nikki Haley—a first-generation American of Indian Sikh parentage—had the gall to praise the treasonous banner of white supremacy as a flag of honor.

Which brings us to the heritage of Dylann Roof.

Far from rootless, he is a 10th-generation South Carolinian descended from Johann Sebastian Rueff, a Lutheran Hessian. In the 1740s, Johann and two brothers sailed from Rotterdam to Philadelphia before settling on Cherokee land in the “Dutch Fork” of central South Carolina, where Dylann was born and raised. Enticed by land bounties, the Rueffs joined thousands of Germans to seed a buffer between the aggrieved Cherokee and the oligarchs ensconced in Charleston.

Family historian Michael K. Roof links the Rueffs to Teutonic nobility. The name, he writes, denotes “one versed in the Old Testament and teachings of Christ.” Dylann’s ancestor John Melchior Rueff chose the spelling “Roof,” to align more closely with its German pronunciation, but also to signify a lineage of piety: “My people come from the first caste of Europe; they reared their sons to become Ministers of the Gospel, and Teachers of the young. They shall continue in the top profession of mankind, that of Servant of God. My name shall be spelled, ‘Roof,’ like the housetop.”

In an ironic prophecy, he continued, “For my people shall be as a cover of a building and shall protect and instruct those within, that they will continue to be worthy of ‘the inheritance of the Lord.’”

The divination largely held true. Melchior’s father had built Zion, the Dutch Fork’s first, still-thriving Lutheran church. Across generations, Roofs have filled the ranks of ordained Lutheran ministers. They fought the British during the American Revolution. When the Civil War commenced, they formed a family regiment and fought for the war’s duration. (They were not slaveholders.) Others were elected sheriff. An obituary praised Dylann’s great-great grandfather as “a prominent businessmen interested in progress.” His late grandfather once presided over the Richland County bar.

The grave of Dylann Roof’s great-great-great grandfather.(Elizabeth Robeson)

Dylann Roof has a legitimate claim to the heritage that Nikki Haley upholds for its devotion to family and tradition, traits visibly entwined throughout his patrimony.

He is no outlier.

Cracks appeared immediately in Haley’s homage. Following her press conference, she quietly dispatched an armed detail to the statehouse grounds to guard the bronze statue of Benjamin Ryan “Pitchfork” Tillman, the vicious white supremacist politician whose glowering one-eyed visageseemed to intensify as July 9, the day of the flag’s final lowering, drew near.

The monument lauds Tillman as a “statesman,” a “patriot,” and his “life of service and achievement.” The monument reifies everything repugnant about South Carolina’s true heritage, built on a vicious “Negrophobia” and an insatiable appetite for inflicting human suffering. Tillman towers over all of South Carolina’s detestable 20th-century pols, experts in the proselytization of a virulent white supremacy. He modeled, incited, encouraged, and praised the basest behavior in his acolytes and protégés, which they performed without shame. His influence has yet to subside.

Tillman strode to power on his boasts of massacring Black Republicans during Reconstruction. From 1890 to 1918, he ruled South Carolina with an iron fist as governor and US senator. His legacy is enshrined in the 1895 Jim Crow Constitution, a document that consigned South Carolina’s Black majority and poor white people to a grueling fate captured in the title of Franz Fanon’s classic work, The Wretched of the Earth.

Tillman delighted in shocking his Senate colleagues with crude rants about Black people, whom he depicted as lascivious, lazy, and innately criminal. His obsessive diatribes warned of mongrelization, “race suicide,” and the threat of a Black rapist around every corner. The Congressional Record has preserved his bile for the ages, which no heritage spin can mitigate—pronouncements like “We must hunt these creatures down. If all of them were shot as ruthlessly as we shoot wild beasts, the country would be better off,” and “The Negro must remain subordinate or be exterminated.”

Tillman called lynching a “higher law” than the US Constitution; he took perverse pleasure in both the shudders of Senate patricians and roars on the Carolina stump to his bellowed signature line, “I would lead a mob to lynch the negro who ravishes a white woman!”

Dylann Roof’s manifesto echoed these themes.

Even more chilling: At the center of Roof’s plotted atrocity is an eerie reenactment of Tillman’s experience as a young accessory to the assassination of Simon Coker, a Black state senator, during the calamitous terror of September 1876 that brought down “Negro rule.”

A roving band of paramilitary Red Shirts kidnapped Coker from an Aiken County train depot as he traveled the state, exhorting Black men to remain vigilant for the fall election despite engulfing violence. Realizing that a death squad held him, Coker asked if he might pray. While he was on his knees, bullets from Tillman’s gun cut through his head. The last words Coker heard were the churlish rebukes of white men saying that he’d prayed long enough.

Tillman loved to taunt Senate Republicans who had abandoned the freedmen for Gilded Age gluttony. Rubbing their faces in the audacity of white supremacy, Tillman gleefully admitted what had long been denied: “We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We are not ashamed of it.” If necessary, he swore, “we will do it again.”

Some 140 years later, Dylann Roof assassinated another Black state senator, Clementa C. Pinckney, who also served as Mother Emanuel’s pastor. Roof sat next to Pinckney, 41, for nearly an hour, then shot him first and repeatedly after the small Bible study stood for closing prayer. Roof shriekedracial epithets as he lacerated his victims, “You’re raping our women and taking over our country. Ya’ll want something to pray about? I’ll give you something to pray about!”

And yet, Lindsey Graham would surely huff if asked to distinguish between Ben Tillman and Dylann Roof as two “sick and twisted” men, just as most white Carolinians would agree with a reportedopinion that Roof’s crime “isn’t connected to anything to do with our heritage.”

Illustrating this willful denial, the state senate has refused repeatedly to adopt a hate crimes statute, despite a white supremacist’s murder of their colleague a decade ago. South Carolina joins Wyoming, where Matthew Shepard, a 21-year-old gay man, was lynched in 1998, as the only other state without one.

A federal judge sentenced Roof to death in January 2017; several appeals of his sentence have been denied, the latest in April.

Roof has never wavered from a defiant unrepentance, a callousness he also displayed toward the agony of his family. (His mother suffered a heart attack while attending his murder trial. His father and grandfather have both since died.) When captured in the North Carolina mountains by the FBI, Roof readily confessed, saying, “What I did was so minuscule [compared] to what [Black people] are doing to white people everyday.”

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Throughout the tortuous court proceedings, Roof battled and eventually fired David I. Bruck, the renowned capital defense attorney, for insisting that he undergo psychiatric evaluation. In two closed-door hearings, Roof told the presiding judge, “I don’t want anybody to think that I did it because I have some kind of mental problem. I wanted to increase racial tension.”

In fact, expert examination of Roof did not yield evidence of insanity but a high IQ and diagnosis of mild-to-moderate autism, “debilitating social anxiety, and precursor symptoms of psychosis.” The report concluded, “Dylann pursued his preoccupation with racism with an autistic intensity. It pervaded all aspects of his life.”

To Kevin Sack, the New York Times reporter who covered the murder trial (and has just written a magisterial book about Mother Emanuel), Roof wrote in the spring of 2020, “I’m not the bad guy. I’d like to think I’m not even a bad person,” before returning to his obsession: “I am a member of a group targeted for genocide. What complicates things is that many of the people doing the targeting are also part of this group.”

By that logic, white anti-racists are the naïve and willing collaborators in their own destruction. But through ingesting the noxious brew of his twin legacies, it is Dylann Roof who is slated to die.

On today’s 10th anniversary of what Black Charlestonians refer to as “the tragedy,” South Carolina’s neo-Confederate leaders will don their best pained faces and utter words of condolence before returning to their cravenly cultish work of heritage promotion—work that has proceeded intensely since 2015. Their actions underscore how deeply impervious they remain to the full spectrum of trauma and degradation endured by Black Carolinians for 355 years.

In January, Governor Henry McMaster, whose great-great-grandfather defended the murderous outrages of the Reconstruction Klan in federal court, issued this clarion call: “We must protect and preserve our history and heritage. It is why we are who we are and why we are here. It is why we stay here and why others come here. It informs our strengths, purpose and duty.”

The heritage obsession fosters derangement. Lodged today in the state House Judiciary Committee is a bill to construct a monument to the state’s “African American Confederate Veterans.” The brainchild of Greenville Republican Bill Chumley, the legislation conjures kepi-headed Black soldiers riding into battle whooping the Rebel yell. No such group ever existed. Even more absurdly, the legislation decries the excision of these fantasy characters from school curricula, lamenting it as “completely unacceptable” and a “manipulation of facts” that redound to a “distorted perspective of our State and national history.”

Whether on a wartime plantation, digging trenches for the Confederate Army, or keeping the body and clothing of their soldier-slaveholder clean, “African American Confederate veterans” lived under the deadly coercion of oligarchic rule: They were slaves. To propose a monument to a bonded people that celebrates their purported efforts to remain enslaved is purely hateful.

Meanwhile, courses in AP African American history have been so curtailed in South Carolina as to be effectively banned.

In March, a group of 100 Sons of Confederate Veterans attended an annual fete at the Capitol. House Speaker Murrell Smith of Sumter rallied the gathering, urging them to remain steadfast to “the way we were raised.” South Carolinians, he said, are duty-bound to “preserve our heritage and to celebrate our heritage.”

The event featured state Representative Bill Taylor of Aiken, where Simon Coker and more than a hundred other Black men were massacred in 1876, and Senator Danny Verdin of Greenville, whom the Southern Poverty Law Center has identified as a white nationalist. They assured the Sons that their legislation to strengthen the Heritage Act would become law.

The controversial statute governs the disposition of monuments and the names of structures on public land. The Taylor-Verdin bill would extend its reach to private land, withhold funding from local governments that violate its provisions, and forbid the posting of contextual information as an educational tool.

The fortified provisions strike some as a subterfuge to restore the John C. Calhoun monument to Charleston’s Marion Square, a short walk from Mother Emanuel. The city council circumvented the Heritage Act when it removed the looming 115-foot structure in June 2020 from privately owned ground. Speculation is rife that additional language will be added to make its provisions retroactive, thus paving the way to overturn the city’s decision.

At a press conference to discuss the proposal, Representative Taylor decried “the war against all these monuments,” noting that a “small minority of the offended” has waged it, a remark that appeared intended for the legislature’s dwindling number of Democrats, most of whom are Black.

One of those is Wendell Gilliard, the senator from Charleston. He has described the Taylor-Verdin bill as “dangerous.” “We’re trying to correct the past,” he told a reporter with the Post and Courier. “We’re not trying to relive it or go back to it. What are you going to ask for next, for the Confederate flag to be put back on the state Capitol?”

Gilliard’s is not simply a rhetorical question, but a shrewd reading of the heritage of Dylann Roof, who personifies the still-beating heart of South Carolina’s intolerance for expressions of Black dignity and self-determination. It is unclear what Roof knew about Mother Emanuel—how, in 1817, a free man of color, boldly led his people, slave and free, out of the slaveholders’ congregations and into their own “African church.”

“At some level,” writes Kevin Sack, “[Roof’s] purpose had not been simply to assail whichever Black people he happened to find inside. Rather, he took aim at the audacity of Black resistance to white supremacy, and the still-unrealized promise that 50 million African Americans might live without fear that their skin tone could cost them their lives.”

Ten years later, that fear has not been quelled.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Elizabeth Robeson

Elizabeth Robeson is an independent historian with expertise in South Carolina's vigilante and state-sponsored violence.




Posted by Kofi Natambu at 6:50 AM


FASCIST AMERICA: "What's Past is Prologue..." (2015-2019)

"What's Past is Prologue..."

June 17, 2019

All,

FOUR YEARS AGO TODAY (June 17, 2015) a 21 year old white supremacist and mass murderer by the name of Dylann Roof walked into a legendary black church in Charleston, South Carolina and viciously murdered nine black people via gunfire who were attending a weekly bible reading class at the church, and who had actually innocently allowed the murderer to join them in study and prayer for an entire hour before he unleashed his carnage.

What follows is a series of articles and commentary about this heinous incident and its horrific aftermath from the pages of the Panopticon Review and many other media sources from the date of the assault until today. Don't ever forget what happened here and what it means for all of us whether we want to properly recognize it or not. It is this terrifying country and society and its actual values, actual policies, and actual history that is 100% responsible for the creation, maintenance, support, defense, andand mass production of the millions of Dylann Roofs who actually inhabit this nation (and have ALWAYS inhabited this nation) whether they are well armed as Roof was or not. THINK about that and what it really means as you reflect on the meaning(s) of the events of June 17, 2015 and everything that has transpired in this ruthlessly pathological society SINCE that date...IN THE MEANTIME: Stay tuned...and PASS THE WORD...


Kofi

IN ETERNAL HONOR AND LOVING MEMORY OF THE NINE BEAUTIFUL HUMAN BEINGS WHO WERE SLAUGHTERED ON JUNE 17, 2015

PLEASE REMEMBER AND HOLD DEEP IN YOUR HEARTS AND SOULS WHAT THESE WONDROUS SOULS MEANT AND CONTINUE TO MEAN NOT ONLY TO THEIR BELOVED FAMILY, FRIENDS AND COMMUNITY BUT TO THE REST OF US WHO STILL CHERISH LOVE, DIGNITY, GRACE AND HUMAN DECENCY WHEREVER IT RESIDES


AND PLEASE DON'T FORGET WHO AND MOST IMPORTANTLY WHAT WAS AND IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THEIR UNTIMELY DEATHS IN A NATION AND SOCIETY THAT FAR TOO OFTEN EMBODIES AND REPRESENTS THE POLAR OPPOSITE OF THE PEOPLE THEY RUTHLESSLY ASSAULT AND VICTIMIZE. THESE MALEVOLENT FORCES MUST BE CONFRONTED AND DEFEATED IN THE NAME OF HUMANITY EVERYWHERE…

Kofi

https://www.cbsnews.com/pictures/church-shooting-victims/16/

U.S.


South Carolina church shooting victims
by Christina Capatides
June 18, 2015 
CBS News

 

The Nine Shooting Victims of Dylann Roof. 
CBS NEWS

Six women and three men were killed in the shooting the night of June 17, 2015 at historic Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina.

On the evening of June 17, 2015, authorities say Dylann Roof, 21, joined a prayer meeting inside the historic black church in Charleston, South Carolina then opened fire fatally shooting nine people.

An eyewitness told authorities that Roof stood up in the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church and said he was there to shoot black people. He then made a series of derogatory remarks, CBS News senior investigative producer Pat Milton reports.

 
Rev. Clementa Pinckney
Facebook

Six women and three men were killed in the church rampage, including Rev. Clementa Pinckney (seen here). Pinckney, 41, served as pastor for Emanuel AME, in addition to his role as a state senator for District 45.

In 1999, Ebony Magazine named Pinckney one of the 30 African-American leaders of the future.

Pinckney, a magna cum laude graduate of Allen University, was a married father of two. In 1997, he was elected to the State House of Representatives at age 23, making him the youngest African-American legislator in South Carolina history.

 
Rev. Clementa Pinckney
Randall Hill/Reuters

Rev. Clementa Pinckney (R) hugs a congregation member during the Watch Night service at Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina on December 31, 2012.

South Carolina Rep. Alan D. Clemmons, who worked with Pincknet over the past 13 years, expressed his shock and grief over his friend's death. "His loss shakes me and I'm confused and angered and upset that we've lost a true son of South Carolina," he said.

 
Rev. Clementa Pinckney
Randall Hill/Reuters

Rev. Clementa Pinckney speaks during the Watch Night service at Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina on December 31, 2012.

"He never had anything bad to say about anybody, even when I thought he should," State House Minority leader Todd Rutherford told the Associated Press. "He was always out doing work either for his parishioners or his constituents. He touched everybody."

 
Cynthia Hurd 

 

Family

Officials with the Charleston County Public Library announced that the library manager at their facility was also killed in the shooting. CCPL identified her as 54-year-old Cynthia Hurd and released the following statement:

"Cynthia worked with Charleston County Public Library 31 years, serving as branch manager of the John L. Dart Branch from 1990-2011 before becoming manager of the St. Andrews Regional Library. Her loss is incomprehensible, and we ask for prayers for her family, her co-workers, her church and this entire community as we come together to face this tragic loss.

"To honor our co-worker and all those lost, Charleston County Public Library's 16 locations are closed today, Thursday, June 18, 2015."


Cynthia Hurd

 

Charleston County Public Library

Cynthia Hurd was the sister of former North Carolina Sen. Malcolm Graham. He released the following statement on his sisters death:

"My sister, Ms. Cynthia Marie Graham-Hurd, was a victim of the senseless hate crime at Emanuel AME Church. It is unimaginable that she would walk into church and not return. But that's who she was - a woman of faith. This is a very difficult time for our family, and Cynthia will be sorely missed. Our family is close-knit, and our faith will see us through. I also extend condolences to the other families of Emanuel AME Church and the city of Charleston who have been affected by this inconceivable tragedy.

"My family and I appreciate the thoughts and prayers from people across North Carolina and South Carolina."


Tywanza Sanders

tywanza-sanders-facebook.jpg
Facebook

Tywanza Sanders, 26, has been reported as the third victim. Sanders worked at Smitty's Super Seven Barber in Charleston.

"I've been up all night," Michele Gray said of learning her best friend, Tywanza Sanders, was killed in the deadly rampage. "My brother called me and it was shock, disbelief. I was like 'you're lying. This cannot happen to us, cannot happen to his family'. I'm at a loss for words to even explain how I feel."

 
Tywanza Sanders

 

Michele Gray

Church shooting victim Tywanza Sanders is seen here in a photograph, provided by his best friend Michele Gray.

Sanders was also an alum of Allen University. In a statement to CBS News, the school's president, Lady June Cole, said that 26-year-old, a 2014 graduate in business administration, was also killed.

"He was a quiet, well-known student who was committed to his education," Cole said. "He presented a warm and helpful spirit as he interacted with his colleagues. Mr. Sanders was participating in the Bible Study session at Mother Emanuel church at the time of the shooting."

On his Instagram account Sanders described himself as a businessman, college grad, poet, artist and barber. He added in his profile that he is living life where God takes him.

 
Sharonda Singleton

 
CBS News

The fourth reported victim, Sharonda Singleton, 45, was the head coach of the girls' track and field at Goose Creek High School.

She also worked as a speech and language pathologist at the school.

"Mrs. Singleton was a true professional at Goose Creek High School," said Principal Jimmy Huskey. "She cared about her students and was an advocate for them, always willing to listen to and talk with them. She was always there with a smile and ready to help. Mrs. Singleton will be deeply missed by the 'Gator Nation' and we can never replace her as a member of our team."


Sharonda Singleton

 
CBS News

The Berkeley County School District released a statement on Singleton's death, which reads in part:

"Sharonda Singleton, a speech/language pathologist and the head girls' track coach at Goose Creek High School, who touched the lives of students and colleagues alike, leaves a void that is impossible to fill."

Goose Creek Principal Jimmy Huskey said she was so dedicated she was at work before 8 a.m. and typically didn't leave until 8 p.m.

"She had a big smile," Huskey said. "Her No. 1 concern was always the students. She made a difference in the lives of children. She cannot be replaced here at this school.

 
Sharonda Singleton

Goose Creek Gazette

Sharonda Singleton was the mother of three and had run track herself as a student at South Carolina State University, helping lead her team to a conference championship.

According to the Post and Courier, her oldest son, Chris Singleton, is a Charleston Southern sophomore baseball player.

"She loved baseball and loved Chris," Goose Creek baseball coach Chris Pond said. "She loved everyone and always had a positive attitude about everything."

On Thursday Chris Singleton stood in front of cameras at the Charleston Southern baseball field to speak about his mother.

"We are mourning right now, but I know we will get through it," he said. "My mom was a God fearing woman. She loved everybody with all her heart."

"Love is always stronger than hate," he added.
Rev. DePayne Middleton-Doctor

LinkedIn

Rev. DePayne Middleton-Doctor, 49, worked as the admissions coordinator at Southern Wesleyan University's Charleston learning center. The University's President Todd Voss issued a statement about Middleton-Doctor upon news of her death:

"Always a warm and enthusiastic leader, DePayne truly believed in the mission of SWU to help students achieve their potential by connecting faith with learning... Our prayers go out to family and friends. This is a great loss for our students and the Charleston region."

Middleton-Doctor began work at SWU's Charleston learning center in December 2014. She received her BA in biology and life sciences from Columbia College and was a SWU alumna, having received her masters degree in management from SWU in 1994. She is an experienced grant writer, having worked with local school districts as a consultant.

She also worked for local and state agencies in various roles and as data manager/analyst for the Medical University of South Carolina (MUSC).


Rev. Daniel Simmons

 

Twitter

Rev. Daniel Simmons, 74, who was also shot in the historic black church in Charleston, South Carolina, succumbed to his wounds at a nearby hospital.

He was a retired pastor of several Charleston churches. A parishioner at the Greater Zion AME Church in Awendaw, where Simmons served as pastor from 2004-2009, remembered him as a talented teacher and compassionate leader.

"He was a by-the-book person," said church officer and financial secretary Patricia Brown. "He said the only way you really stay out of trouble is if you go by the rules."

At Greater Zion, Brown said the 74-year-old grandfather led weekly bible studies and helped the church establish a housing ministry and a hot meal program for those in need.

She said her church is planning a memorial service for Simmons on Sunday.

"I think the whole state's in shock, and we're in shock here as well," Brown said. "It's just a very sad thing."


Susan Jackson

 

Michael Skolnik via Twitter

Susan Jackson, 87, was also among the nine victims shot to death at the Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, June 17, 2015. She was a longtime church member and sang in the choir.

Her grandson Tim Jackson, who she recently visited, told Cleveland television station WEWS that his grandmother was a loving, giving woman with a great smile.

"It's just hard to process that my grandmother had to leave Earth this way," he said. "It's real, real hard. It's challenging because I don't believe she deserved to go this way."

Jackson, who was fond of playing slot machines, was scheduled to go on a church-sponsored bus trip to Chicago on Sunday and was looking forward to going to the top of the Willis Tower, said Jean Jackson, an associate member of the church.

 
Ethel Lance
Michael Skolnik via Facebook

Ethel Lance, 70, was a Charleston native who had been a member of the church for most of her life. She and Susan Jackson were cousins. She retired after working for more than 30 years on the housekeeping staff at the city's Gaillard Auditorium.

She had served as a sexton at the church for the last five years, helping to keep the historic building clean. She was also a lover of gospel music. "She was a God-fearing woman," said granddaughter Najee Washington, 23, who lived with Lance. "She was the heart of the family, and she still is. She is a very caring, giving and loving woman. She was beautiful inside and out." Lance had five children, seven grandchildren and four great-grandchildren.



Myra Thompson

 
WSPA

Charleston County Coroner Rae Wooten said Thursday the other victim was Myra Thompson, 59.

In a Facebook postThursday, Archbishop Foley Beach of the Anglican Church in North America wrote, "Please join me in praying for the Rev. Anthony Thompson, Vicar of Holy Trinity REC (ACNA) Church in Charleston, his family, and their congregation, with the killing of his wife, Myra, in the Charleston shootings last night."

Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc., released a statementexpressing their condolences, stating Thompson was a member of the 102-year-old organization. According to the press release, she was a member of the Charleston Alumnae Chapter and was initiated into the Sorority through the Gamma Upsilon Chapter at Benedict College in Columbia, S.C. in 1977. She was a Diamond Life Member. The statement said her daughter, Denise Quarles, and sister, Eunice Coakley-Gupton, are also members.



Monday, September 28, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: How the Gradual Rise of Fascism in the United States Over the Past Four Decades Has Now Metastasized into a A Monstrous Nation State Where the Imposed Unity Of the Political Economy of Global Capitalism and the Hegemonic Ideological, Social, and Cultural Force of White Supremacy Has Congealed Into a Massive Domestic and International/Imperialist Engine of Oppression, Exploitation, and Corruption

 
A visit to the National Holocaust Museum in Amsterdam showed me how changes in the law were used by the Nazis to push their agenda. It’s a warning from history we must heed before it’s too late.

by Kim Wehle
September 27, 2026
ZETEO



Trump signs executive orders on his first day back in office on Jan. 20, 2025. Photo by Jabin Botsford /The Washington Post via Getty Images

The word “fascism” is a frightening one, bringing to mind images of Nazi-controlled Europe during World War II. One dictionary definition describes it as “a populist political philosophy … that exalts nation and often race above the individual, that is associated with a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, and that is characterized by severe economic and social regimentation and by forcible suppression of opposition.”

In Poland and many other countries, the Nazis infamously cordoned off sections of cities, known as “ghettos” or “Jewish residential quarters,” where Jews were held in horrific conditions, food was rationed, and forced labor was compulsory. In Warsaw alone, almost 500,000 Jews and Romanis were crammed into a confined space and subjected to German police and SS (i.e., the Nazi paramilitary, or “Schutzstaffel”) control before their deportation to concentration and extermination camps.

Although the U.S. federal government now has upwards of 65,000 people in detention camps – over 70% of whom, including children, have no criminal record, and thousands of whose names have been wiped from federal databases – the notion that the Trump administration could one day round up, confine to concentration camps, and even kill disfavored citizens remains unfathomable. Fascist? America? Not possible.

But the Nazis did not just use ghettos to impose fascist control. In places like occupied Belgium, France, Luxembourg, Norway, Denmark, and the Netherlands, they also did it by operation of law.

In the United States, Trump has already signed at least 285 executive orders and 184 presidential proclamations during his second term, plus numerous additional presidential memoranda and other directives, including ones that attempted to end birthright citizenship and take over nationwide elections (both efforts stalled in the Supreme Court); targeted law firms, agency personnel and private individuals for their supposed “weaponization” of government under the Biden administration and other “harmful activity”; and, perhaps most chillingly, directed the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Forces and other federal agencies to disrupt and investigate individuals and organizations purportedly involved in “domestic” terrorism, including any exhibiting “anti-Americanism,” “anti-capitalism,” “anti-Christianity,” unacceptable views on immigration, race and gender, and hostility toward “American values.”

The National Holocaust Museum in Amsterdam, which I toured last year while on a Fulbright grant in the Netherlands, poignantly tells the story of how changes in the law quietly operated to justify mass murder. It is housed in the former Hervormde Kweekschool – a site from which hundreds of Jewish children were secretly passed to the resistance from an adjacent daycare building where they were awaiting transfer to the Nazi death camps (many more were ultimately murdered). The school sat between the daycare center and the Hollandsche Schouwburg, a theater used by the Nazis as a processing center from which tens of thousands of adult victims were sent to killing sites.


A photograph taken at the National Holocaust Museum in Amsterdam on March 5, 2024, shows box files containing the names and other details of Jewish people in the Netherlands that were delivered to Dutch bureaucracy and to the Nazis. Photo by Nick Gammon/AFP via Getty Images

One of the museum’s rooms is covered with a bespoke wallpaper consisting of the text of hundreds of laws that the Nazi-occupied country imposed from May 10, 1940 – the date Hitler invaded the Netherlands, Belgium, France and Luxembourg – to January of 1945, when the final evacuation of surviving prisoners from the Auschwitz-Birkenau death camp began. The exhibit coldly displays how Dutch Jews were surgically and methodically stripped of their legal rights and freedoms, and ultimately their lives, over time.
 
The Parallels to Today

Some of the parallels with contemporary America are, of course, necessarily imperfect – limited, approximate, and in some respects quite inexact. The circumstances are in no way equivalent, and the historical comparisons hardly establish that the United States today is repeating the horrific history of Nazi-occupied Europe. But certain features of the rhetoric and sequence of events graphically pasted across the museum’s walls were sufficiently striking to warrant serious pause and reflection today. Consider, for example, the following:
 
Trump’s DC Invasion

When he announced on Aug. 11, 2025, that he was temporarily taking control of the Washington, DC, police department and deploying 800 National Guard troops to engage civilians, Trump justified his actions by claiming that the city was overrun by “bloodthirsty criminals” and “roving mobs of wild youth.”

According to historians, in February 1941, “[p]rotected by the German authorities and with a show of violence, Dutch Nazi paramilitary groups paraded through Amsterdam, provoking resistance from gangs of Jewish youths and communists.” The Reich commissioner for the occupied Netherlands reportedly used the incident as a “pretext for sealing off the Jewish quarter of Amsterdam on February 12, 1941, at 6 a.m—not even doctors were allowed to leave.”
 
Crackdown on Free Speech and Free Press

Trump has taken an unprecedented number of steps to clamp down on free speech and the media, including threatening Democrats in Congress with investigations, punishing law firms that represent his perceived political enemies, arresting student protesters for Palestinian-related speech, stripping funding for public broadcasting, censoring government websites, banning CNN, MS Now, and Politico from the White House, and suing the Wall Street Journal, ABC News, the New York Times, CNN, BBC, the Washington Post, and Paramount/CBS News for “defamation.”

On the first day of the Nazi occupation, Jewish journalists in the Netherlands and members of the national press corps were fired, followed by bans on the employment of Jews in government service and a general ban on Jewish newspapers.

As early as June 6, 2025, Trump cracked down on protesters gathered outside a federal building in downtown Los Angeles demanding an end to immigration raids. According to ABC News, “[v]ideo footage shows protesters vandalizing the building, heckling police and throwing bottles in and other objects at officers who used shields to protect themselves. Police in riot gear are seen confronting protesters with batons and what appeared to be tear gas launchers.” The next day, Trump signed a presidential memorandum authorizing deployment of roughly 4,200 National Guard troops and 700 U.S. Marines to “address the lawlessness.” The city’s mayor and state’s governor objected.

On Feb. 22 and 23 of 1941, Dutch historian Frank Van Vree writes, “German police troops picked up 427 Jewish men from their homes and the streets around the Jonas Daniël Meijerplein, in the heart of the Jewish quarter. The men who had been arrested were deported to Mauthausen concentration camp in Austria; it did not take long for the first reports of their deaths to reach Amsterdam.” Two days later, a mass strike was held in protest. “The Germans broke the strikes with violence and intimidation, in the course of which nine people were killed and dozens wounded. Many of the strikers were arrested and the towns where protests had taken place were subjected to heavy fines. Later, this was followed by the execution of several strike leaders, most of them communists, and other resistance fighters.”
 
Mass Deportation

On March 15, 2025, Trump sent 238 Venezuelan nationals to a mega-prison in El Salvador, claiming they were gang members and terrorists who now fell outside the jurisdiction of the United States and the U.S. Constitution. They were later returned to Venezuela on July 18, reporting that they experienced torture during their months-long imprisonment in a third country at the behest of the United States.

In January of 1942, a decision was made by the Nazis that “it was time for the next step: the total extraction of the Jewish population from Dutch authority, their estrangement from the national community and, subsequently, their deportation as ‘non-citizens,’ first to transit camps in the Netherlands, beyond the sight of non-Jewish citizens, and subsequently to the recently conquered regions in Eastern Europe.” In March, the most senior SS officer in the Netherlands “announced that the Jews no longer fell under the authority of the Dutch government, meaning that they were de facto stripped of all their civil rights.”

Van Vree explains that “[a]ll subsequent measures were seamlessly linked to this strategy, such as the comprehensive travel ban for Jews (5 June), the ban on shopping outside certain hours (12 June), the introduction of a curfew (12 June), and the ban on telephones and the ban on visiting non-Jews (6 July).”

Trump stated at a press briefing alongside Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele: “The homegrowns are next, the homegrowns. You’ve got to build about five more places.”

Within a year of declaring Jews outside the protections of Dutch civil rights laws, “93,000 citizens from the Netherlands whom the Nazis had identified as ‘Jews’ were transported to the extermination camps; 20,000 of them had been taken away from labor camps, hospitals, institutions, and other social organizations.” That number eventually climbed to 107,000.
 
Crackdown on Education

On April 23, 2025, Trump issued an executive order titled “Reforming Accreditation to Strengthen Higher Education,” which is ostensibly designed to “hold accountable” any “institutions seeking accreditation” that engage in unlawful discrimination in accreditation-related activity under the guise of “diversity, equity, and inclusion” initiatives. The order focuses on any diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) requirements by accreditors and threatens to suspend or terminate the accreditors’ status if they continue to utilize DEI policies.

On Sept. 15, 1942, Jewish professors and students were barred from schools and universities. When Professor Rudolph Cleveringa, Dean of the Faculty of Law at Leiden University, made a speech denouncing the dismissal of Jewish colleagues on Nov. 26, 1940, he was arrested and imprisoned.

On Jan. 20, 2025, Trump signed an executive order entitled “Ending Radical Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling.” It directs federal agencies to identify all federal funding streams – grants, contracts, and other funding – that directly or indirectly support or subsidize instruction on “gender ideology” and “critical race theory” in K-12 curricula, teacher training, certification, licensing, and employment. Schools or education agencies found to be supporting that instruction could have federal funding pulled.

In September 1940, a commission was established and tasked with “‘cleansing’ (i.e., censoring) school textbooks of anti-German passages or passages that could be understood as potentially detrimental to the occupation authority, such as those praising the House of Orange [the Dutch royal family] or those written by Jewish authors.”
 
Crackdown on Immigration

On Jan. 20, 2025, Trump signed an executive order titled “Protecting the American People Against Invasion” as part of his effort to crack down on what he described as a “flood of illegal immigration.” The same day, the Department of Homeland Security rescinded a Biden-era policy protecting churches, schools, and hospitals from immigration enforcement, giving ICE agents authority to take action in any of these spaces using “common sense” – a “common sense” that apparently means masked plainclothes agents abducting, killing, and injuring both immigrants and U.S. citizens. (It’s worth noting what Polish writer Cezary Jan Strusiewicz wrote last year: “Immigration and Customs Enforcement is nothing like the Sturmabteilung, a.k.a. Hitler’s Brownshirts.” The Brownshirts “wore brown shirts,” after all. “ICE? Not so much. No official uniform, no clear identification, nothing that says, ‘I am a recognized member of a government agency, and what I am doing is legal.’”)

In addition to domestically imprisoning tens of thousands, the Trump administration has deported more than 25,000 people to at least 29 “third” countries unknown to them — including El Salvador, South Sudan, Uganda and Eswatini (an absolute monarchy) — that human rights groups and lawyers have flagged as unusually dangerous due to conflict, notoriously harsh prisons, or poor human rights records.

On Sept. 15, 1941, an order was issued in the Netherlands banning Jews from public pools, parks, libraries, and museums, and confining Jewish artists to performing only for Jewish audiences on “Jewish premises.” The authorized venues included Hollandsche Schouwburg – the theatre later used to traffic tens of thousands to their deaths. The Nazis renamed it the “Jewish Schouwburg” in October.
 
Will We Learn From History?

It is easy to wonder how this could possibly happen under the noses of so many well-meaning – but relatively safe and secure – Dutch citizens. Van Vree writes of those early stages of the Dutch occupation:

[T]he dominant theme was one of “magnanimity”; there seemed to be no reason to panic. Dutch officials clung to statements made by individual German authorities, who said that they could see no “Jewish question” in the Netherlands. All the same, those who were sensitive to them could not fail to notice the signs: the seemingly limited administrative measures that nevertheless revealed the true nature and intentions of the occupying regime.

In 1905, Spanish philosopher George Santayana famously wrote, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” Years later, U.S. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, an axiomatic expert in U.S. law and the Constitution, penned the following in a private letter: “As nightfall does not come at once, neither does oppression. In both instances, there is a twilight when everything remains seemingly unchanged. And it is in such twilight that we all must be most aware of change in the air – however slight – lest we become unwitting victims of the darkness.”

It’s time to pay heed to history.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Kimberly Wehle, Zeteo’s legal contributor and author of ‘Constitution in Crisis,’ is a constitutional law professor at the University of Baltimore School of Law. Follow her on Bluesky.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of Zeteo.

Check out more from Zeteo:


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First Draft: 🇺🇳 Trump’s Disgusting UN Speech: When You’re America, They Let You Do It

IMPORTANT NEW BOOKS:

The Perilous Fight
by Colin Kaepernicke
Legacy Lit, 2026
 


[Publication date: September 15, 2026]


 
INSTANT #1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER | A defining and uncompromising memoir from Super Bowl quarterback and renowned civil rights activist, Colin Kaepernick.

“A candid, observant, generous chronicle of his development as an elite, suddenly dispensable NFL quarterback and also of the relentless, high-profile civil rights warrior he's become.” 
―Booklist Starred Review

On September 1, 2016, Colin Kaepernick took a knee during “The Star Spangled Banner,” but the world never fully understood the whole story. Not the “why” or the cost of his courage. That story begins in Turlock, California, where Kaepernick, a Black kid adopted into a white family, navigated constant resistance to His Blackness and sense of self. Sports became his refuge and his proving ground, where his talent could not be questioned. The extraordinary result? A quarterback whose arm and instincts would carry him to the Super Bowl and into history books. But with success came an education he hadn’t anticipated.

In the fraught world of sports politics, he saw the hidden powerhouses pulling the strings. Steeled with the readings of Malcolm X, Muhammad Ali, Huey P. Newton, and Angela Davis, he saw in the NFL, in Turlock, in the repeated, unpunished police killings of Black and Brown Americans, an undeniable truth revealed: this was not someone else’s fight. It was his. It is ours.

When Kaepernick knelt, the NFL blackballed him. But in the ten years since, the questions his protest raise have not gone away. In The Perilous Fight, Kaepernick delivers his story with the same unflinching conviction that defined his most-watched moment, a single act of protest that changed American sports and culture forever. And ultimately, it is a story about the future we are all still fighting to build.
 
REVIEWS:

“A candid, observant, generous chronicle of his development as an elite, suddenly dispensable NFL quarterback and also of the relentless, high-profile civil rights warrior he’s become. Kaepernick’s painful truths―especially barbed about the racism he’s experienced within the NFL but also in the outside world―find their mark here.”―Booklist Starred Review

"An inspiring story of sticking to one’s values no matter the costs."―Publishers Weekly
 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:



Colin Kaepernick is a Super Bowl quarterback who holds the all-time NFL record for most rushing yards in a game by a quarterback. He is a New York Times and USA Today bestselling author, and civil rights activist. He is the founder of the Know Your Rights Camp, Kaepernick Media (Formerly Ra Vision Media), and Kaepernick Publishing, and Lumi Story AI. He has been awarded Amnesty International's Ambassador of Conscience Award, the Sports Illustrated Muhammad Ali Legacy Award, the ACLU Ralph Ellison Award for Defenders of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties in the Arts, Business, Science, and Sports, the ACLU Eason Monroe Courageous Advocate Award, and numerous others for his work in athletics and advocacy. His show, Colin in Black and White, co-produced by Ava DuVernay, has won two NAACP Awards, his Nike "Dream Crazy" has won an Emmy, and he's been featured in GQ, Men's Health, TIME, Sports Illustrated, Vanity Fair, New York Times, the Tonight Show with Jimmy Fallon, and many more.

Breaking ICE: Community Defense against State Terror and MAGA Fascism
by Sonali Kolhatka
Seven Stories Press, 2026


[Publication date: September 15, 2026]
 
A gripping, on-the-ground account of the growing movement against state violence, featuring interviews with those on the frontlines of the fight for immigrant justice and what it means to belong.

Features a foreword by Salvadoran American journalist and author Roberto Lovato.

A war is being waged on the streets of the United States of America: MAGA’s violent anti-immigration regime is being challenged by a growing national movement dedicated to protecting communities and reversing racist and authoritarian policies. In Breaking ICE, award-winning journalist Sonali Kolhatkar presents her conversations with over a dozen movement organizers, lawyers, artists, labor leaders, and scholars on the frontlines of the fight. Through their courageous stories, Kolhatkar documents the impact of ICE violence, workplace raids, mass surveillance, and intimidation tactics, and how communities from Maine to California are organizing for a better world. Our present actions will not only determine the nature of American demographics from here on out, but also whether the future of the United States will look like an open multiracial democracy or a fascist police state.

Features conversations with: Pablo Alvarado, Nikki Marín Baena, Eduardo Delgado, Adela de la Torre, Shannon Gibney, Ron Gochez, David Huerta, Ibram X. Kendi, Robin D. G. Kelley, Josefina Lopez, Leonardo Martinez, Christine Neumann-Ortiz, Viet Thanh Nguyen, Favianna Rodriguez, Luis Rodriguez, Ruben Torres, Richard Wallace, Yohuru Williams, and Kent Wong. Foreword by Roberto Lovato 

REVIEWS:


“An uplifting collection of influential voices fighting for democracy.” —Publishers Weekly

“Breaking ICE provides us with much-needed lessons from activist warriors fighting against MAGA'S assault on immigrants. Each story serves as a powerful reminder of why building deep solidarity is our best weapon in the fight for justice. This book helps us transform our fears into collective resilience. I look forward to sharing Breaking ICE with my students, community members, and all those in the struggle today.” —Victor Narro, project director and professor of Labor Studies, UCLA Labor Center


“If you want to know what we mean by ‘Abolish ICE,’ read this book. Journalist Sonali Kolhatkar combines the real-world experiences of activists currently fighting state terror with the long-term vision of academics and historians who study movements. These uniquely curated voices are not just reflections of the foremost battle of our time, but inspire on-going action, solidarity, and a roadmap rooted in justice for immigrant families and people of color.”​ —Erika Andiola, political director for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network


“Sonali Kolhatkar's Breaking ICE is a vital road map of the community defense efforts emerging across the country that the MAGA fascists, masked federal thugs, and techno-oligarchs don't want us to see. Essential reporting from the front lines of resistance.” —Maximillian Alvarez, editor-in-chief and co-executive director of The Real News Network


“In Breaking ICE, Sonali Kolhatkar spotlights the everyday heroes standing up to injustice, offering a clear roadmap for the rest of us. It is an essential reminder of what communities can achieve when they organize. This book will inspire you to turn your empathy into action.” —Reyna Grande, author of The Distance Between Us


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:



SONALI KOLHATKAR is an award-winning multimedia journalist. She is the host of Rising Up With Sonali, a weekly television and radio program that airs on Free Speech TV and Pacifica Radio stations and affiliates around the United States. She is also the author of Talking About Abolition: A Police Free World Is Possible and Rising Up: The Power of Narrative in Pursuing Racial Justice. She has won numerous awards, including Best TV Anchor and Best National Political Commentary from the LA Press Club, and has been nominated for Best Radio Anchor four years in a row.


The People’s Historian: The Outsized Life of Howard Zinn
by Dave Zirin
Dutton, 2026

[Publication date: August 4, 2026]




A biography of iconic radical historian Howard Zinn, examining his life and work as a progressive icon and thought leader through the story of the times that shaped him as well as the United States of America.
From The Nation magazine columnist and New York Times bestselling author Dave Zirin, The People's Historian is a deeply researched biography of Howard Zinn, the beloved author of the classic national bestseller with more than four million copies sold, A People's History of the United States.
The People’s Historian shows Zinn’s presence on the great canvases of the 20th century: from the Depression to World War II to the Civil Rights Movement to the war in Vietnam all the way until his death in 2010. With intimately researched stories from Zinn’s life and career, such as the way Atlanta's small Spelman College, where Zinn taught as a young professor, helped launch the Civil Rights Movement, Zinn's work traveling to Hanoi to engineer the release of POWs, and his continuing influence in the emerging Democratic Socialist movement, The People’s Historian explores Zinn’s past while also demonstrating how his 75 years of political engagement with the social struggles of his time informs our perilous present.
With input from family and access to Zinn's personal papers, The People's Historian paints a picture of the man behind A People's History, examining his work and legacy in the broader context of the United States.

REVIEWS:


"In 'The People’s Historian,' Zirin, who knew and worked with Zinn in his last years, does a lively job of portraying the historian’s deeply engaged life." —The New York Times

"[An] inspirational manual for contemporary endurance" —Los Angeles Review of Books

"This is a lovely and inspiring biography about a lovely and inspiring man. Zinn and Zirin belong together, so it’s fitting that they’ll be rubbing shoulders on so many alphabetized bookshelves for years to come." —The Progressive

"The life of the hugely influential ‘people’s historian’ is explored in a wide-ranging new book that brings in everything from wars to civil rights to Matt Damon." —The Guardian

"Zirin’s lively biography of this activist should remind everyone that history isn’t just about facts and figures but also context and compassion." —Los Angeles Times

"The People’s Historian is an absorbing, detailed, and warm remembrance of a controversial scholar who believed in “the potential for ordinary people to do extraordinary things.”
—Washington Independent Review of Books

"Passionate, inspiring and textured, The People’s Historian contains riches on every page."
—BookPage (Starred review)

"Dave Zirin, with the cooperation of Zinn's family, will for the first time reveal the fascinating life of the man behind one of the most impactful history books ever written, who endeavored to change the narrative of who holds the power, and how people can reclaim it." —Amazon Book Review (Most Anticipated Books of Summer 2026)

"A wonderful portrait of a historian who reshaped America’s understanding of its potential for change." —Publishers Weekly (starred review)

"Zirin enriches the narrative with interviews and anecdotes from people close to Zinn while also providing the historical context that shaped his beliefs and actions....The People’s Historian demonstrates that activism is ongoing." —Booklist

"A welcome exploration of the man behind a classic book, one who never minded irking the opposition." —Kirkus

“Dave Zirin’s biography of Howard Zinn, the great people’s intellectual, is a triumph…a measured, finely tuned narrative of an undeniably sweet but complicated scholar who transformed how we Americans see ourselves” —Kai Bird, Pulitzer Prize-winning coauthor of American Prometheus

“David Zirin - our premier sports historian and cultural critic - has written a brilliant and heartfelt book on the great Howard Zinn - our premier peoples’ historian and social critic! In these grim and dim times, we so badly need Zinn’s genuine witness of deep humanity and prophetic voice of hope and compassion!” —Dr. Cornel West, New York Times bestselling author of Democracy Matters

“In this compelling portrait of the indomitable Howard Zinn, Dave Zirin offers a definitive account of the nation’s most influential radical historian… Arriving at an urgent moment, this book reminds us that Howard Zinn still has much to teach about resisting the latest threats to American democracy." —Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, author of #From Black Lives Matter to Black Liberation

“Dave Zirin always comes on time because he never stops writing beautiful prose pointed at injustice. The People's Historian shook free an understanding of Zinn I'd never felt, and made me know that we are so, so prepared to live and fight in 2026.” —Kiese Laymon, author of Heavy: An American Memoir

“The People’s Historian is a rousing, defiant portrait of an unapologetic progressive, his battles, and adversaries written in the quintessential Zinn spirit, Zirin standing up while others are checking out.” —Howard Bryant, author of Kings and Pawns, Jackie Robinson and Paul Robeson in America

"There are rare moments when the right biographer tells the story of an epic figure. This is one of them. Dave Zirin’s masterful recounting of the life of Howard Zinn is rich in political detail and ideological insight, yet delightfully warm and compelling in its storytelling. Zirin has given us an exceptional biography of the people’s historian. —John Nichols, New York Times bestselling author of It’s OK to be Angry About Capitalism

“Howard Zinn spoke truth to power… In Dave Zirin, Zinn now has the right biographer: Zirin has given us a book that is clear-eyed and thoughtful and personal and full of levity. A clarion call we have never needed more than in the present moment.” —Jonathan Coleman, author of Long Way to Go: Black and White in America


"At a time when the teaching of history has become a flashpoint — with books banned, educators targeted, and honest accounts of power and resistance under attack — The People’s Historian offers a timely and deeply human portrait of a scholar who understood that making sense of the past was inseparable from the struggle to build a more just future." —Media Education Foundation

"[A] remarkable book." —Portside

"Dave Zirin... recounts Howard Zinn’s life (1922 to 2010) with vig­or and sym­pa­thy in his new biog­ra­phy, The People’s His­to­ri­an." —Jewish Book Council

"Zirin provides a heavily researched and carefully composed life story of a legendary historian whose scholarship remains relevant in this time of historical erasure." —The Emancipator

"Dave Zirin, everyone’s favorite lefty sports writer, is the perfect choice to present a life of everyone’s favorite lefty historian, the late, great Howard Zinn." —Lithub

"The People’s Historian is not a biography of a great man who made history; it’s a biography of a man who encouraged the people to make history... Zirin, in his always erudite and always conversational fashion, brings that life alive, not just to bear witness, but to remind today’s readers and the readers of tomorrow that it’s people like them who make the history Howard Zinn wrote about." —CounterPunch

"In The People’s Historian, Zirin moves beyond the public figure to give readers a fuller, more intimate picture of Zinn as a historian, teacher, activist, and public intellectual. Drawing on extensive research, Zinn’s personal papers, and the cooperation of Zinn’s family, he follows Zinn’s life across some of the defining conflicts and movements of modern U.S. history, from the Depression and World War II to the Black freedom struggle, the Vietnam era, and the decades of activism and debate that followed." 
—Media Education Foundation

"This is biography as intellectual history: the story of a man who changed not merely what Americans knew, but the position from which they looked." —Dandelion Chandelier

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


Dave Zirin is the sports editor at The Nation magazine, their first sports editor in 160 years of existence. The author of eleven books on the politics of sports, including most recently The Kaepernick Effect and the NAACP Image Award nominated The John Carlos Story, Zirin has also worked as an advisor for filmmakers and documentarians such as Ang Lee and Ken Burns. Named one of UTNE Reader’s “50 Visionaries Who Are Changing Our World,” Zirin has been a frequent guest on ESPN, MSNBC, and CNN.
 
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Chapter 1


"A Jungle of Terrible Odors"

The Brooklyn of Howard Zinn's youth was a place of hardscrabble poverty, crowded tenements, rats, and roaches. Zinn was never nostalgic about being raised poor. With a faraway look, his trademark smile falling, he once said, "The roaches. Never absent, where we lived. We'd come home and they'd be all over the kitchen table and scatter when we turned on the light. I never got used to them." The poverty of his youth was always there in the back of his mind, especially when he was confronted with narratives about how just "working harder" would have solved all the problems his family faced. He once wrote, "I always feel some rage when I hear the voice of the arrogant and affluent: we have a wonderful system; if you work hard, you will make it. How hard my parents worked. How brave they were just to keep four sons alive in the cold-water tenements of Brooklyn."

Watercolored memories were also difficult to conjure because the Brooklyn of Zinn's 1922 birth was in a state of dirty, cacophonous, rapidly changing industrialization. By the early 1920s, it had recently transformed into one of the top manufacturing hubs in the country. Brooklyn's largest industry, sugar refining, produced more than half the sugar consumed in the United States. In addition, the borough had shipyards, slaughterhouses, and an archipelago of sweatshops. For countless waves of Jewish and Eastern European immigrants, this made Brooklyn a place where they could speak the language and be brought in by people from their villages or shtetls. The growth of jobs and absence of an explicitly legal Jim Crow also made it a stop on the Great Migration north by Black laborers and an early destination for the people of Puerto Rico ready to leave an indelible imprint on the city. Almost half of the people in Brooklyn had not in fact been born there. The work available in Brooklyn might have been arduous, but there was at this time, until the 1929 Great Depression, ample work to be found.

Then, when Zinn was two years old, a law was passed that would have kept his parents from even entering the United States, the 1924 Immigration Restriction Act. This bill was lobbied for by an increasingly vocal and visible Ku Klux Klan, and when President Coolidge signed it, he used a widely known Klan phrase, "America for Americans." It was passed with more than 80 percent of Congress fulsomely voting in the affirmative. The foundations of today's barbaric immigration system, from ICE raids to the label "illegal alien," come from this bill. The bill was also supported by the segregated American Federation of Labor making common cause with the Klan. It was most of all a naked attack on the people of Asian descent already in the United States who had for decades played a critical role in constructing the nation's infrastructure, often paying with their lives (think of the racist phrase "not a Chinaman's chance," which originated in the idea that their high rates of deaths while building the railroads was a mockable inevitability). Not only was their path to citizenship stymied, but the bill invoked a total barring of Chinese immigration. It also dramatically prioritized Western and Northern European Christian immigrants, shutting out the Jews of Southern and Eastern Europe, along with people from Italy. The Jews turned away after 1924 either entered the country illegally or were sent back. In the Jewish community, this law was applied most infamously in 1939 when a boatload of Jewish political refugees on the SS St. Louis was turned away and returned home, where they were killed in Nazi concentration camps. They were described by one congressman as "hordes of inferior stock." Jews were "filthy, un-American, and often dangerous in their habits." Today's rhetoric of immigrants "poisoning our blood" and the way that white Afrikaners have been welcomed to emigrate while non-white immigrants have been criminalized have roots in the law and rhetoric of 1920s America.

The Zinns were part of a massive wave of those early Jewish immigrants who were able to enter legally before 1924. The family on his mother's side, like so many Eastern European Jewish families came over in stages. In 1909 at the age of fifteen, Zinn's mother, Jenny Rabinowitz, traveled from the Siberian shtetl of Irkutsk to join her father and grandmother. They lived in the back of a barbershop in what was then the decidedly untrendy land of Williamsburg, Brooklyn. Jenny couldn't go to school because she had to support her family by working as a seamstress, sewing eleven hours a day and six days a week before she met Eddie Zinn and they started a family. Even with four sons, she never stopped working. It was a hard life, but both Jenny and Eddie made Brooklyn their new home, claiming the mantle of "American" from a country that did not want them there.

Quickly, that Dutch word "Brooklyn" and Jews became practically synonymous. By 1920, almost one-third of New York City was Jewish, the majority calling Brooklyn home. The opening of the Brooklyn Bridge in 1883 had made the area a magnet for immigrants who could live in Brooklyn tenements, but-if employment was scarce in the sugar factories and sweatshops-find work in Manhattan. In 1920, the establishment of a new Brooklyn-Manhattan subway line made the borough even more attractive. Brooklyn became less the new-world shtetl and more a jumping-off point to the wonders of "the city." Howard Zinn's family fit this narrative: arriving with next to nothing, working hard, and, if nothing else, relieved that there was work to be done and an unleaking roof over their heads.

Fittingly, as Brooklyn immigrant labor, Eddie Zinn and Jenny Rabinowitz met while working at the same factory and married, creating a life that had them hopping from cramped apartment to apartment, one step ahead of angry landlords and bill collectors. As Zinn remembered. "I lived in all of Brooklyn's best slums." When the Depression hit, Eddie, a long way from the Austria-Hungary of his youth, worked as a ditchdigger and window cleaner. Jenny, never looking backward after a childhood in Siberia, took odd jobs and did piecework whenever possible. Later, Eddie Zinn found more stability in the waiters' union, working banquets, weddings, and Bar Mitzvahs. Sometimes he'd bring his impossibly tall eldest son to take some shifts with him, although finding a uniform that could make it to his ankles and wrists was never an easy task. "I hated every moment of it," recalled Zinn. "The ill-fitting waiters' tuxedo borrowed from my father on my lanky body; the sleeves absurdly short. My father was five-foot-five and I was already a six footer."

Howard held an early interest in reading despite growing up without books. It started when he saw a torn volume littering the street like trash and officially started the Zinn family library. It was Tarzan and the Jewels of Opal. "There were no books in our house," Zinn recalled. "[My parents] knew little about politics, except that Franklin Roosevelt was a good man because he helped the poor."

Jenny and Eddie, however, seeing that thirst for learning, aimed to quench it. Although they had never heard of Charles Dickens, the Zinns would mail a coupon with a dime each month to the New York Post so their son could read one of what would ultimately be twenty volumes of Dickens' complete works. The family library required an expansion. Reading Dickens, particularly his writings on social class, connected with the young Howard Zinn. Even with the London settings, he saw in Dickens' politics a way to understand the world. He quickly moved on to other socially conscious writings like The Jungle by Upton Sinclair, a book he would return to and teach throughout his life. When The Jungle is remembered today, it is for its influence in inspiring federal legislation over the country's slaughterhouses. Descriptions in The Jungle of the killing floor brought even the stouthearted to nausea. The response to Sinclair's book is why we have the Food and Drug Administration. But from The Jungle's publication in 1905 and its revival in popularity during the Great Depression, readers were engaging in text more radical than just a treatise on food preparation.

In The Jungle Zinn avidly read lines like "Into this wild-beast tangle these men had been born without their consent, they had taken part in it because they could not help it; that they were in jail was no disgrace to them, for the game had never been fair, the dice were loaded. They were swindlers and thieves of pennies and dimes, and they had been trapped and put out of the way by the swindlers and thieves of millions of dollars."

It is not difficult to imagine this having a profound effect on the young teen known to all as "Howie." In particular, the line in The Jungle where Sinclair writes, "The great corporation which employed you lied to you and lied to the whole country-from top to bottom it was nothing but one gigantic lie." This sounds extremely similar to Zinn's maxim about power: "Governments lie all the time. . . . If they told people the truth they wouldn't last very long."

This novel was followed by Richard Wright's short stories and books about racism and class, like Uncle Tom's Children and Native Son, which caused the young Zinn to see from an early age "race and class oppression as intertwined." These writings also pushed Zinn to think about the Black people who now lived in Brooklyn in "their own" neighborhoods. "Black people lived under the Myrtle Avenue El," he recalled. . . . "They lived in darkness all the time. Then they left their living place during the day to go to work as janitors or whatever menial jobs in the white neighborhoods. It was very much like Johannesburg, South Africa. Which many, many years later I visited, and you could see the blacks lived in their little black shanty towns and come into Johannesburg to work during the day and then go back to their little black townships at night. And that's the way it was in Brooklyn."

Between World War I and the 1930s, thousands of Southern Black individuals and families filtered into Brooklyn's neighborhoods. They were among the hundreds of thousands who moved to Northern cities during the aforementioned Great Migration, and by 1930, more than 60 percent of the African Americans in Brooklyn had been born outside the borough. When the A train was extended from Harlem to Brooklyn in 1936, thousands of African Americans left Harlem in search of better lives and less expensive housing.

At Thomas Jefferson High School, Zinn joined a creative writing program, and his intelligence caught the eye of the school's principal, Elias Lieberman. In addition to being an esteemed educator, Lieberman was a Jewish immigrant who had come to this country at the age of seven from St. Petersburg, Russia. He was also an esteemed poet-nicknamed the Poet Principal-and the author of the 1916 poem "I Am an American." There is certainly irony in Lieberman heading Zinn's high school and penning a patriotic opus, with verses like:

"See," said my father, pointing to the flag that fluttered near,

"That flag of stars and stripes is yours;

It is the emblem of the promised land.

It means, my son, the hope of humanity.

Live for it-die for it!"

One of Zinn's favorite poems that he referenced often was Langston Hughes' "Let America Be America Again," which can be read as a critique of Lieberman's work with lines like:

America never was America to me,

And yet I swear this oath-

America will be!

Zinn then moved to what would become his lifetime love: the use of history as a guide to action. He read about fascism in Europe, particularly journalist George Seldes' Sawdust Caesar and The Brown Book of Hitler Terror. These books and the intensifying Brooklyn poverty of the Great Depression pushed Zinn toward activism and sent him on a journey looking for answers as to why poverty, racism, and fascism had to exist at all. He began engaging in debates with the young communists he would see "among the basketball players and street talkers" selling newspapers and organizing Depression-era campaigns like the "unemployed councils" of New York City. Tall for his times, Zinn played basketball with a sweet set shot (according to him), so the interaction was regular. While never a member of the Communist Party (despite the fervent wishes of his detractors), Zinn sought their members out to better understand the world and find ways to be part of what appeared to him to be an increasingly growing revolt against Depression-era poverty.

He was invited to attend a demonstration in Union Square, a peaceful gathering against fascism and war. Those aims were dashed when mounted police charged the crowd. A bewildered and frozen Zinn took a hit on the side of the head and was concussed, losing consciousness. This was a major turning point. He later spoke about the experience, saying,

"Exactly at 10:00, banners unfurled, people started chanting. It was fantastic. So my friend and I relieved two women holding a banner and then we heard sirens. And before I knew it, cops with clubs began beating the demonstrators. I was spun around and got hit on the side of my head. I was out. I woke up in a doorway. The demonstration was being scattered. And it was an absolute shocking experience because I had no idea the police would react like this to an innocent demonstration. That an innocent group of people could be perceived as that menacing. From that moment on, I was no longer a liberal, a believer in the self-correcting character of American democracy. I was a radical, believing that something fundamental was wrong in this country-not just the existence of poverty amidst great wealth, not just the horrible treatment of black and brown people, but something rotten at the root. Since then, I've come to understand, we need not just a new president or new laws, but an uprooting of the old order, the introduction of a new kind of society-cooperative, peaceful, egalitarian."



ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
 
Dave Zirin

Dave Zirin was named one of the "50 Visionaries Who Are Changing Our World" by The Utne Magazine. He writes about the politics of sports for the Nation magazine, and is their first sports writer in 150 years of existence as well as the Progressive, and a regular op-ed writer for the Los Angeles Times. . Zirin is also the host of the "Edge of Sports Podcast," and "The Collision with Etan Thomas and Dave Zirin" on WPFW in DC.


53 Days: How Hitler Dismantled a Democracy
Timothy W. Ryback
Atlantic Monthly Press, 2026


[Publication date: September 1, 2026]
 

From internationally acclaimed historian Timothy W. Ryback, the chilling chronicle of how Adolf Hitler overturned a constitutional democracy in less than eight weeks

On September 25, 1930, Adolf Hitler appeared before Germany’s Supreme Court and outlined his plans to destroy the Weimar Republic through democratic means. The judge asked, “So, only through constitutional means?” Hitler replied, “Jawohl!”

Barely two years later, on January 30, 1933, Hitler was appointed the fifteenth chancellor of the Weimar Republic. Within 53 days of that date, he had effected one of the most astonishing transformations in modern democracy, using the provisions of the Constitution to turn a democratic republic into an authoritarian state. Drawing from his 800-page political playbook, Mein Kampf, Hitler banned or neutered the print press and radio; purged the civil service and installed party loyalists; suspended civil liberties; compromised the courts; imposed Reich government control over the country’s seventeen federated states; slapped draconian tariffs on trading partners; co-opted, imprisoned, or drove political opponents into exile; assumed control over the central bank; and then compelled the Reichstag, the country’s legislative body, to pass an Enabling Act granting Hitler dictatorial power.

Charting the key events of those dramatic days in taut and compelling prose, Timothy W. Ryback evokes the raw political power and increasing inevitability of Hitler’s state capture, amid heroic efforts by journalists and social democrats to save the republic, underscoring the alarming observation in the introduction to Joseph Goebbels’ collected essays: “The big joke on democracy is that it provides its mortal enemies with the means to its own destruction.”


REVIEWS:

Praise for 53 Days:
A Literary Hub Most Anticipated Book of 2026


“Historian Timothy W. Ryback shows how the Nazis used democratic means to destroy German democracy . . . To a remarkable degree, Ryback’s brisk narrative titrates the exact proportion of detail and context to enliven these moments and never dawdles over any single standoff; the book, which is a short 244 pages, really moves . . . He summons and summarizes details from the Nazi past that unmistakably rhyme with the present, leaving it to his discerning readers to make the connection.”—The New York Times

“In 53 Days, his brilliantly absorbing book about Hitler’s early weeks as chancellor, Timothy W. Ryback minutely examines his dismantlement of Weimar.”—The National Interest

“A straightforward narrative of the period . . . Ryback’s 53 Days makes no reference to contemporary politics. And yet certain echoes of the 1930s resonate so loudly that it is impossible not to hear them.”—The Atlantic

“In meticulous and telling detail, Ryback takes the reader through Hitler’s methods . . . It is foolish not to study and learn from the ways a person with the soul of a dictator can fracture a democracy. 53 Days is the essential blueprint in understanding how that can happen.”—Air Mail

“Essential reading for WWII history buffs . . . and anyone interested in the contemporary parallels.”—The Media Tourist

“Profoundly dizzying . . . Chilling . . . 53 Days teaches us, forcefully, that democracy is never anything we can take for granted.”—Washington Monthly

“Ryback’s narrative possesses an eerie verisimilitude in parallel with developments in the 21st century U.S. and reads like a warning of how democracy can provide the means for its own destruction . . . 53 Days is a breathless, cogent, and timely analysis of Hitler’s ascent to dictator.”—Shelf Awareness

“Incisive . . . a trenchant depiction of democracy as most vulnerable when its stewards are insufficiently committed.”—Publishers Weekly (starred review)

“Step by step, the book recounts the process by which Hitler used the powers of his office to destroy German democracy. Ryback deftly manages what could have been an unwieldy narrative, allowing readers to draw their own conclusions about the book's relevance to current events.”—Booklist (starred review)

“A fluid account . . . A sobering study of how democracies can become dictatorships overnight.”—Kirkus Reviews

“This book offers a powerfully written, blow-by-blow account of how German democracy was dismantled from within. It is a chilling reminder of democracy’s fragility—and how easily we can lose it at the hands of our elected leaders.”—Steven Levitsky, New York Times bestselling coauthor of How Democracies Die and Tyranny of the Minority

“Timothy Ryback’s 53 Days is an utterly gripping and suspenseful account of how elected leaders can make use of a democracy to destroy a democracy. The vivid, eyewitness observations here are chilling: they reveal how astonished people can continue to be at their country’s authoritarian take-over, even as they try, with increasing desperation, to sound the alarm about it.”—Margaret Talbot, staff writer, The New Yorker

“The speed with which Hitler dismantled the structures of German democracy remains an astonishing, terrifying and instructive tale. Timothy Ryback’s riveting account, at once careful and brisk, dramatically reminds today’s friends of democracy how fragile self rule can become—and why defending it should be the first priority of all who believe in freedom, equality, and justice.”—E. J. Dionne Jr., author of Our Divided Political Heart

“The definitive anatomy of democratic collapse and a timely warning. Having watched Viktor Orbán methodically use the machinery of law to hollow out the rule of law in Hungary, I found Ryback's account viscerally familiar. 53 Days proves that our democracies are most endangered when constitutions, courts, and institutions are turned against the very freedoms they were designed to protect.”—David Koranyi, President of Action for Democracy and former National Security Advisor to the Prime Minister of the Republic of Hungary

Praise for Takeover:

“Timothy W. Ryback’s choice to make his new book, Takeover . . . a specific chronicle of a single year, 1932, seems a wise, even an inspired one. Ryback details, week by week, day by day, and sometimes hour by hour, how a country with a functional, if flawed, democratic machinery handed absolute power over to someone who could never claim a majority in an actual election . . . Democracy doesn’t die in darkness. It dies in bright midafternoon light.”—Adam Gopnik, The New Yorker

“If you ever thought that history is only moved by big, sweeping forces, whether of economics or creed or nature itself, think again. In this riveting, intimate account of the final months in Hitler's rise to power, Tim Ryback makes it plain that simple luck, bald ambition and fallible human hearts can be drivers of earth-changing events.”—Max Rodenbeck, Berlin bureau chief, The Economist

“Ryback admirably capture[s] the shifting moods, political stances, and risk-taking as well as the speculations, uncertainties, and confusion of the political figures who did not know how the story he narrates would end . . . Ryback’s narrative and his portraits of major figures are riveting.”—New York Review of Books

“How does a flawed republic become something entirely different? We know how the Nazi regime ended, but think too little about how it began. This admirable account shows us how fragile and avoidable were those beginnings, and helps us to reflect upon our own predicaments.”—Timothy Snyder, author of On Tyranny

“An expert account of the dizzying months when Hitler solidified his power in Germany... A masterfully narrated story of how a democracy committed suicide, with lessons for today.”—Kirkus Reviews, starred review

“[A] riveting blow-by-blow account of the six months leading up to Adolf Hitler’s January 1933 appointment as Germany’s chancellor . . . A dire and remarkably astute depiction of how fickle and contingent the forces of history can be.”—Publisher's Weekly, starred review

“That history is not as inevitable as most might believe forms an unsettling undertone throughout the book . . . Takeover is startlingly relevant history, well-wrought and splendidly researched, that reveals how democracies can die democratically.”—Shelf Awareness

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Timothy W. Ryback is director of the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation in The Hague. He has written on the legacies of national socialism for The Atlantic, The New Yorker, The New York Times, and The Wall Street Journal. His books on Hitler, most recently Takeover: Hitler’s Final Rise to Power, have been translated into more than 20 languages. He and his wife live in Europe.
 

Racist by Design: Two Centuries of U.S. Immigration Control
by Kelly Lytle Hernández
W. W. Norton & Company, 2026


[‎Publication date: September 22, 2026]
A revolutionary new history that exposes the "whites-only" roots of the American immigration regime.

In Racist by Design, award-winning historian Kelly Lytle Hernández reveals how generations of lawmakers and law enforcers built the American immigration system to encourage white immigrants while targeting nonwhite migrants for exclusion, punishment, and removal. The goal, often explicitly stated by the system’s architects, was to create a permanent caste of undocumented and criminalized workers to provide cheap labor for the American economy.

Many Americans’ understanding of the immigration system begins with the Chinese Exclusion Act of the late nineteenth century. Lytle Hernández expands that history by a full century, showing how the Haitian Revolution of the 1790s inspired not only America’s first immigration bans (to prevent news of a free Black republic from reaching our shores) but also its first refugee resettlement program (to welcome and support Haiti’s evicted enslavers.) She explains how Chinese Exclusion led the Supreme Court to disconnect immigration laws from the constitution. She reveals how eugenicists and Jim Crow segregationists built much of our current immigration regime as expressly "whites-only," and shows how during the Civil Rights Movement, Congress amended this system but never abolished it, leaving many of the regime’s racist rules and rituals intact today.

Lytle Hernández calls Racist by Design "an act of sabotage," a book that will expose the blueprints of the system, so it can be dismantled. A nuanced, concise, and brilliant work that will outrage and inflame readers, Racist by Design is a major work by one of our most important historians.

REVIEWS:

"It is tempting to see this enormous crackdown as a distortion of immigration enforcement, a system bent to authoritarian purposes by a president unusually willing to test its limits. UCLA historian Kelly Lytle Hernández’s new book, Racist by Design: Two Centuries of U.S. Immigration Control, offers a more disturbing explanation: Trump did not have to build this apparatus. America built it for him."― Jimmy So, The New Republic

"In her latest, MacArthur genius Kelly Lytle Hernández does her part to sabotage the machine of immigration and the white nationalism and racial capitalism intentionally baked into its components. Expertly researched and accessibly written, Racist By Design is a book for our times. It’s this month’s #RequiredReading."― Karla J. Strand, Ms. Magazine

"[A] landmark examination of the racist roots of the American immigration system... a definitive and forceful call for reform."― Publishers Weekly (starred review)

"Lytle Hernández’s narrative bursts with relevance… A disguised and convoluted history made decipherable and urgent."― Kirkus Reviews

"You can’t demolish something unless you know how it’s built. Kelly Lytle Hernández’s brilliant new book lays out a scathing blueprint to help us understand the key roles that racism and white supremacy have always played in our immigration system. As usual, Lytle Hernández gives us a history lesson that lives, breathes, and most importantly, fights back."― Jason De León, author of Soldiers and Kings

"At a moment when the punditry and politics of immigration so distresses the United States, award-winning historian Kelly Lytle Hernández makes it make sense. Racist by Design is a courageous call to conscience that encourages us to resist the forces of history and replace them with possibilities born of struggle."― Martha S. Jones, author of Birthright Citizens

"Based on original research and thinking, Kelly Lytle Hernández explains how America’s immigration law was founded on the racist premise that the country should be for white people. Black, Asian, and Latinx migrants and communities fought for the right to be in the U.S. and persisted in winning some reforms; but the hard truth is that the edifice remains. Lytle Hernández builds on a generation of immigration scholarship and takes it to another level. Important, accessible, and urgent."― Mae Ngai, author of The Chinese Question

"In Racist by Design, Kelly Lytle Hernández brings the same fire she has brought to her scholarship for twenty years, showing how white supremacy has shaped our immigration system. She details how that regime was built, brick by brick, law by law, decision by decision, through precedents, rules, enforcement, and operational protocols. But like anything built, this system can be unbuilt, and Lytle Hernandez gives us the blueprints."― Natalia Molina, author of The Other Immigrant Story

"Kelly Lytle Hernández is unparalleled at unearthing hidden histories of immigrant exclusion in the United States. Racist by Design reveals the depths of white supremacist policymaking and the creative resistance efforts that have challenged it. This illuminating and damning intervention in today’s immigration crisis narratives gives weight to the argument that there can be no migrant justice without racial justice."― Silky Shah, author of Unbuild Walls


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Kelly Lytle Hernández is the Thomas E. Lifka Endowed Chair in History at UCLA. She is a MacArthur "genius grant" recipient and the author of Racist by Design, Bad Mexicans, and several other award-winning books about race, immigration, policing, and the carceral state. She lives in Los Angeles.
 
The Steal: Four Right-Wing Hard-Liners, One Republican Presidency, and the Raid on America's Courts
by Alex Wagner
Flatiron Books, 2026


[Publication date: September 15, 2026]


INSTANT NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER

From celebrated news anchor, journalist, and host of Crooked Media's "Runaway Country," Alex Wagner, the wild and true story of how a group of right-wing raiders changed the American judiciary forever.

The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 was a sharp right turn for American governance. After decades on the fringes, the conservative right had risen to power, finally poised to fashion some of the country's most pressing issues in its image. Tax cuts, aggressive foreign policy, and law and order would soon become the cornerstones of Reagan's agenda. But, behind the scenes, a select group of administration officials and ideological allies had their eyes set on something much more valuable: an institution with the power to shape the country's legal, cultural and existential identity, long after any presidential term ended.

Ed Meese, a native Californian, former DA, and aide to Reagan from his days as governor, knew exactly what he had to do to seize the Supreme Court: get as many judges on the bench as possible, and make sure they were as conservative as he was on issues like abortion rights, taxes, and criminal justice. Working in parallel to achieve the same goal were a band of fellow true-believers: Paul Weyrich, the firebrand organizer; Joe Coors, the beer magnate whose fortune funded many of Weyrich’s efforts; and Robert Bork, the towering legal intellect of the right, and an important mentor to a few young law students starting a new organization called The Federalist Society. By the end of the decade, these men would change the face of the American judiciary forever. Told with a pitch-perfect blend of journalistic rigor and propulsive storytelling, The Steal takes readers into the closed-door meetings, public nomination hearings, and back rooms of American political power to reveal the true story behind one of the most significant moments in American history, and how it affects us to this day.

REVIEWS:

“This fascinating history will help readers better understand how history is reflected in current judicial decisions.” –Library Journal

“A penetrating look at how a political fringe makes itself mainstream through force of law.” –Kirkus Reviews

"The Steal answers the question that haunts American politics right now: How did we get here? Alex Wagner has written the origin story of the decades-long plot to capture the courts―from Berkeley in the sixties to the fall of Roe―and makes you understand it not as an inevitability, but as a choice, made by a small group of men, that most of us never saw coming. Riveting, meticulous, and infuriating in equal measure, The Steal is a book that everyone should read." ―Jon Favreau, New York Times bestselling author of Democracy or Else and co-founder of Crooked Media


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Alex Wagner is the host of the podcast Runaway Country, a contributor to Pod Save America (both on Crooked Media), a Senior Political Analyst at MS NOW, and the author of “How the Hell… with Alex Wagner” on Substack. She was previously a Contributing Editor at The Atlantic, an Executive Producer and Co-host of “The Circus” on Showtime, and a special correspondent with CBS News. Her critically acclaimed memoir, Futureface, was published in 2018.
 
 
Coltrane: The Definitive Visual Celebration of the Legend
by Ravi Coltrane, (Editor & Contributor)

With Contributors:


Kareem Abdul-Jabbar
Wayne Coyne 
Dev Hynes 
Phil Lesh 
Julie Mehretu 
Carlos Santana 
Patti Smith

Ten Speed Press, 2026

[Publication date: September 1, 2026]
 
The definitive photographic celebration of John Coltrane's life and music, featuring exclusive contributions written by Ravi Coltrane, Wayne Coyne, Dev Hynes, Phil Lesh, Julie Mehretu, Carlos Santana, and Patti Smith.

John Coltrane's impact on music and culture endures far beyond his prolific career and untimely death in 1967 at age forty. His masterful saxophone style and groundbreaking jazz compositions had a profound effect on the evolution of music through the decades, and it continues to resonate across styles and genres to this day.

This beautiful photography book offers an intimate and in-depth look at his life with over one hundred expertly curated images taken by renowned photographers such as Chuck Stewart and Francis Wolff. The selection includes outtakes from the album cover photoshoot for Ascension, in-studio candid shots taken during the recording of Blue Train, a glimpse backstage with Alice Coltrane before their first performance together, and more. Coltrane is a visual celebration of John Coltrane's musical legacy, complete with an introduction by his son and fellow musician Ravi Coltrane, along with personal stories from other musicians, artists, and writers who have been moved by his work.





  
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Ravi Coltrane is a critically acclaimed Grammy-nominated saxophonist, bandleader, and composer. Born on Long Island, the second son of John Coltrane and Alice Coltrane, Ravi was named after Indian sitar legend Ravi Shankar. He was raised in Los Angeles, where his family moved after his father's death in 1967. Ravi maintains a fast-paced touring, recording, composing, and performance schedule. He leads the effort to restore the John Coltrane Home in Dix Hills, Long Island, and presides over important reissues of his parents' recordings.
 
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

John Coltrane's Music Spoke My Words
by Kareen Abdul-Jabbar


When I was about fourteen years old living in New York City, I used to tune into WJZ (later WABC) and listen to “the dean of jazz radio,” Symphony Sid, a Jewish DJ who was responsible for introducing and promoting some of the greatest jazz musicians, including Nat King Cole, Sarah Vaughn, Charlie Parker, and Billie Eckstine. Symphony Sid, whose real name was Sid Torin, had such an infectious passion for jazz that he is credited with popularizing bebop through his show, which reached thirty states.

I didn’t know about any of that. I tuned in to hear John Coltrane’s album My Favorite Things, which Symphony Sid played every night. And every night I eagerly tuned the radio dial to eighty so I could be transported by the edgy energy of Coltrane’s sassy saxophone.

This was not my first exposure to jazz. My father was a jazz musician who had graduated from Juilliard. And even though he was an imposing transit cop by day, he was still a swinging musician by night, playing with the likes of Sonny Rollins and Bill Lee (director Spike Lee’s father). Sometimes he took me with him to a gig and introduced me to his fellow musicians, including Tito Puente, Kenny Durham, and Ernie Henry. Ordinarily, my father was a quiet man, miserly with words as if each one cost him money. But when he played his music, he was speaking all the words he’d stored in his emotional vault. And the notes he bent and blasted spoke in a way that words could never quite equal. I heard what he had to say.

I, too, was a quiet person. My attempts at being a musician didn’t bear any sweet fruit, just some sour notes. If I couldn’t speak through music, listening to jazz was like hearing all my inner thoughts and feelings being spoken aloud. And no one spoke the mystical language of young Kareem better than John Coltrane.

I don’t think I was aware at the time that the title song from that album, My Favorite Things, originated in the 1959 Broadway musical. So when I first heard Julie Andrews’s chipper version, which has become a perennial Christmas hit, it was nothing like my experience with Coltrane’s version. Andrews’s song was whimsical and childlike (as befits lyrics about “whiskers on kittens”), while Coltrane blared a much more mature song that conveyed both longing and celebration. When Andrews’s version ended, the musical experience was over. But when Coltrane’s ended, the listener was still riding the aftermath as it lingered in their minds and bodies.

I finally met Coltrane when I was a freshman at UCLA at the famous It Club on West Washington Boulevard. I’d already heard of the It Club from Thelonious Monk’s 1964 album Live at the It Club. And I knew Miles Davis, another of my favorites, played there. There were also rumors that the owner, John McClain, had been friends with gangster “Bugsy” Siegel. For a college freshman, that just made it hipper.

After their set, I approached the band because the drummer, Elvin Jones, was friends with my uncle Steve. Elvin was happy to see me and introduced me to the boys in the band, including John Coltrane, who was as gracious as I could have hoped for. Jimmy Garrison, the bass player, even gave me an impromptu bass lesson, which, for white kids my age, would be akin to having Paul McCartney pull you onstage for a bass lesson.

That was the only time I saw him in person, though I did see his band several times again. A year and a half later, on July 17, 1967, John Coltrane died of liver cancer. He was only forty years old.

For me, fifty-four years have passed since I saw him, yet he still has the same power over me that he had when I was fourteen and tuning in nightly to Symphony Sid. In those five and a half decades, I’ve had time to reflect on why Coltrane had such an enduring effect on me and on his many fans.

To me, the essence of Coltrane is that he elevated every song he covered to a richer, more complex level. He took songs that were merely entertaining and made them inspiring. And his own compositions had that same innovative DNA that left the listener feeling like they’d descended deeper into a song than was possible and yet came out uplifted and invigorated. Those feelings are what inspired me to name my autobiography after one of his iconic compositions, “Giant Steps.”

Of course, today I recognize the irony that, while I’d used the title to poke fun at my height as well as my progress through life, it was really Coltrane who was taking giant steps and that with each massive stride forward, he was taking jazz and Black culture with him. He had been my voice when I was growing up, but he was also the voice of jazz as it too grew up from post–World War II to the modern era. His influence wasn’t just from his solo compositions and performances but also from his collaborations with other greats like Thelonious Monk and Miles Davis who produced the famous “sheets of sound” rush of notes.

John Coltrane’s music is the soundtrack to the Black experience in America. In his “Song of the Underground Railroad,” one can hear the sense of triumph, the elation of survival, and even the insistent chuffing of the drums urging us forward. The lively riffs in “Afro Blue” link the past with the present for African Americans. As I mention specific songs, I feel a rush of all his work filling me up with pride in who I am, and joy in being part of a larger, richer culture. I am fourteen, I am forty-five, I am seventy-two—all at the same time—and I am hearing my innermost thoughts and feelings floating through the air on the clouds of notes of John Coltrane.
 

Part of the Story: Writings from Half a Century
by Margaret Busby
Hamish Hamilton UK, 2026

[Publication date: ‎ September 29, 2026]

'This fascinating and simply fantastic book is a comprehensive record of Margaret Busby's exceptional life story . . . A true trailblazer, we all walk in the deep imprints of her footsteps' Bernardine Evaristo

This rare self-portrait from pioneering publisher, writer and cultural activist Margaret Busby underscores her powerful legacy and celebrates some of the people and places that have shaped her exceptional life

Margaret Busby has been at the heart of cultural life in the UK for over 50 years. From becoming Britain's youngest and first Black woman publisher when she founded publishing house Allison & Busby, to editing the ground-breaking international anthologies Daughters of Africa and New Daughters of Africa, her many achievements are testament to her dedication to championing the lives and stories of others, particularly those throughout the world who have been marginalised by the mainstream.

With little attention previously given to her own skills as a writer, Part of the Story is a unique opportunity to enjoy her own remarkable literary output. It brings together her writings on people, places, politics and publishing, and provides a rich insight into the many elements that have contributed to shaping her life, from her childhood in Ghana to the Black writers, intellectuals, artists and activists she has worked with, befriended, supported and championed for over half a century.

REVIEW:

'Margaret has been a cheerleader, instigator, organiser, defender and celebrator of black arts for the past 50 years . . . She helped change the landscape of both UK publishing and arts coverage and so many Black British artists owe her a debt. I know I do' –Zadie Smith

Land of Our Own: Malcolm X and the Evolution of Black Nationalism
by Jeffrey O.G. Ogbar
Polity,  2026


[Publication date: ‎September 8, 2026]
 
Black nationalist ideas have been debated over centuries, and have shaped black religious, cultural, economic, and intellectual thought. But how is black nationalism popularly understood? And how should we reckon with the unique position of black people in the United States, where black nationalism has been fundamentally shaped by the white nationalism expressed before the Civil War?

In this illuminating new book, Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar sheds much-needed light on black community, unity, and identity. The story of black nationalism is not limited to "back-to-Africa" Garveyites or to the religious nationalism of the Nation of Islam. By retelling the story of Malcolm X, Ogbar reveals how black nationalist thought has shaped ideas centered on internationalism, self-determination, self-defense, and electoral empowerment. More than "racial solidarity" or racial pride, black nationalism seeks territorial and political sovereignty – and the (often transnational) efforts to achieve nationhood have brought disparate communities together under the single banner of nationalism.

Offering both a panoramic and meticulous history, this lively book is essential reading for anyone who has been curious about the extraordinary impact of black nationalism in contemporary America.

REVIEWS:

"Today, more than ever, we need Malcolm's model of a revolutionary spirit, his love for oppressed people, his commitment to self-determination, and his belief in political sovereignty. Land of Our Own is brilliantly argued, and in many ways undeniable."
--Kellie Carter Jackson, Wellesley College and author of We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance

"For many, black nationalism evokes iconic images of Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X. In Land of Our Own, Jeffrey Ogbar broadens this familiar narrative. A masterful synthesis of history and political thought, this book is essential reading for newcomers and established students of black nationalism alike."
--Ashley D. Farmer, author of Queen Mother, Black Nationalism, Reparations, and the Untold Story of Audley Moore


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar is Board of Trustees Distinguished Professor of History at the University of Connecticut.