Thursday, August 22, 2024

Media Censorship Of Palestinian Voices in the United States and its deadly impact on the global coverage of the war in Gaza

https://www.thenation.com/article/society/palestine-journalists-discrimination/

Society  

August 19, 2024

The Cost of Trying to Make Palestinian Lives Matter in the Newsroom

There is often a high price to be paid when journalists try to tell Palestinian stories.

by Hoda Sherif
 
Pro-Palestinian protesters gather on December 11, 2023, outside of the New York Times building in New York City to protest the newspaper’s coverage of the Israel-Gaza war.

Protesters gather outside of the New York Times building on December 11, 2023, to protest the newspaper’s Gaza coverage. Michael M. Santiago / Getty Images

In the heart of Gaza’s ruins, local Palestinian journalists are enduring the unimaginable toll of a merciless war machine, starvation, and unwarranted daily brutality. Meanwhile, Muslim journalists and others reporting on the war from the West are faced with a different kind of impediment: the battle against blood-washing discourse.

For the past 10 months, journalists across the world have voiced concerns to their employers over imbalanced, misleading, and at times, fictitious coverage of Israel’s war on Gaza. These reporters have demanded more plausible and thoughtful accounts of Israel’s crimes against humanity—arguing that current narratives are obfuscating the magnitude of the devastation and sorrow of the Palestinian people. Instead of having their perspectives welcomed, these reporters have instead been left to fend largely for themselves.

On World Press Freedom Day, the National Writers Union published a report titled “Red Lines: Retaliation in the media industry during the Gaza conflict.” It documented 44 cases of retaliation against media workers—whether by way of assignment restriction, social-media suppression, or termination—in response to a belief that the accused either supported Palestinians or appeared “critical of the Israeli government.” The investigation did not yield a similar trend toward pro-Israeli media workers. According to the report, this wave of retaliation impacted more than a hundred media professionals across North America and Europe from October through February, a large portion of whom were of Middle Eastern, North African, or Muslim descent.

The effect of this is clear: the production of less news about the reality of Palestine. That task is left to the waning few still committed to journalistic principles of integrity, public accountability, and sensitivity to the human condition.

But this phenomenon is neither new nor isolated to the post–October 7 era. It is instead a culmination of pseudo-analytical dehumanizing tropes and mainstream media scare stories that have likened Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims to deviant, bloodthirsty criminals.

Reporters who are dedicated to covering Palestine the right way have been labeled biased, naïve, inexperienced, or even terrorist sympathizers by those who feel threatened by the industry’s capacity to bring about real change.

Some journalists, myself included, have been diplomatically advised to either tame our passion or channel it into nonprofit or advocacy work if we truly want to do right by the unfolding cause. It could not be clearer, however, that we are not the ones deviating from the supposed principles of journalism. The real sins against our industry come from those who have, for decades, treated Palestinians as nonhuman and the apocalyptic conditions in Palestine as not newsworthy, helping to enable Israel’s appalling and unchecked human rights abuses over the years, and have shown how little the “ethical standards” and “best practices” of this profession matter when it comes to Palestine.

For this piece, I spoke to a range of writers and reporters about their experiences fighting to have Palestinian stories reported the right way. Here is some of what they told me.

Talal Jabari, a New York–based, 45-year-old Palestinian journalist and documentary filmmaker, spent most of his career in the Middle East, where he shot print, television and radio segments for Al-Jazeera, BBC World Service, ARTE, and 60 Minutes.

Fresh from a six-week visit to his family in the West Bank, Jabari says that Palestinians have always known their claims face “a much higher burden of proof” in the media. He says that the quieter stories about his community are what matter most in a digital environment that has long dehumanized them.

“Over time, they add up,” he says now with a wistful smile. “So, when history looks back, they don’t just see all we were stripped from—and all the violence. They can see that we were also the dreamers and the resisters—those who never gave up…. Unfortunately, Palestine is only ever on the news when our children, women, and men are being bombed.”

After receiving his master’s from the University of Leeds, Jabari returned to Palestine during the Second Intifada. The uprising erupted when then–Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon led a force of over 1,000 heavily armed police and soldiers to storm the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem back in September of 2000.

Sharon’s impact lingers.” Jabari’s voice softened with emotion as he recalled his younger days. “He kindled a fire within Palestinians like myself who were lost at the time. We felt a profound calling to the profession of journalism. We had seen too much. Who else would share our stories with the world?”

Jabari recalled a 60 Minutes segment he shot back in 2012 that worked to shed light on the Palestinian struggle and the various factions of Hamas. He recounted the risky process of embedding himself with the fighters: “They’re being targeted, and you’re working alongside them. Israel sees no distinction. We were targets as well.”

Jabari was initially surprised that CBS would be interested in the story. “It seemed almost too good to be true,” he said. “ It would constitute a landmark [story] if any resistance faction was secured air-time on a mainstream news channel where fighters were actually offered a chance to humanize their struggle.” But when producers decided to scrap the piece at the last minute, Jabari felt “in his bones” that this was a fitting reflection of their political stance.

After the incident, Jabari decided to leave journalism and pursue documentary filmmaking full-time, where he felt he could play a more direct role in shaping how Palestinian stories were told. He would go on to direct several films that worked to humanize the Palestinian people and their resistance, including 2015’s Enemies of the South and 2017’s award-winning Naila and the Uprising.

Not much has changed for Palestinians within the industry since the start of Jabari’s journalism career in 2005. Media studies scholar Mohamad Elmasry said in 2009 that the US media worked to frame Israeli violence as a rational, or an otherwise expected component of conflict while portraying Palestinian violence as “barbaric and senseless.”

And today, while some reporters are left floundering to find adjectives horrific enough to describe the sheer scale of what we are witnessing, many reporting on the war for US media channels are still, ten months in, using the same set of now-infamous phrases: “according to the Hamas-run health ministry,” “Israel-Hamas war,” “X found dead in air strike in Gaza,” and more, to defend the indefensible.

Even the worst atrocities—like the recent bombing of Al Tabi’een school in Gaza City that blew Palestinian families apart so thoroughly that their remains were placed in plastic bags of allotted measurements to determine whether the body belonged to an adult or a child, as if they hadn’t once been someone’s entire world, or the soldiers who were captured on camera brutally gang-raping a Palestinian prisoner at the notoriously callous Sde Teiman Prison, rendering him unable to walk—somehow continue to fall short of striking a chord dire enough to shift our deeply problematic and inhumane editorial policies.

Mohammed El-Kurd, The Nation’s Palestine correspondent, put it best: “Our death is so quotidian that [Western] journalists report it as though they’re reporting the weather. Cloudy skies, light showers, and 3,000 Palestinians dead in the past 10 days. And much like the weather, only God is responsible: not armed settlers, nor targeted drone strikes.”

Malak Silmi, 25, is a Palestinian American from Dearborn, Michigan. She had been interested in journalism from a young age, spending much of her days buried in a notebook or on her laptop. She says she felt a deep-seated desire to address the injustices she saw in the coverage of her community: “I wanted to be a part of both educating our Dearborn [citizens]—showing them that not all journalists are vindictive, and of also informing others about our own community of Palestinian Americans.”

“Dearborn Arabs have always gotten bad representation in the media,” she continued, pointing specifically to a laughably written Feb. 2 op-ed in The Wall Street Journal titled “Welcome to Dearborn, America’s Jihad Capitol,” which described Dearborn, the largest city with an Arab-immigrant majority in the US, as a hub of sympathizers for “antisemitic terrorism.”

The op-ed was a textbook case of Western journalism: colonizer-centric, Islamophobic, and poorly thought through. But it was still approved for publication, just days after the International Court of Justice, the highest judicial authority in the world, ordered Israel to prevent plausible genocide in Gaza in late January.

After graduating from Wayne State University in 2020, where she majored in broadcast journalism and international studies, Silmi went on to work for Outlier Media, a local Detroit nonprofit newsroom, where she served as an Arabic News Information Reporter. A year later came her first full-time job as a digital reporter with San Antonio Express News, before returning to Outlier Media as a City Hall reporter for the next year and four months.

“I quit [Outlier] for good just about a week before October 7 happened,” Silmi says. “But my decision to quit was nonetheless because of where I come from.”

Silmi’s apprehensions about the industry had been brewing long before the war erupted. In late August 2023, she visited her grandparents who reside in the Mukhayyam Deir ‘Ammar refugee camp just outside Ramallah. That trip became a defining moment, one where Silmi had realized that Western public discourse would likely never be hospitable to frank conversations surrounding the issue of Palestine-Israel.

“It was the first time I was back there, with my family, as a working professional. It made me so emotional,” Silmi says, referring to the violent clashes she witnessed between Israeli soldiers and Palestinians. “I felt like I was trying to do something that was much bigger than me in this industry. There were those before me who tried and couldn’t change the system. I felt naive.”

Silmi maintains that her identity as an Arab and Muslim woman in the industry was generally accepted. “But when it came to my Palestinian identity as a journalist, I faced different expectations,” she says. “During college, many professors and mentors advised me to be cautious about expressing support for Palestine. They suggested keeping my social media clean and avoiding personal views, which I understand is meant to prevent bias and build trust, but my Palestinian identity, having a flag in my Instagram bio for example, is not an opinion. It seemed to be perceived as a personal bias or a red flag, as something controversial.”

In an opinion piece written for Al Jazeera in January and titled, “Why as a Palestinian-American, I had to Leave the News Industry,” Silmi wrote: “For now, I do not believe I can be valued as a journalist by a media industry that delegitimizes and demonizes Palestinian journalists and allows for reporting that incites and justifies attacks against them.”

Silmi now dedicates her time to writing nonfiction and poetry for her Substack newsletter. She is hoping to reenter the industry sometime in the near future, but only if she can contribute work that will positively advance the dialogue surrounding Arab-American and Palestinian communities “in a way that the news industry has so desperately failed to do.”

At 43, Bassam Bounneni has worked as a North Africa correspondent with the BBC for five years, covering high-impact news across Northern Africa and the wider region, from Al Qaeda’s surge in Yemen to Syria’s civil war and Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi’s ouster in 2013.

In early October, the BBC World Service ordered an investigation into seven of Bounneni’s colleagues’ social-media activity after CAMERA, a pro-Israeli media watchdog that claims to monitor “foreign media’s reporting on Israeli-related matters,” claimed that his colleagues had engaged with comments “equating Hamas to freedom fighters.”

The BBC’s response had a sole focus on civilian victims in Israel. Bounneni felt that that was a political stance of the kind “we were constantly told that we were not allowed to take.” He wound up resigning from the corporation. “The industry has reached an impasse and I refuse to be complicit any longer,” he said after writing his resignation.

Bounneni says he was made to feel like his desire to tell stories about Palestinians was due to his own identity. “I don’t need to be an Arab, I don’t need to be a Muslim, to express my solidarity with Palestine, Sudan, and with people suffering from any violent dictatorship across the region.”

Bounneni is now at home in Tunisia, writing a book titled Abarat al-Tawfan, or Expressions From the Deluge, on the mainstream media’s enabling of international war crimes. “The main purpose of this body of work,” he says, “is to establish an accurate, more refined narrative that unequivocally clarifies why the Israel-Palestine conflict is still persisting. [It’s a] narrative that demands accountability from Western governments and the mainstream media for exacerbating the surge of escalations through their embrace of supremacist ideologies.”

Ibrahim Samra, 28, is a Palestinian American, award-winning multimedia journalist, born and raised in Chicago. Notorious in his community for his constant commentary from the sidelines of school basketball games since the age of 15, and his persistent, theatrically exaggerated imitations of news anchors that he so lovingly crafted to elicit laughter from his family during his childhood, Samra feels most fulfilled when making others smile. “It brings so much joy to my heart,” he tells me.

“I always wonder why I am wired that way. That my inner elation depends on delivering happiness to everyone around me,” Samra says. “I realize that the need to see others happy is a cover-up for all the pain I have deep inside me: The pain of seeing the people I love hurt; the people I love die; the people I love cry; the people I love ignored; most of all, the people I love killed in ‘wars.’”

As a Palestinian American Muslim living in the post-9/11 era, Samra has experienced the unique struggles of a community he believes has often been deeply misunderstood. “I’ve seen families just like mine pushed to the edge, their stories untold, their pain unseen,” he says.

In 2022, CBS News recruited Samra to serve as a multimedia reporter in their Detroit station. In almost no time, he earned national recognition for his work, winning the Arab American Foundation’s “30 under 30” award in 2023 for his coverage of metro Detroit, including Dearborn.

Samra says he felt like he could have a “genuine voice in a budding newsroom.” But then came October 7.

According to a lawsuit filed in the Eastern District of Michigan in March, Samra repeatedly voiced his concerns about biased reporting on the war. But the CBS station, the lawsuit alleges, “continued to entirely omit any mention of Palestine, Palestinians, Gaza, or the Palestinian- and Arab-American families affected by the war.” (CBS has declined to comment on the suit.)

By December, according to the suit, Samra had faced severe scrutiny and social-media surveillance for his online posts, which he maintained were merely re-shares of credible news accounts from his Palestinian colleagues coming out of Gaza. He was even quizzed about Hamas. A few weeks later, Samra was already notifying his supervisors of feeling alienated and mistreated as the sole Palestinian employee at the station. At that point, Samra had been stripped of his assigned community with his work hours drastically reduced, according to the lawsuit. By February, Samra had filed a formal investigation into the Detroit station’s coverage practices.

“What there is evidence of is an investigation into CBS Detroit’s significant ‘political stance’ for Israel during the first three months of the war, which is against CBS policy,” he wrote. “Yet another intentional target that has been put on my back for covering the community I was assigned to cover.”

Less than two hours after sending the e-mail, Samra was fired.

“It’s not just me. Great quality reporters across the country are losing their jobs over this,” Samra says. “It is to no fault of ours that the system that exists here in America is broken. This is not real journalism—not the kind I want to be a part of anyway.”

Samra invites all journalists to never lose sight of the fact that they can be a final bastion of defense between life and death. “What we write, report or film can decide the fate of anyone’s family,” he says, adding, “It already has.”

He adds, “My advice…to all those entering the field is this: You owe nothing to anyone, except the truth. It will be difficult. You will be tested and, at times, you will be denied the same rights as others. But please never stop fighting until the increasingly intolerant system accepts us all.”

As many reflect on seventeen years of a land, air and sea blockade, over 75 years of a lethal occupation, and nearly a year of relentless genocide, I am imploring, with a level of desperation that borders on madness, that fellow reporters resist the journalistic pull to sacrifice their most human quality: their moral conscience.

While it is hardly unusual to see lopsided coverage prioritizing Israeli perspectives in the West, the backdrop of genocide—the civilian carnage in Gaza; the tens of thousands of Palestinians, including children, held captive in Israeli prisons; the systematic Israeli use of torture and rape—makes this period of journalistic dereliction all the more outrageous. It makes the institutionalized, deeply implanted anti-Palestinian biases that are allowing this horror with no restraint even more chilling.

But despite this, information is still getting through. We know about Israel’s crimes against humanity first and foremost because of the noble Palestinians in Gaza who are simultaneously gasping for breath while logging dispatches of their own genocide. We can also never forget the conscientious individuals elsewhere in the world who have run their own risks to tell the real story of Gaza—to produce what will one day be regarded as historical fact.

Just a month before the October 7 assault, Nadia Murad, a Nobel Peace Prize winner and Iraqi human rights activist who escaped in 2014 from ISIL’s war on Yazidis, wrote the preface to the Global Investigative Journalism Network’s Guide to Investigating War Crimes. There, she emphasized the indispensable role journalists play for those whose lives, and identities, have been framed by terror.

I am reminded, every so often, of the valuable weight Murad’s words hold. “I would urge investigative journalists to look for us, and look for us earlier, the hidden and the vulnerable, before the atrocities start,” she wrote. “You are, quite often, our only hope.”

 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

 

Hoda Sherif is an investigative reporter and writer based in Cairo and New York

First-Ever DNC Panel on Palestinian Rights: We Need to “Restore the Soul of the Democratic Party”--DEMOCRACY NOW!

First-Ever DNC Panel on Palestinian Rights: We Need to “Restore the Soul of the Democratic Party”



Democracy Now!

August 20, 2024

VIDEO: 


This year, the Democratic National Convention held its first-ever panel on Palestinian human rights. The panel came after persistent grassroots organizing against U.S. support for Israel’s assault on Gaza. We play excerpts, including from the Arab American Institute’s James Zogby, a former executive member of the Democratic National Committee; Dr. Tanya Haj-Hassan, a pediatric intensive care surgeon who recently worked in Gaza; and Layla Elabed, co-chair of the Uncommitted National Movement. Later that day, during President Biden’s convention speech, protesters standing near the Florida delegation unfolded a banner proclaiming “Stop Arming Israel.” Democracy Now was at the scene. We speak with one of the protesting delegates, Liano Sharon, an elected DNC delegate from Michigan, as he was escorted off the convention floor. Sharon, who is Jewish, told Democracy Now! that he participated in the action because “'never again' means never again for anyone, anywhere, ever, period.”


Transcript:  
https://www.democracynow.org/2024/8/2…


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Journalist, Activist, Critic, and Media Organizer Medhi Hasan on Gaza and the Double standards Of U.S. Democratic Politicians and Media in their public coverage of what is actually happening in Palestine and Why

BREAKING: Democrats Deny Request for Palestinian Voice on Their Convention Stage
 
Watch Mehdi’s exclusive roundtable in Chicago with Uncommitted activists and Democratic politicians discussing Gaza and double standards. 
 


Team Zeteo and Mehdi Hasan
August 22, 2024
Zeteo
 
CHICAGO – In this special episode of ‘Mehdi Unfiltered’, we’re at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, around the corner from the United Center, at the Palestinian-American owned OUD Coffee and Cafe. Mehdi is joined in this exclusive interview with prominent voices from the Uncommitted Movement – and just moments after it was revealed that the DNC would not be allowing a Palestinian to speak at the convention.

Joining ‘Mehdi Unfiltered’ are co-chair of the Uncommitted Movement Layla Elabed, who briefly spoke with Vice President Harris recently; former U.S. Representative from Michigan Andy Levin, a progressive, Jewish critic of Israel; and Georgia State Representative Ruwa Romman, the first Muslim-American woman, and first Palestinian-American to be elected to the state’s House of Representatives.

Just minutes before this recording began, the panel got word that the DNC officially confirmed a Palestinian speaker would not be brought to speak on stage at the convention on Thursday, despite officials suggesting to the movement earlier that it could happen. The DNC had gone so far as shortlisting potential speakers, according to unnamed members of the movement who spoke to Zeteo.

“I really thought I could take something back after this week,” Romman said. “And now I don’t know what I’m going to say to [my community].” Romman was the Palestinian-American who most likely would have been the speaker on stage Thursday evening.

The Uncommitted Movement has been a prominent anti-war, pro-Palestinian coalition that’s secured more than 700,000 votes during the Democratic Party primaries, including more than 100,000 in the swing state of Michigan alone. It has thirty delegates from 8 states here at the DNC.

So, how does the movement feel after the DNC denied a Palestinian voice a spot on the convention stage, especially after they featured the parents of an Israeli-American hostage in Gaza on stage Wednesday night? Do members believe they’ve made headway with the Democratic party in recent months, what’s been happening behind-the-scenes? And, the big questions, what happens next – and what’s the plan for November?

Watch the full conversation above and join the conversation in the comments below!




Prominent Journalist, Social critic, and author Ta-Nehisi Coates on the the Uncommitted Movement's Desperate Struggle To Have a Palestinian American speak to the American People on the Main stage of the Democratic National Convention in Chicago

 
OPINION
 
A Palestinian American’s Place Under the Democrats’ Big Tent?

Though the Uncommitted movement is lobbying to get a Palestinian American on the main stage, the Harris campaign has not yet approved one. Will there be a change before Thursday—and does the Democratic party want that?

by Ta-Nehisi Coates
August 21, 2024
Variety Fair

PHOTO:  The DNC stage during the second day of the Convention at the United Center on August 20, 2024 in Chicago, Illinois.By Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images.

At some point during the first evening of the Democratic National Convention, somewhere between the land acknowledgements and the Jesse Jackson tribute, it occurred to me how relatively few white people I was seeing on the program. They were there, of course, and by the end of the night, white speakers seemed, if not a majority, then at least a plurality. I don’t know if that first day looked like America, but it certainly looked like what people who use the phrase “look like America” imagine the country to be. A wave of edgy jokes flooded my various group chats. I was happy to contribute, but the truth is I’m a lover not a fighter, and thus sincerely believe in the meaning of the symbolic as something beyond cynical political manipulation. In the case of the DNC, the symbols communicated the breadth of the Democratic Party’s coalition, as well as its limits. Perhaps that’s why I’ve spent the past two days sweating the one major omission of the party that claims diversity as its strength.

The host city for the DNC is Chicago, whose metro area is home to more Palestinian Americans than anywhere else in the country. But you would not know this looking at that stage. Despite the appeals of Palestinian American delegates and activists, no Palestinian American is scheduled to address the convention from the main stage. I suspect this is because of what such a speaker might feel compelled to say. In response to the massacre perpetrated by Hamas last October, the state of Israel has killed some 40,000 Palestinian people. The intention behind this carnage has been declared openly. “We are fighting human animals,” Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant has said. “And we are acting accordingly.” Acting accordingly has meant the erasing of roughly two percent of the entire population of the Gaza Strip, a fact not to be mourned since, according to Israeli President Isaac Herzog, “There are no innocent civilians in Gaza.”

The most destructive bombs that have actualized this rhetoric of extermination are being furnished by America, and more specifically, by the head of the Democratic party. In February, as President Joe Biden sought to seal the nomination from that party, activists in Michigan rallied registering voters in the state to check “uncommitted” as a protest against the Biden administration’s backing of the war. The campaign garnered 13 percent of the vote and quickly spread to other states. By Democratic party rules, this entitled the Uncommitted movement to 29 delegates, who are here in Chicago to press their case against what has been labeled, convincingly I might add, a genocide.


On Tuesday, the Uncommitted co-founders Abbas Alawieh and Layla Elabed hosted a group of doctors who’d been to Gaza to speak to a group of reporters on what they saw. Alawieh opened on an optimistic note. “Vice President Harris is engaging with us on this issue,” he told assembled press. “We do view that as a step in the right direction.” But he noted that their request for a “Palestinian voice” to take the stage had not yet received a “yes.” As important as this request was, it was also secondary to the group’s ultimate aim: “Stop sending bombs,” Alawieh said.

The assembled doctors were charged with making the import of these bombs apparent. Their testimony was bracing. They spoke of a campaign that was “destroying life and everything needed to sustain it,” of “entire families exterminated.” Dr. Tammy Abughnaim, a Chicagoan, said that when she was practicing in Gaza in March, she was hopeful for a quick end. “I remember thinking this will be over soon. This has to be over soon,” she said. Instead, conditions had only gotten worse. “Every single child in the Gaza strip is either undernourished or malnourished. Every single child is in need of psychological care that they will not get for a long time.”


Dr. Ahmad Yousaf, a pediatrician who did shifts in Al Aqsa hospital in Gaza, told us about his first day in the trauma bay. “We could hear the bombs and we knew the people would come in pieces,” he said. He described a woman brought in with burns over 70 percent of her body, “a death sentence in a place with no gauze and no water.” And then the doctors made a discovery—the woman was pregnant. He imagined this “pregnant woman sitting in her home until a bomb dropped on her head.” After that, he said, “every day she lived, until the day she died, she was in pain.”


Read the Book Here



I saw then that Alawieh and Elabed were both openly weeping—as were a number of doctors. I took this as a testament to the intimacy of the violence being visited upon Gaza and now spreading out into the West Bank. Elabed’s mother’s family is from Beit Ur, a village on the West Bank, where conditions have only worsened since the onset of war. “When I talk to my cousins and family members, they’re just trying to survive. They don’t have the freedom of movement,” she told me. “They’re trying to keep their heads down.”

Alawieh’s family is from South Lebanon, and one of his defining childhood memories is the bombs dropped during the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. For most of the presser he and Elabed projected a diplomatic open posture toward a party which seemed to hold them, and their community, at arm’s length. But by the end, during the Q&A with reporters, the pain broke through. “President Biden, you are lying to us,” Abbas said. “You are lying when you say you are working for a ceasefire, but you are sending more and more bombs that are killing babies…The question is to president Biden, do you want your final act to be sending more bombs to blow more children up? Is that what you want your final act to be?”

This is a formulation that depends on seeing Palestinians, and Palestinian life, with the same clarity as all other human life. One way this clarity and equality is expressed in our society is through our arts, our media, our public rituals—rituals like national political conventions. Maybe more than in any other year, this DNC has urged its various constituencies to highlight their identities and the collective pain that animates them. Racism, forced birth, land theft. It has been an exhibition of what the Palestinian scholar Edward Said called “the permission to narrate,” and it is that permission that Palestinian Americans have been denied. They have heard their names mentioned fleetingly by a handful of speakers but have not been granted the right to speak their names themselves. Perhaps that is for fear of what else a Palestinian American speaker might name. I cannot say that fear is unwarranted.

PHOTO: Attendees hold up signs with the names of people who died in the Gaza war on the second day of the Democratic National Convention.by ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / AFP / Getty Images.


Last summer I spent ten days traveling the lands under Israeli rule. What I saw was hauntingly familiar. For as sure as my ancestors were born into a country where none of them was the equal of any white man, Israel is a state where no Palestinian is ever the equal of any Jewish person. In Israel itself, I met with Palestinians who were nominally empowered, with the right to vote. But unlike their Jewish countrymen, these Palestinians could not pass on their citizenship to spouses and children. Moreover, discrimination against them was perfectly legal. Frequently they were the subject of outright racism, as when Netanyahu warned his country during the 2016 election that “the right-wing government is in danger. Arab voters are heading to the polling stations in droves.”

Palestinians in the occupied West Bank are packed onto an archipelago of land. There they have enjoyed local elections through the Palestinian Authority. But that authority is still subordinate to Israeli rule, which Palestinians can neither vote for or against. Meanwhile, their neighbors, Israeli settlers, enjoy the full benefits of Israeli citizenship. And then there is Gaza, which had alarmed human rights advocates and public-health officials well before last October. For 17 years, the people of Gaza have been trapped by a blockade that extends across air, sea, and land. Gaza is commonly referred to as the largest open-air prison in the world, and it is here that so many American bombs have been dropped.


Israel and its defenders often claim that it is the “only democracy in the Middle East.” But what I saw was an ethnocracy, where half the people are first-class citizens, and the other half are something less. And this is a system sponsored and endorsed by the United States of America. The endorsement is not contradictory. For most of its history, America too was an ethnocracy in democratic clothing. The ostensible triumph over that old system, which we call Jim Crow, is one of the most uplifting stories America tells itself, one that has been repeatedly invoked at the DNC. How odd I find it that a people, presently brutalized by a similar system, whose relatives are being erased by that system’s wanton violence, are also being erased from the stage.


As of Tuesday night, the Uncommitted delegates were still hopeful. Alawieh told me they’d managed to recruit a total of 210 delegates to the cause of ceasefire. The energy from their movement was palpable. In McCormick Place and the United Center, it was relatively common to see people in keffiyehs emblazoned with the tag “Democrats for Palestinian Rights,” and they’d be surrounded by other curious convention-goers or media. When we last spoke, Alawieh was still hopeful that one of the speakers they’d submitted would be approved. “We haven’t gotten a no, yet.” The DNC confirmed to me there is not yet a no, but there is not yet a yes—I was told that “there was no update.”


As of Day 3 of the DNC, the Palestinian permission to narrate was still under consideration.

Uncommitted’ Democrats demand Palestinian-American speaker at DNC

WATCH: ‘Uncommitted’ Democrats demand Palestinian-American speaker at DNC

VIDEO:   https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8_uyVIE1Apg


 

In Tribute To and Memory Of Dr. Robert L. Allen (1942-2024): Major black public intellectual, historian, journalist, scholar, writer, critic, teacher, and activist

https://www.nps.gov/poch/learn/historyculture/dr-robert-l-allen.htm

Port Chicago Naval Magazine

National Memorial California

Dr. Robert L. Allen (1942-2024)


Dr. Robert L. Allen, speaking at the 2013 Port Chicago Commemoration. NPS Photo/L Bailey

Dr. Robert L. Allen: A Life of Scholarship and Activism in Pursuit of Justice

Dr. Robert L. Allen, a distinguished scholar, historian, and civil rights activist, passed away on July 10, 2024. His life's work, encapsulated in his seminal book "The Port Chicago Mutiny," illuminated the injustices faced by African American sailors during World War II and underscored his unwavering commitment to social justice.

Born in Atlanta, Georgia, on May 29, 1942, at Harris Memorial Hospital on Hunter Street, Allen's early life experiences with racial and economic inequalities profoundly shaped his worldview. His parents' community activism instilled in him the values of education, hard work, and justice. He attended E. R. Carter Elementary School and Booker T. Washington High School, both in Atlanta, which further solidified his commitment to social justice and community service.

Allen's academic journey began at Morehouse College, where he earned a Bachelor of Arts in 1963 and was a member of Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity. During his time at Morehouse, he spent an undergraduate year studying in Vienna, Austria, as a Merrill Scholar. He continued his education with graduate work at Columbia University and the New School for Social Research in New York City, eventually completing his Ph.D. in Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. His doctoral research on racial dynamics within labor movements set the stage for his future scholarly endeavors.

In 1989, Dr. Allen published "The Port Chicago Mutiny," a meticulously researched account of the 1944 explosion at the Port Chicago Naval Magazine in California, which killed 320 men, most of them African American. The subsequent strike by surviving African American sailors, protesting unsafe and segregated working conditions, and the Navy's harsh response highlighted the racial discrimination entrenched in the military and society. Allen's work brought this forgotten chapter of history into public consciousness, advocating for recognition and justice for the Port Chicago 50.

Beyond "The Port Chicago Mutiny," Dr. Allen authored several influential works, including "Black Awakening in Capitalist America," "Reluctant Reformers: Racism and Social Reform Movements in the United States," and "Brotherman: The Odyssey of Black Men in America," co-authored with Herb Boyd. His scholarship consistently focused on uncovering the systemic roots of oppression and offering critical insights into the interconnected struggles of marginalized communities.

The Port Chicago Mutiny by Dr. Robert L. Allen. Source image. 

The Port Chicago Mutiny: The Story of the Largest Mass Mutiny Trial in U.S. Naval History (Heyday Books, 1989, republished 2006): 


Legacy of Excellence in Academia and Activism

As a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, Allen was known for his dynamic teaching style and ability to connect historical events to contemporary issues. His courses on African American history, social movements, and labor studies inspired countless students. His advocacy work extended beyond academia to community centers, schools, and prisons, where he empowered disenfranchised individuals and communities.

Dr. Allen's contributions to literature and scholarship were recognized with numerous awards and honors. His accolades reflect his profound impact on the fields of history, sociology, and African American studies.

Despite his many achievements, Dr. Allen remained deeply committed to the ongoing struggle for justice. He continued to write, lecture, and participate in activism, driven by the belief that the lessons of the past are crucial for building a more equitable future. His legacy as a scholar and activist serves as a powerful reminder of the enduring fight against racism and the importance of preserving the stories of those who have bravely confronted it.

Dr. Robert L. Allen's passing is a significant loss to the academic and civil rights communities. His life's work exemplifies the power of scholarship to effect social change, and his legacy will undoubtedly inspire future generations to continue the work he so passionately championed.


Additional Influential Works by Dr. Robert L. Allen:


Dr. Robert L. Allen, a prominent scholar and civil rights activist, authored several influential works that focus on racial equality, social justice, and labor history. His notable publications include:

"Black Awakening in Capitalist America: An Analytic History" (1969):


This book examines the rise of Black Power movements and the economic conditions that fueled them, offering critical insights into the intersections of race and capitalism. Published by Doubleday in 1969, it has been described as seminal in the field of Internal Colonialism Theory and remains a significant work in understanding Black liberation movements of the 1960s.

"Reluctant Reformers: Racism and Social Reform Movements in the United States" (1974):


This work analyzes the history of social reform movements in the U.S. and their often ambivalent relationship with issues of racial justice. It is a critical exploration of how these movements have interacted with and been influenced by racial dynamics.

"Brotherman: The Odyssey of Black Men in America" (1996):


Co-authored with Herb Boyd, this anthology presents a collection of essays and stories exploring the experiences and challenges faced by African American men throughout history. The book delves into various aspects of the Black male experience in America, providing a multifaceted view of their struggles and achievements.

"Strong in the Struggle: My Life as a Black Labor Activist" (2001):


This autobiography of Lee Brown, co-written by Allen, details the life of a Black labor activist and his contributions to the labor movement. It highlights the personal and political battles fought by Brown in his quest for labor rights and racial justice.

"The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters: C.L. Dellums and the Fight for Fair Treatment and Civil Rights":

This book delves into the history of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, focusing on the significant role of C.L. Dellums in the fight for civil rights and labor equality. It is a detailed account of the challenges and triumphs faced by this pioneering labor union.

Dr. Allen also served as Senior Editor and writer for The Black Scholar journal and co-founded the small press Wild Trees Press with Alice Walker. His extensive body of work, including numerous articles and essays, has had a lasting impact on the fields of African American studies and social justice advocacy.

https://www.heydaybooks.com/catalog/the-port-chicago-mutiny/

The Port Chicago Mutiny
Paperback, 6 x 9, with 16 pages of b&w photos, 244 pages.
ISBN: 9781597140287.

by Robert L. Allen

During World War II, Port Chicago was a segregated naval munitions base on the outer shores of San Francisco Bay. Black seamen were required to load ammunition onto ships bound for the South Pacific under the watch of their white officers—an incredibly dangerous and physically challenging task.

On July 17, 1944, an explosion rocked the base, killing 320 men—202 of whom were black ammunition loaders. In the ensuing weeks, white officers were given leave time and commended for heroic efforts, whereas 328 of the surviving black enlistees were sent to load ammunition on another ship. When they refused, fifty men were singled out and charged—and convicted—of mutiny. It was the largest mutiny trial in U.S. naval history. First published in 1989, The Port Chicago Mutiny is a thorough and riveting work of civil rights literature, and with a new preface and epilogue by the author emphasize the event’s relevance today.

Published in collaboration with the Equal Justice Society.

 

https://update.lib.berkeley.edu/2020/07/16/port-chicago-commemoration-release-of-robert-l-allen-oral-history/ 

Port Chicago Commemoration – Release of Robert L. Allen Oral History

Photo of Robert Allen, 1967
Robert Allen, 1967

In many respects, the life of Robert Allen proves as extraordinary as the many African American men and women whose stories he brought to light through nearly fifty years of writing and scholarship. Born in 1942, Allen grew up in segregated Atlanta where he experienced firsthand the harsh realities of racism, the complicated divisions which ran through the Black community, and the bridges of solidarity that ultimately helped forge the Civil Rights Movement. A graduate of Morehouse College, he moved to New York City in the early 1960s where he abandoned an internship with IBM for a reporting job with the National Guardian. As the publication’s first Black journalist, Allen became a leading voice in documenting the African American experience in the City and the growing intersection between the Civil Rights and Anti-War Movements. In 1967, that intersection became personal as Allen formally refused his draft notice and formed the anti-draft group African Americans for Survival. That same year, his work with the National Guardian allowed him the rare opportunity to explore that same intersection on the international level, attending the International Peace Conference in Czechoslovakia, as well as a multi-week tour of both North and South Vietnam. In 1968, Allen moved to the Bay Area of California to head up the publication’s San Francisco office. It was a region the native Atlantan would come to call home.

Photo of The Black Scholar 5th Anniversary, Photo by Cleveland Glover
The Black Scholar, 5th Anniversary (photo by Cleveland Glover)

The Bay Area not only once again gave Allen a front row seat to national change, it also proved a fertile ground for his growing intellectual interests and curiosity. He had earned a master’s degree in sociology from The New School during his time in New York City, and continued his studies in California with a doctorate from UC San Francisco. In 1975, he began serving as senior editor for The Black Scholar, a position he would hold for the next thirty-seven years. During Allen’s tenure, The Black Scholar became one of the most influential journals of Black Studies in the country, tackling the most pressing issues of the African American community through both its journal and book series. At the same time, his scholarly career began to take footing in the more traditional academic environments, holding positions at San Jose State, Mills College, and UC Berkeley, where he taught in the African American and Ethnic Studies Departments from 1993 to 2012.  

The author and editor of many books on the African American experience, Allen is best known for his 1989 book, The Port Chicago Mutiny, which recounted the untold story of the military explosion that cost the lives of 320 African American men and led to the largest mutiny trial in military history. As Allen discusses in his oral history, he stumbled onto the story by accident in other research during the 1970s, not knowing at all what he had discovered or the impact the story would ultimately have. Shortly after publication, his research and work on the Port Chicago Explosion had earned him a Resolution of Commendation from the California State Assembly, as well as a Northern California Emmy Award for the television documentary—rare honors for an academic and writer. And over the years, the impact of the story continued to grow. By 1994, a memorial was formally established at the site, and in 2009, with the signature of President Barack Obama, the Port Chicago Naval Magazine National Memorial was officially created.

Photo of Robert Allen on 1967 Vietnam Tour
Robert Allen on 1967 Vietnam Tour

In collaboration with our partner and sponsor, the National Park Service, the Oral History Center is pleased to release Robert Allen: From Segregated Atlanta to UC Berkeley, A Life of Activism and African American Scholarship, as well Allen’s digitized oral histories with Port Chicago survivors, Moreover, the OHC is proud to join the National Park Service in commemorating the 76th Anniversary of the Port Chicago Explosion.

 

Additional Robert L. Allen collections:

Robert Allen Port Chicago Papers

Robert L. Allen Bancroft Library Papers


Sources:

US Naval Institute (U.S. Naval Institute)
Port Chicago Alliance (Port Chicago Alliance)
UC Berkeley Library Update (UC Berkeley Library Update - Update)


RIP Robert L. Allen, a Black scholar in every sense of the words

The author is best known for his 1989 book The Port Chicago Mutiny, about a 1944 incident which saw 256 Black sailors unjustly court-martialed and who were recently exonerated

by Herb Boyd
July 19, 2024
Detroit Metro Times 

Robert L. Allen in 1967. - University of California, Berkeley
University of California, Berkeley
Robert L. Allen in 1967

News that the U.S. Navy had exonerated 256 Black sailors who were unjustly court-martialed in 1944 following the Port Chicago explosion in California was all the alert I needed to contact my friend and co-editor, Robert Allen. I wanted to chat with him about the news since it was his 1989 book The Port Chicago Mutiny that enlightened me about the incident. I was curious if the news reports would mention his account and ask him for a quote. It was merely by chance that in seeking that information I learned Robert had died on July 10, a week before the sailors were exonerated. One piece of good news led me to some bad news. He was 82.

Long before our lives intersected, I knew of him through his activist journalism in his richly informative book Black Awakening in Capitalist America (1969), and his articles in the National Guardian, a radical newsweekly. When I began submitting articles to the Black Scholar journal, where he was among the founding editors, our relationship blossomed. Nearly a generation went by before we began our collaboration on the anthology Brotherman: The Odyssey of Black Men in America (1995). A shared division of labor on the project brought us closer together and I learned what a skilled editor he was and how self-effacing he could be. It was also during a time when his relationship with Alice Walker was coming to an end.

Robert was born on May 29, 1942, in Atlanta, Georgia, at Harris Memorial Hospital on Hunter Street. His parents were community activists and it wasn’t long before he too was involved in social and political fights for equal justice. He attended the E.R. Carter Elementary School and Booker T. Washington High School, both in Atlanta. His academic journey continued at Morehouse College, where he earned a Bachelor of Arts in 1963 and was a member of the Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity. He spent an undergraduate year studying in Vienna, Austria, as a Merrill Scholar. In New York City he did graduate work at Columbia University and the New School for Social Research.