JOHN A. WILLIAMS
b. December 5, 1925—d. July 3, 2015
FRANTZ FANON
b. July 20, 1925—d. December 6, 1961
PATRICE LUMUMBA
b. July 2, 1925—d. January 17, 1961
MEDGAR EVERS
b. July 2, 1925—d. June 12, 1963
MALCOLM X
b. May 19, 1925—d. February 21, 1965
Malcolm X’s press conference in the United States after returning from Mecca in 1964:
VIDEO: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tuHYZdf-ad0
--Kofi Natambu, The Panopticon Review, May 19, 2010: A Tribute to Malcolm X on His 85th Birthday
by Kofi Natambu
Alpha Books, 2002
[Critical Lives of the 20th Century series]
https://panopticonreview.blogspot.com/…/a-tribute-to-malcol…
FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES
(Originally posted on May 19, 2010):
Wednesday, May 19, 2010
A Tribute to Malcolm X on His 85th Birthday
All,
Malcolm X was born Malcolm Little on this day in Omaha, Nebraska in 1925 and was assassinated at the age of 39 on February 21, 1965 in New York's Harlem. In between those two events Malcolm lived one of the most complex, profound, dynamic, and iconic lives of the 20th century and had--as he continues to have--a tremendous impact and influence on millions of people throughout not only the United States but the entire globe. How he managed to accomplish this massive feat despite the extremely severe and pervasive racist oppression and exploitation routinely inflicted upon all African Americans of his generation--and the decided lack of official social, economic, and cultural status especially accorded those like Malcolm who fiercely organized masses of people to oppose and resist such treatment--is one of the major accomplishments of modern African American history and marks Malcolm's revolutionary contributions to global political, spiritual, and cultural thought and activism as one of the most important and powerful legacies of any individual in the world during the 20th century. In my view Malcolm remains the most intellectually and socially significant, advanced, and innovative African American political leader since W.E.B. Du Bois because he represented and embodied not only a deep, analytical understanding and insight into the myriad dialectical complexities and contradictions of African American life and culture, but he also understood and expressed in a particularly nuanced and organic manner just how the specific ideological and cultural dynamics of race and class in the United States affected the tone and identity of national liberation struggles both here and abroad. In addition Malcolm's deeply rooted disaporic connections to international Third World and Pan African movements in the colonial and postcolonial contexts of European and American hegemony over Africa, Latin America, and Asia--and the pervasive revolutionary anticolonial struggles against such domination and control in these societies--played a major role in also making Malcolm one of the leading global activists on behalf of anti- imperialist movements.
In 2002 I published a historical and political biography on Malcolm entitled 'The Life and Work of Malcolm X.' What follows below is the introduction to that text. It is in the spirit of great love and solidarity that we make these gestures in celebration of Malcolm's 85th birthday. May his extraordinary work and stellar personal example continue to lead and inspire us all.
Kofi
THE TRUE GENIUS OF MALCOLM X
by Kofi Natambu
“I know that societies have often killed the people who have helped to change those societies. And if I can die having brought any light, having exposed any meaningful truth that will help to destroy the racist cancer that is malignant in the body of America--then, all the credit is due to Allah. Only the mistakes have been mine."
--The Autobiography of Malcolm X (as told to Alex Haley), 1965
“It is incorrect to classify the revolt of the Negro as simply a racial conflict of Black against white, or as a purely American problem. Rather, we are today seeing a global rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, the exploited against the exploiter.”
--Malcolm X, Barnard College, February 18, 1965
We live in an age of profound dishonesty, fear, hatred and timid equivocation. A dangerously facile cynicism, coupled with a soul-numbing infantilism has infected our society, rendering us seemingly powerless to productively affect or direct our lives. Too often ignorance and a smug reliance on easy orthodoxies of all kinds lend an illusory quality to our collective despair, lost as we often are on the beaches of loneliness and indecision. What’s worse is that so many of our so-called “leaders” lack any genuine intellectual, political, ethical, or moral energy to propose directions, methods, and ideas that require much more than adolescent posturing or punitive edicts. Opportunism and careerism rule the day, informed as they are by the insipid “pay me” principle, which ensures that ‘incidental’ things like integrity, discipline, compassion, generosity, and intelligence--the kind that gives one the opportunity to think, reflect, and act instead of foreclosing those possibilities—won’t deeply inform and provide ballast for our insights and desires.
Which brings me to Malcolm X, also known as Malcolm Little, ‘Detroit Red’, ‘Satan’ and finally, El Hajj Malik El-Shabazz. The black man with many names, green eyes and red hair who didn’t live to see the age of forty but who lived a multitude of lives anyway. The black man from Omaha, Lansing, Detroit, Boston, and New York who lived to befriend, work with, inspire, confound, educate, learn from, and transform people and cultures and political and economic and cultural and religious systems and values on three continents, and who lived to tell his/their/our stories. The black man who spoke a bewildering number of languages from African American swing, bebop, and blues tonalities, in all of their ultra hip vernacular modes and dimensions to the mellifluously flowing nuances & inflections of Arabic, Creole, Yoruba, and Chinese stews fermenting with the ancient elixirs of their myriad linguistic, spiritual, and cultural traditions.
You see, Malcolm sought at all times and under every conceivable circumstance to know, and so knowledge returned the favor. Knowledge, whose handmaiden is faith, is something Malcolm “knew” well because experience was valuable to him, and he never took what it could reveal to him for granted. Even in the ugly basement of his own temporary confusions and stupidities, frustrations and disappointments, Malcolm always sought to know, to “truly understand and examine” that which he had been told was (or was not) “real.” He wasn’t content to find an easy niche and lie there, swatting flies and muttering everyday homilies. He understood, which is to say, appreciated the effort, time, and commitment that it took to “know” and “understand” anything, anyone, anywhere. He wanted always, to know more, and think more, and express more, and give more, and create more and expect more, and feel more, and experience more. It wasn’t enough for him to merely embrace an idea, action, or stance. He “knew” better. He had been taught by everyone and everything he had ever encountered to always critically question what he was “being told.” Not in order to checkmate some hapless opponent ‘Homer Simpson’ style, but to ask, endlessly and creatively, and forcefully, and quietly and loudly and gently and brusquely ASK not merely who, what, when, where, and how, but the “heavy duty” WHY(?)
Malcolm realized it would always take more than he was able or willing to give but he freely gave anyway, knowing that his ego or his pain or his ignorance or his fear would be inadequate. But because he gave, and believed in giving, and knew and understood the limitations of fame, money, “suckcess,” and “identity” he was able, always, to supplant his former achievements and establish, build, work for, and embody still higher and different accomplishments. Malcolm wasn’t ‘hemmed in’ by politics or religion or ideology. He understood that in order to “live what you teach” and aspire to learning more required that one become a student of life. What made Malcolm so important is that he never lost faith in his ability to change, and be changed by, the world. But not merely the world we inherit but the world(s) we make and change and know and then (re)make again and again. Malcolm represented what Amilcar Cabral, the West African revolutionary meant when he said “Tell no lies, claim no easy victories.” He also knew why Frantz Fanon added “Every generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it.” And oh yeah, this one: “To whom much is given, much is expected.” Malcolm also knew that what is “true” is not necessarily “real” or vice versa. There were no “virtual realities” for him. No ‘Survivor’-induced lies from the deadly jungles of corporate gangsters & advertising executive suites for him. Only the “true” and the “real” in an exquisitely dialectical and yes yall, dialogical dance would ever suffice for Malcolm X, the known, but unknown one. As Miles Davis once said “Hate is like Love--they both build momentum.” The ‘X’ in Malcolm’s life was the algebra of possibilities to know and then gradually, inevitably “not know” so that knowledge and activity could find some new and fresh ways to connect and reconnect, combine and recombine in finally more useful and interesting ways. The ‘X’ is the African American in the diaspora finding his/her way “back home” to the selves that were always already “black” and will be again and again no matter what ‘colors’ we’re compelled to be. That, for Malcolm and his ‘X’ is what made it possible for him to insist on the eternally real and true core of the matter, which was and is and always will be our ‘Human Rights’, our Human Being Hood. He didn’t mean this in any pollyanna, namby-pamby, let’s-all hold-hands-and pretend-we’re-all-the-same-suckers-singing-songs-together manner either. No. His aim was simultaneously much higher and deeper than that. ‘Freedom is for the Free’. Which is to say, for those willing to pay the price. The price is always our very lives as in “You know the stakes is high.” Malcolm told us this truth over and over again. And no man or woman can possibly give or take away that freedom--unless we “allow” them to.
That is the TRUE genius of Malcolm X. He realized the sheer simplicity, which is to say, bone-crushing difficulty of what it means to be a “genius” and share that great capacity for love, thought, and action with the world/whirl. Malcolm looked & saw that genius is not something we are but something we do. That is his profound legacy to “his people” which is finally anyone who “really & truly” wants to be free & is more than willing to “pay the price.” The last words of his Autobiography quoted at the start of this soliloquy remind us so eloquently of his actual legacy to those of us who are not afraid to make a contribution to not merely the ‘concept’ of liberation, but the living, breathing necessity of it. That’s real & true...like Malcolm himself. This book is an attempt to recognize and express that fact.
Kofi Natambu
May 23, 2001
Oakland, California
MALCOLM X AT THE OXFORD UNION IN DECEMBER, 1964:
Malcolm X: Complete audio recording of Oxford University Debate December 3, 1964
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fmrOOFJ12_I
Non-Fiction
‘The Night Malcolm X Spoke at the Oxford Union’,
by Stephen Tuck
A vivid reconstruction of the black revolutionary’s visit to Oxford
Review by Christopher Phelps
December 12, 2014
Financial Times
On December 3 1964, the black revolutionary Malcolm X graced the Oxford Union’s end-of-term debate in support of the proposition, “Extremism in the defence of liberty is no vice.” It was a sly pairing of motion and advocate. Not only did the media routinely dismiss Malcolm X as an extremist but the phrase had first been uttered by Barry Goldwater, that year’s ultraconservative Republican nominee for the American presidency, who maintained that a federal guarantee of civil rights in public accommodation would be an unconstitutional constraint on the liberty of business owners to serve whomever they pleased.
Somehow Oxford’s students did not vote to declare extremism a virtue. Nevertheless, the clear rhetorical victor was Malcolm X. “Extremism” was a word, he maintained, used to stigmatise bold proponents of freedom and equality such as the Congo’s recently assassinated leader Patrice Lumumba. His closing passage quoted Shakespeare, with Hamlet’s “to be or not to be” soliloquy cast as a rebuke of moderation and a call “to take up arms against the sea of troubles”.
The Night Malcolm X Spoke at the Oxford Union is a vivid reconstruction of this moment by Stephen Tuck, a professor of history at the University of Oxford. In the late 19th-century era of Cecil Rhodes, the university had prided itself on its ability to turn the brightest imperial subjects from India, the West Indies and Africa into “brown Englishmen”. Instead, English racism and academic condescension made many of them nationalists who returned home to lead resistance movements.
By the 1960s, even as anti-colonial independence swept over Africa, Asia and Latin America, immigrant students of colour at Oxford faced severe difficulty in securing housing. It was against this backdrop that Eric Anthony Abrams, a Jamaican law student and president of the Oxford Union, would invite Malcolm X to speak.
Out of institutional loyalty, perhaps, Tuck is prone to overstate the significance of the debate in Malcolm X’s thought; most of what he said at the Oxford Union was not new and long before this appearance he was critical of Britain’s role in world affairs. Tuck handles Malcolm X’s Muslim faith deftly but his emergent socialism, developed on visits to such African nations as Ghana, is barely mentioned.
Prior biographies by Manning Marable and George Breitman, therefore, remain indispensable. But Tuck is unrivalled in his ability to parse details such as Malcolm X’s refusal to wear a bow tie to dinner (he associated the accessory with the Nation of Islam, from which he had recently broken). The Night Malcolm X Spoke at the Oxford Union is both a lucid portrait of Malcolm X at the height of his powers and a piercing exploration of the history of race in Britain — one that speaks every bit as much to our present-day circumstances as to the radicalism of 50 years ago.
The Night Malcolm X Spoke at the Oxford Union, by Stephen Tuck, University of California Press, 2014
RRP£14.95/$23.95, 288 pages
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Christopher Phelps is associate professor of American Studies at the University of Nottingham
MALCOLM X
(b. May 19,1925--d. February 21, 1965)
Speech by Malcolm: "To Mississippi Youth," December 31, 1964. Published in the book 'Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements', ed. George Breitman, pp. 137-146.
"If you form the habit of going by what you hear others say about someone, or going by what others think about someone, instead of searching that thing out for yourself and seeing for yourself, you will be walking west when you think you're going east, and you will be walking east when you think you're going west. This generation, especially of our people, has a burden, more so than any other time in history. The most important thing we can learn to do today is think for ourselves."
--Malcolm X
From the following speech given December 31, 1964 in Harlem, NY to 37 black teenagers from Mississippi who had been chosen and sponsored by SNCC to attend a youth conference in New York during their Christmas vacation in recognition of their outstanding Civil Rights work in their hometown of McComb, Mississippi
MALCOLM X TALKS TO YOUNG PEOPLE
Pathfinder Press
March, 1965 (First edition)
Excerpts from the famous pamphlet by Malcolm:
"The young generation of whites, Blacks, browns, whatever else there is -- you're living at ... a time of revolution, a time when there's got to be a change.... And I for one will join in with anyone, I don't care what color you are, as long as you want to change this miserable condition that exists on this earth."
"It is the teenagers ... all over the world, who are actually involving themselves in the struggle to eliminate oppression and exploitation.... The young people are the ones who most quickly identify with the struggle and the necessity to eliminate the evil conditions that exist."
"In America the Black community in which we live is not owned by us. The landlord is white. The merchant is white. . . . And these are the people who suck the economic blood of our community."
"We are not for violence in any shape or form, but believe that the people who have violence committed against them should be able to defend themselves.... I have never said that the Negroes should initiate acts of aggression against whites, but where the government fails to protect the Negro he is entitled to do it himself.”
[In Africa] "I'm from America but I'm not an American. I didn't go there of my own free choice.... [I am] one of the victims of Americanism, ... one of the victims of a very hypocritical system that is going all over this earth today representing itself as being qualified to tell other people how to run their country when they can't get the dirty things that are going on in their own country straightened out."
[In Africa] "When we find a Black man who's always receiving the praise of the Americans, we become suspicious of him.... Because it has been our experience that the Americans don't praise any Black man who is really working for the benefit of the Black man."
"It is impossible for capitalism to survive, primarily because the system of capitalism needs some blood to suck. Capitalism used to be like an eagle, but now it's more like a vulture. It used to be strong enough to go and suck anybody's blood whether they were strong or not. But now it has become more cowardly, like the vulture, and it can only suck the blood of the helpless."
http://www.brothermalcolm.net/
https://www.alkalimat.org/brothermalcolm/whathesaidarchive.html
"My alma mater was books, a good library... I could spend the rest of my life reading, just satisfying my curiosity"
"Early in life I had learned that if you want something, you had better make some noise."—Malcolm X
TRANSCRIPT:
Malcolm X, "To Mississippi Youth," December 31, 1964. From Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements, ed. George Breitman, pp. 137-146.
"One of the first things I think young people, especially nowadays, should learn is how to see for yourself and listen for yourself and think for yourself. Then you can come to an intelligent decision for yourself. If you form the habit of going by what you hear others say about someone, or going by what others think about someone, instead of searching that thing out for yourself and seeing for yourself, you will be walking west when you think you're going east, and and you will be walking east when you think your going west. This generation, especially of our people, has a burden, more so than any other time in history. The most important thing that we can learn to do today is think for ourselves….
I myself would go for nonviolence if it was consistent, if everybody was going to be nonviolent all the time. I'd say, okay, let's get with it, we'll all be nonviolent. But I don't go along with any kind of nonviolence unless everybody's going to be nonviolent. If they make the Ku Klux Klan nonviolent, I'll be nonviolent. If they make the White Citizens Council nonviolent, I'll be nonviolent. But as long as you've got somebody else not being nonviolent, I don't want anybody coming to me talking any nonviolent talk. I don't think it is fair to tell our people to be nonviolent unless someone is out there making the Klan and the Citizens Council and these other groups also be nonviolent….
If the leaders of the nonviolent movement can go into the white community and teach nonviolence, good. I'd go along with that. But as long as I see them teaching nonviolence only in the black community, we can't go along with that. We believe in equality, and equality means that you have to put the same thing over here that you put over there. And if black people alone are going to be the ones who are nonviolent, then it's not fair. We throw ourselves off guard. In fact, we disarm ourselves and make ourselves defenseless. . .
[W]e of the Organization of Afro-American Unity realized the only time the black man in this country is given any kind of recognition, or even listened to, is when America is afraid of outside pressure, or when she's afraid of her image abroad. So we saw that it was necessary to expand the problem and the struggle of the black man in this country until it went above and beyond the jurisdiction of the United States. . . .
And today you'll find in the United Nations, and it's not an accident, that every time the Congo question or anything on the African continent is being debated, they couple it with what is going on, or what is happening to you and me, in Mississippi and Alabama and these other places. In my opinion, the greatest accomplishment that was made in the struggle of the black man in America in 1964 toward some kind of real progress was the successful linking together of our problem with the African problem, or making our problem a world problem. Because now, whenever anything happens to you in Mississippi, it's not just a case of somebody in Alabama getting indignant, or some- body in New York getting indignant. The same repercussions that you see all over the world when an imperialist or foreign power interferes in some section of Africa-you see repercussions, you see the embassies being bombed and burned and overturned-nowadays, when something happens to black people in Mississippi, you'll see the same repercussions all over the world.
I wanted to point this out to you because it is important for you to know that when you're in Mississippi, you're not alone. As long as you think you're alone, then you take a stand as if you're a minority or as if you're outnumbered, and that kind of stand will never enable you to win a battle. You've got to know that you've got as much power on your side as the Ku Klux Klan has on its side. And when you know that you've got as much power on your side as the Klan has on its side, you'll talk the same of kind of language with that Klan as the Klan is talking with you. . . .
I think in 1965, whether you like it, or I like it, or they like it, or not, you will see that there is a generation of black people becoming mature to the point where they feel that they have no more business being asked to take a peaceful approach than anybody else takes, unless everybody's going to take a peaceful approach.
So we here in the Organization of Afro-American Unity are with the struggle in Mississippi one thousand percent. We're with the effort to register our people in Mississippi to vote one thousand percent. But we do not go along with anybody telling anybody telling us to help nonviolently. We think that if the government says that Negroes have a right to vote, and then some Negroes come out to vote, and some kind of Ku Klux Klan is going to put them in the river, and the government doesn't do anything about it, it's time for us to organize and band together and equip ourselves and qualify ourselves to protect ourselves. And once you can protect yourself, you don't have to worry about being hurt. . . .
You'll get freedom by letting your enemy know that you'll do anything to get your freedom; then you'll get it. It's the only way you'll get it. When you get that kind of attitude, they'll label you as a "crazy Negro," or they'll call you a "crazy nigger"—they don't say Negro. Or they'll call you an extremist or a subversive, or seditious, or a red or a radical. But when you stay radical long enough, and get enough people to be like you, you'll get your freedom….”
Malcolm X’s American press conference at the airport after returning from Mecca in 1964:
VIDEO: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tuHYZdf-ad0
Malcolm X - Return From Mecca Interview - May 21, 1964:
VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hv80w3rCUC8

MALCOLM X SPEAKING:
Be peaceful, be courteous, obey the law, respect everyone; but if someone puts his hand on you, send him to the cemetery.
Education is the passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today.
I believe in a religion that believes in freedom. Any time I have to accept a religion that won't let me fight a battle for my people, I say to hell with that religion.
I believe in human beings, and that all human beings should be respected as such, regardless of their color.
I don't even call it violence when it's in self defense; I call it intelligence.
I'm for truth, no matter who tells it. I'm for justice, no matter who it's for or against.
If you don't stand for something you will fall for anything.
If you have no critics you'll likely have no success.
If you're not ready to die for it, put the word 'freedom' out of your vocabulary.
In all our deeds, the proper value and respect for time determines success or failure.
My Alma mater was books, a good library... I could spend the rest of my life reading, just satisfying my curiosity.
Nobody can give you freedom. Nobody can give you equality or justice or anything. If you're a man, you take it.
Sitting at the table doesn't make you a diner, unless you eat some of what's on that plate. Being here in America doesn't make you an American. Being born here in America doesn't make you an American.
Time is on the side of the oppressed today, it's against the oppressor. Truth is on the side of the oppressed today, it's against the oppressor. You don't need anything else.
Usually when people are sad, they don't do anything. They just cry over their condition. But when they get angry, they bring about a change.
You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom.
A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BOOKS BY AND ABOUT MALCOLM X: 1963-2009
Carson, Clayborne (1991). Malcolm X: The FBI File. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-88184-758-5.
Clarke, John Henrik, ed. (1990) [1969]. Malcolm X: The Man and His Times. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press. ISBN 0-86543-201-5.
Clegg III, Claude Andrew (1997). An Original Man: The Life and Times of Elijah Muhammad. New York: St. Martin's Griffin. ISBN 0-312-18153-1.
Cone, James H. (1991). Martin & Malcolm & America: A Dream or a Nightmare. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. ISBN 0-88344-721-5.
DeCaro, Jr., Louis A. (1996). On the Side of My People: A Religious Life of Malcolm X. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-1864-7.
Dyson, Michael Eric (1995). Making Malcolm: The Myth and Meaning of Malcolm X. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509235-X.
Evanzz, Karl (1992). The Judas Factor: The Plot to Kill Malcolm X. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press. ISBN 1-56025-049-6.
Helfer, Andrew; Randy DuBurke (2006). Malcolm X: A Graphic Biography. New York: Hill and Wang. ISBN 0-8090-9504-1.
Karim, Benjamin (1992). Remembering Malcolm. with Peter Skutches and David Gallen. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-88184-881-6.
Kondo, Zak A. (1993). Conspiracys: Unravelling the Assassination of Malcolm X. Washington, D.C.: Nubia Press. ISBN 0-9618815-1-13.
Lincoln, C. Eric (1961). The Black Muslims in America. Boston: Beacon Press. OCLC 422580.
Lomax, Louis E. (1987) [1968]. To Kill a Black Man. Los Angeles: Holloway House. ISBN 0-87067-731-4.
Lomax, Louis E. (1963). When the Word Is Given. Cleveland: World Publishing. OCLC 1071204.
Malcolm X (1992) [1965]. The Autobiography of Malcolm X. with the assistance of Alex Haley. New York: One World. ISBN 0-345-37671-4.
Malcolm X (1989) [1970]. By Any Means Necessary: Speeches, Interviews, and a Letter by Malcolm X. George Breitman, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press. ISBN 0-87348-150-X.
Malcolm X (1989) [1971]. The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X.
Benjamin Karim, ed. New York: Arcade. ISBN 1-55970-006-8.
Malcolm X (1990) [1965]. Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements. George Breitman, ed. New York: Grove Weidenfeld. ISBN 0-8021-3213-8.
Malcolm X (1991) [1968]. The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard. Archie Epps, ed. New York: Paragon House. ISBN 1-55778-479-5.
Marable, Manning (2009). "Rediscovering Malcolm's Life: A Historian's Adventures in Living History". in Marable, Manning; Aidi, Hishaam D. Black Routes to Islam. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-8400-X.
Natambu, Kofi (2002). The Life and Work of Malcolm X. Indianapolis: Alpha Books. ISBN 0-02-864218-X.
Rickford, Russell J. (2003). Betty Shabazz: A Remarkable Story of Survival and Faith Before and After Malcolm X. Naperville, Ill.: Sourcebooks. ISBN 1-4022-0171-0.
Sales, William W. (1994). From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. Boston: South End Press. ISBN 0-89608-480-9.
Terrill, Robert (2004). Malcolm X: Inventing Radical Judgment. Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Press. ISBN 0-87013-730-1.
Further reading:
Alkalimat, Abdul. Malcolm X for Beginners. New York: Writers and Readers, 1990.
Asante, Molefi K. Malcolm X as Cultural Hero: and Other Afrocentric Essays. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1993.
Baldwin, James. One Day, When I Was Lost: A Scenario Based On Alex Haley's "The Autobiography Of Malcolm X". New York: Dell, 1992.
Breitman, George. The Last Year of Malcolm X: The Evolution of a Revolutionary. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1967.
Breitman, George, and Herman Porter. The Assassination of Malcolm X. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1976.
Carew, Jan. Ghosts In Our Blood: With Malcolm X in Africa, England, and the Caribbean. Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1994.
Cleage, Albert B., and George Breitman. Myths About Malcolm X: Two Views. New York: Merit, 1968.
Collins, Rodney P. The Seventh Child. New York: Dafina; London: Turnaround, 2002.
Davis, Thulani. Malcolm X: The Great Photographs. New York: Stewart, Tabon and Chang, 1992.
DeCaro, Louis A. Malcolm and the Cross: The Nation of Islam, Malcolm X, and Christianity. New York: New York University, 1998.
Doctor, Bernard Aquina. Malcolm X for Beginners. New York: Writers and Readers, 1992.
Friendly, Michael. The Assassination of Malcolm X. New York: Carroll and Graf, 1992.
Gallen, David, ed. Malcolm A to Z: The Man and His Ideas. New York: Carroll and Graf, 1992.
Gallen, David, ed. Malcolm X: As They Knew Him. New York: Carroll and Graf, 1992.
Goldman, Peter. The Death and Life of Malcolm X. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979.
Jamal, Hakim A. From The Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me. New York: Random House, 1972.
Jenkins, Robert L. The Malcolm X Encyclopedia. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2002.
Kly, Yussuf Naim, ed. The Black Book: The True Political Philosophy of Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik El Shabazz). Atlanta: Clarity Press, 1986.
Leader, Edward Roland. Understanding Malcolm X: The Controversial Changes in His Political Philosophy. New York: Vantage Press, 1993.
Lee, Spike, with Ralph Wiley. By Any Means Necessary: The Trials and Tribulations of The Making Of Malcolm X. New York: Hyperion, 1992.
Maglangbayan, Shawna. Garvey, Lumumba, and Malcolm: National-Separatists. Chicago, Third World Press 1972.
Marable, Manning. On Malcolm X: His Message & Meaning. Westfield, N.J.: Open Media, 1992.
Natambu, Kofi. Malcolm X: His Life & Work. Alpha Books, 2002
Shabazz, Ilyasah. Growing Up X. New York: One World, 2002.
Strickland, William et al.. Malcolm X: Make It Plain. New York: Penguin Books, 1994.
Terrill, Robert, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Malcolm X. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
T'Shaka, Oba. The Political Legacy of Malcolm X. Richmond, Calif.: Pan Afrikan Publications, 1983.
Wolfenstein, Eugene Victor. The Victims of Democracy: Malcolm X and the Black Revolution. London: Free Association Books, 1989.
Wood, Joe, ed. Malcolm X: In Our Own Image. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992.