Showing posts with label Progressives vs. centrists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Progressives vs. centrists. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 2, 2020

All,

WE ARE ON THE VERGE OF BEING COMPLETELY FUCKED OVER BY A DEADLY COMBINATION OF COWARDLY DEMOCRATIC "CENTRISTS" AND RUTHLESSLY DEMAGOGIC REPUBLICAN RIGHTWINGERS BANDING TOGETHER TO GIVE US MERE CRUMBS AND A VICIOUS SUSTAINED ASSAULT ON OUR VERY HUMANITY

BEWARE.

BECAUSE THE WORST IS YET TO COME AND AT THIS RATE IT WILL BE HERE VERY SOON. IF THE PANDEMIC DOESN'T KILL US CONGRESS WILL

EITHER WAY IT'S MASS MURDER BY THE GOVERNMENT AND THERE IS ABSOLUTELY NO EXCUSE FOR IT...

IF COLLECTIVELY WE DON'T DEMAND MUCH MORE OF WHAT WE NEED AND DESERVE WE WILL GET NOTHING IN RETURN BUT THESE CRIMINALLY RICH ASSHOLES'S CONTEMPT AND VIOLENT INDIFFERENCE.

DON'T SIMPLY LAMENT YOUR SO-CALLED "FATE"

FIGHT BACK!!!

Kofi

https://www.nytimes.com/…/…/politics/pardon-white-house.html

A bipartisan group of centrist senators announced yesterday morning that they were working on a $908 billion compromise stimulus bill, but within a few hours Senator Mitch McConnell, the majority leader, said he was working up his own substantially smaller proposal with Republican leaders in the White House and the House. Since May, McConnell has refused to allow a Senate vote on the $3 trillion stimulus bill passed by the Democratically controlled House.

The compromise framework, spearheaded by Senators Joe Manchin and Susan Collins, would restore federal unemployment benefits that lapsed over the summer, but at $300 a week instead of $600. It would also provide $160 billion for state, local and tribal governments.

Steven Mnuchin, the Treasury secretary, defended his decision to cut short lending programs set up under stimulus legislation passed this year, a move Democrats have said will sabotage the economy under Biden. Mnuchin said yesterday that the economy had “regained 58 percent of the lost jobs” and was recovering more quickly than expected.

https://www.nytimes.com/…/econo…/biden-economy-stimulus.html

Biden and His Economic Team Urge Quick Action on Stimulus as Risks Mount

The president-elect introduced key nominees in Delaware, while lawmakers exchanged new proposals with prospects for a deal still dim.

by Jim Tankersley, Alan Rappeport, Jeanna Smialek, Emily Cochrane and Luke Broadwater
December 1, 2020
New York Times

PHOTO: President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. acknowledged that any stimulus agreement would necessarily fall far short of the trillions of dollars that Democratic leaders have insisted on for months.Credit...Kriston Jae Bethel for The New York Times

WASHINGTON — President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. on Tuesday introduced the economic team he will rely on to help rebuild the U.S. economy at a perilous moment, with coronavirus cases soaring, the Federal Reserve chair warning of challenging months ahead and lawmakers in Congress still struggling to reach agreement on a rescue package.

Mr. Biden, speaking in Delaware, called on Congress to pass a substantial relief package to help keep businesses, households and local governments afloat while his Treasury secretary nominee, Janet L. Yellen, called the damage done so far “an American tragedy” that could lead to long-term devastation if not quickly corrected.

“Right now, the full Congress should come together and pass a robust package for relief to address these urgent needs,” Mr. Biden said.

But he acknowledged that any stimulus agreement would necessarily fall far short of the trillions of dollars that Democratic leaders have insisted on for months, saying that “any package passed in a lame-duck session is lucky to be at best just a start.”

Mr. Biden’s nominees made it clear that they were thinking expansively about how to revive the U.S. economy and looking beyond just restoring lost jobs and livelihoods to finding ways to widen economic wealth, broaden opportunities and repair safety net programs.

“This is a moment of urgency and opportunity unlike anything we’ve faced in modern times,” said Cecilia Rouse, Mr. Biden’s nominee to lead the Council of Economic Advisers. “The urgency of ending a devastating crisis. And the opportunity to build a better economy in its wake — an economy that works for everyone, brings fulfilling job opportunities and leaves no one to fall through the cracks.”

But those goals, which were at the center of Mr. Biden’s campaign, are likely to run into obstacles in Congress, where Republicans, who spent the past four years on a spending spree, have resurrected their concerns about the federal deficit. They have cited it as a reason to forgo the kind of large stimulus package that Mr. Biden and other top Democrats have said is needed.

The political divisions were on display Tuesday, as a bipartisan group of centrist senators announced in the morning that they were working on a $908 billion compromise stimulus package. By the afternoon, Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, announced that he had been discussing his own proposal with Trump administration officials and Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the minority leader.

That package would be hundreds of billions of dollars smaller than the bipartisan plan — and thus a nonstarter with Democrats. But Mr. McConnell seemed to suggest that President Trump would not sign a more expansive bill, reminding Republicans in a private conference call and reporters during a news conference that a presidential signature is needed.

The continued likelihood of congressional gridlock before Inauguration Day threatens to saddle Mr. Biden’s economic team with dim prospects come Jan. 21, when it will confront an economy that has seen a slowdown in hiring growth, manufacturing activity and other key measures in recent weeks. Millions of Americans are set to lose unemployment assistance at year’s end. Others could face eviction and foreclosure as government moratoriums expire.

“The pace of improvement has moderated,” the Fed chair, Jerome H. Powell, told the Senate Banking Committee on Tuesday, saying the rise in virus cases was “concerning and could prove challenging in the next few months.”

“The risk of overdoing it is less than the risk of underdoing it,” Mr. Powell said.

Administration officials have shown little sign of worry about recent economic developments, insisting the recovery is on track while Mr. Trump continues his legal quest to overturn his re-election defeat at the polls.
ImageTreasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and the Fed chair, Jerome H. Powell appeared before the Senate Banking Committee on Tuesday

Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and the Fed chair, Jerome H. Powell appeared before the Senate Banking Committee on Tuesday.Credit...Al Drago for The New York Times

Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, appearing alongside Mr. Powell, downplayed the broader risks facing the economy and blamed economic shutdowns in some states for slowing progress. While he called for targeted relief for sectors that have been hit hardest by the pandemic, like restaurants and airlines, he said the economy had recovered faster than many had expected and that the economy had “regained 58 percent of the lost jobs.”

RELATED: Paul Krugman: A deeper look at what’s on the mind of Paul Krugman, a world-class economist and opinion columnist.

He defended his decision to end several of the Fed’s emergency lending programs on Dec. 31. He has also requested that the central bank return the Treasury funds supporting those programs. Democrats said the moves amounted to economic sabotage.

“Either you’re purposefully trying to stop President-elect Biden and Janet Yellen from getting to work for the people we all serve, or you’re so delusional that you think because the stock market is back up, everything is fine,” said Senator Sherrod Brown, Democrat of Ohio. “Either way, it’s malpractice.”

Mr. Powell, who told lawmakers that the Fed would have preferred to keep those lending programs going while acknowledging that it was Mr. Mnuchin’s place to decide, painted a more dire picture of the economic outlook. He pointed to continued uncertainty around the speed of a vaccine rollout, the reality that millions remain out of work and the fact that small businesses could fail in the winter months.

“We do have a long way to go,” Mr. Powell said. “We’ll use our tools until the danger is well and truly past, and it may require help from other parts of government as well, including Congress.”

Republicans insist that the economy is recovering and that the United States does not need to borrow more money for another big relief package, while Democrats insist that a large jolt of stimulus is necessary and that now is not the time to worry about deficits.,

“There’s a reason states and localities have to have a balanced budget but we’re allowed to have a deficit to deal with crises and emergencies as we have in the past,” Mr. Biden said. “We have to keep vital public services running, have to give aid to local and state governments to make sure they can have law enforcement officers, firefighters and educators as we did in 2009.”

After months of deadlock on Capitol Hill, a bipartisan group of senators tried to move things forward with the $908 billion compromise stimulus proposal, funded in part by repurposing the money that Mr. Mnuchin clawed back from the Fed lending programs.

The proposal, spearheaded by two centrists — Senators Joe Manchin, Democrat of West Virginia, and Susan Collins, Republican of Maine — and a handful of senators from both parties, has not been publicly endorsed by either Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California or Mr. McConnell.

Intended as a stopgap measure to last until March, it would restore federal unemployment benefits that lapsed over the summer, but at half the rate, providing $300 a week for 18 weeks, and does not include another round of checks for every American. The measure would provide $160 billion to help state, local and tribal governments facing fiscal ruin — a fraction of what Democrats had sought. Also included was $288 billion to help small businesses, restaurants and theaters, and a short-term federal liability shield from coronavirus-related lawsuits.

In contrast, the framework circulated on Capitol Hill by top Republicans does not include funds for state and local governments and curtails a short restoration of federal unemployment benefits even further.

“The advantage of our compromise bill is it has bipartisan, bicameral support,” Ms. Collins said. “I want a bill that can become law.”

The bipartisan plan is an attempt to find a middle ground between the dueling stimulus proposals that Democrats and Republicans have haggled over for months. Its cost is less than half of what Democratic leaders had pushed for in the weeks leading up to the election but nearly double the latest proposal from Republican leaders.

PHOTO: A bipartisan group of senators on Tuesday unveiled a $908 billion compromise stimulus proposal on Capitol Hill.Credit...Saul Loeb/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

It includes most of the main ingredients that Mr. Biden and Democratic leaders have called critical for a deal, a possible sign that it could form a basis for a compromise that Mr. Biden could get behind.

Asked about the plan by reporters after his event with his economic team, Mr. Biden replied: “I just heard about it. I’ll take a look at it when I get back.”

The fresh attempt at a bipartisan compromise came as Ms. Pelosi and Mr. Mnuchin held their first phone discussion since late October, when they had a flurry of pre-election conversations that failed to culminate in a deal. Ms. Pelosi said she and Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, had sent a new proposal of their own to Republican leaders on Monday.

John Lettieri, the president of the Economic Innovation Group think tank in Washington, which has pushed for more small-business aid, said the bipartisan plan “seems close to being the sweet spot” for a possible compromise — if one is possible.

Some Senate Republicans on Tuesday reiterated opposition to any deal that sends money to support state and local government budgets, with Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana challenging Mr. Powell at the hearing about whether states are really in such bad straits and suggesting the money would be used to shore up shaky pension funds.

“I’ve always said, I think it’s an area that’s worth looking,” Mr. Powell said, noting that states are among the largest employers in the economy and that they provide critical services.

Mr. Biden’s appointees all sounded an urgent tone as the incoming administration faces the prospect of a double-dip recession.

His nominees, all of whom must win Senate confirmation, talked about the pain of the pandemic recession, noting that it was falling hardest on traditionally marginalized Americans and widening the divide between the rich and the poor.

Ms. Yellen, a former Fed chair and an academic labor economist, said she had gone into economics “because I was concerned about the toll of unemployment on people, families and communities.” She warned that inaction in the face of the current economic crisis “will produce a self-reinforcing downturn causing yet more devastation.”

Nicholas Fandos contributed reporting.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS:

Jim Tankersley covers economic and tax policy. Over more than a decade covering politics and economics in Washington, he has written extensively about the stagnation of the American middle class and the decline of economic opportunity. @jimtankersley

Alan Rappeport is an economic policy reporter, based in Washington. He covers the Treasury Department and writes about taxes, trade and fiscal matters in the era of President Trump. He previously worked for The Financial Times and The Economist. @arappeport

Jeanna Smialek writes about the Federal Reserve and the economy. She previously covered economics at Bloomberg News, where she also wrote feature stories for Businessweek magazine. @jeannasmialek

Emily Cochrane is a reporter in the Washington bureau, covering Congress. She was raised in Miami and graduated from the University of Florida. @ESCochrane

Luke Broadwater covers Congress. He was the lead reporter on a series of investigative articles at the Baltimore Sun that won a Pulitzer Prize and a George Polk Award in 2020. @lukebroadwater

A version of this article appears in print on Dec. 2, 2020, Section A, Page 1 of the New York edition with the headline: Biden Urges a ‘Robust’ Stimulus as Risks Mount. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper

PHOTO: President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. acknowledged that any stimulus agreement would necessarily fall far short of the trillions of dollars that Democratic leaders have insisted on for months.Credit...Kriston Jae Bethel for The New York Times

nytimes.com
 
NOTE:  This post can also now be found here at the Panopticon Review On Facebook page.







#DemocracyNow

Barbara Ransby & David Sirota Warn of Close Links Between Biden’s Cabinet Picks & Corporate Power

Democracy Now!
November 25, 2020

President-elect Joe Biden declared “America is back” this week as he revealed some of the people who will staff his administration in key national security posts, vowing to roll back Donald Trump’s “America First” foreign policy and embrace multilateralism. Among his picks are longtime adviser Tony Blinken for secretary of state, diplomatic veteran Linda Thomas-Greenfield as ambassador to the United Nations, and former Secretary of State John Kerry for a new Cabinet post as climate czar. Historian, author and activist Barbara Ransby says Biden’s picks so far mostly come from the centrist establishment of the Democratic Party and lack progressive voices. “We need people who have compassion, who have accountability to the most vulnerable, who pledge to defend the planet, people who have a clear understanding and commitment to fighting white supremacy and police violence,” says Ransby. We also speak with investigative journalist David Sirota, who says Biden’s picks represent “an attempt to restore the old Washington.” Sirota served as an adviser and speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign.

#DemocracyNow

Democracy Now! is an independent global news hour that airs on nearly 1,400 TV and radio stations Monday through Friday. Watch our livestream 8-9AM ET:
https://democracynow.org

VIDEO:


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Try8lyMEhGw<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Try8lyMEhGw" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>

 

Friday, January 10, 2020

AOC On the Neoliberal Limitations of the Democratic Party in the 2020 Election


AOC Is Right: She and Joe Biden Should Not Be in the Same Party
by Neal Meyer 
January 7, 2020
Jacobin

PHOTO: US Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) speaks with members of the media before a Green New Deal For Public Housing Town Hall on December 14, 2019 in the Queens borough of New York City. Yana Paskova / Getty
 
In a story released yesterday, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said she and Joe Biden “would not be in the same party” in a different country. Centrists went to war. But she’s right — fighters for the working class like AOC and Bernie Sanders aren’t on the same team as defenders of Wall Street and war like Biden.
 
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is right. She, Bernie Sanders, and the millions of working-class people ready to fight for a “political revolution” don’t belong in the same political party as Joe Biden. The fact that they nevertheless are all “Democrats” is one of the most frustrating facts of American politics.
 
In a recent interview with New York magazine, AOC seemed to indicate that the thought of a Joe Biden presidency does not inspire her — to put it politely. AOC groaned, according to the article, and then confessed: “Oh God. In any other country, Joe Biden and I would not be in the same party, but in America, we are.”
 
Unsurprisingly, Ocasio-Cortez’s comments are making the rounds. Ben McAdams, the Democratic representative for Utah’s 4th congressional district, pounced on AOC for supposedly forgetting that as Democrats “we’re all on the same team.” Fred Guttenberg, a prominent gun safety advocate, called her points “disturbing and wrong.” And many random liberal Twitter users expressed some version of “Why don’t you join another party then?”
But are we really on the same team?

The political distance between AOC and Bernie Sanders on the one hand, and Joe Biden on the other, is stunning. They’re not on the same team when it comes to their vision for America — and thank God for that.
On Medicare for All? AOC and Sanders believe that health care is a right, and that it should be guaranteed to everyone from birth to death via a single-payer plan. Biden disagrees, and he supports preserving the for-profit health insurance system that bankrupts millions but lines the pockets of billionaires.
 
On the environment? AOC and Sanders back a multitrillion-dollar Green New Deal that will transform our economy, pushing us rapidly toward one-hundred-percent renewable energy to avert the worst effects of climate change. On the other hand, as the Sunrise Movement details extensively in their candidate scorecard, Biden’s plan fails in almost every regard to measure up to the moment. The kind of tepid transition to renewable energy — the kind that Biden argues for — is so insufficient that it is, in AOC’s words, “a form of denialism.”
 
On mass incarceration? AOC and Sanders want to end it. Biden built his early career pushing Ronald Reagan from the right to create it.
 
On Social Security? AOC and Sanders want to dramatically expand it. Biden has a history — first in the 1990s and then again in the early 2010s — of trying to slash it.
 
On abortion rights? AOC and Sanders are categorically in favor. Biden has consistently equivocated.
 
On war? AOC and Sanders vigorously oppose US military action abroad. Biden voted for the Iraq War and has been a reliable hawk in Washington, DC, for decades.
 
These are not candidates running on the same agenda or cut from the same cloth. AOC, Sanders, and other democratic socialists run their campaigns exclusively through the support of working-class volunteers and contributors. Meanwhile, Biden (and Pete Buttigieg, Amy Klobuchar, and almost every other Democrat) run campaigns bankrolled by Wall Street and other big-money donors and managed by mercenary consultants.
Our Dysfunctional Party Coalitions
 
In any reasonable political system, voters would be presented with a choice between the vision advanced by democratic socialists like AOC and Sanders and the vision — if it can be called that — of career politicians like Joe Biden.
Such a system does not exist in the United States. At least not yet.
That’s in large part due to the unique institutional setup of American politics. Winner-take-all elections are a big part of the problem (a system of proportional representation would be infinitely preferable). But so is the outsize influence of the US presidency, which leads to exceedingly long national campaigns in which third-party candidates always threaten to act as “spoilers” — as well as highly restrictive ballot access laws in most states.
 
Absent a competitive multiparty system, dissident candidates have in recent years made the most progress by running on the ballot lines of the major parties. The “tents” covering acceptable political ideas in both parties have expanded dramatically as a result.
 
Few in Congress seem to be very happy with this new arrangement. As AOC notes, “Democrats can be too big of a tent.” From a very different perspective, former Republican speaker of the House Paul Ryan made a similar point to Politico — and got closer to the nub of the problem — in 2018: “Ryan [said] last fall that the fractures in the Republican Party threatened to make governing impossible. ‘We basically run a coalition government,’ he complained, ‘without the efficiency of a parliamentary system.’”
Paul Ryan’s politics may be despicable, but his point here is a good one. In any other country, the diehard far-right Trump team, the self-proclaimed “respectable” but austerity-crazed Republicans like Paul Ryan, the Biden-Buttigieg-Clinton-Obama sphere of big-business-friendly social liberals, and democratic socialists like AOC and Sanders would sort themselves into four different parties.
These four parties would then run competitively in general elections, presenting four different visions for the country’s future to voters. In the seventy or so congressional races on average, for example, that are won by less than a ten-percentage-point margin, the main fight might come down to a race between Ryans and Bidens. In the remaining 365 seats, elections in today’s solidly red districts might come down to fights between the Ryans and Trumps, while in today’s solidly blue districts, Bidens would face off against AOCs.
 
The end result might be similar to the makeup of Congress today, with no party having a clear majority. Coalitions could then be entertained, via formal negotiations with clear pacts arranged between parties.
 
But the critical advantage in this arrangement would be that general elections would test the popularity of four very different political programs before a critical mass of voters.
 
Instead, in the United States today these vital battles between very different visions happen in low-turnout primaries in which few voters weigh in. Worse still, the political loyalties of candidates are usually unclear, and kept purposefully so by many candidates afraid of alienating voters. As a result, most people in the ballot booth have an understandably difficult time sussing out which political faction within the existing parties a candidate might belong to.
This is precisely the problem that formal parties were designed to resolve. It’s no surprise that parties have therefore emerged in almost every functioning democracy. Identifying the tens of thousands of candidates that run every election cycle with a political party is a means to make complicated decisions more transparent. It ought to allow a voter to easily choose the candidates most closely aligned with that voter’s politics.
The broken party system in the United States frustrates that basic but essential function. US parties today subsist as chaotic and only barely logical coalitions of many different political tendencies. A voter who always votes Democrat may be supporting a pro-war, abortion-equivocating, anti-Medicare-for-All, climate-change-ignoring candidate — or a democratic socialist.
Fundamental change is needed. How we get out of this nightmare for democratic decision-making is the big question for the 2020s, though there are no easy solutions. But regardless of where change comes from, AOC is undeniably correct that the current party system in the United States is absurd and a travesty for democracy. She and Biden don’t belong in the same party. No party is big enough for the both of them.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Neal Meyer is a member of New York City Democratic Socialists of America and on the chapter’s Citywide Leadership Committee.

Filed Under:
United States 
Party Politics 
Democratic Party Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Joe Biden




PROFILE
One Year in Washington

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez reshaped her party’s agenda, resuscitated Bernie Sanders’s campaign, and hardly has a friend in town.

by David Freedlander
January 6, 2020
New York Magazine
 
PHOTO: David Williams for New York Magazine
The corridors of Capitol Hill are a marbled monotony, with Oxford heels clacking around corners indistinguishable from one another, white walls, oaken doors, and a steady rhythm of rectangular congressional nameplates.
Except for one. At the very end of a hallway in Cannon Office Building is an explosion of affirmation cribbed onto thousands of Post-it notes, a neon-green-and-pastel-pink flower bursting outward. Go there at the right time, Hill aides say, and you can see groups of people, usually women, often young, weeping at the sight of it.
“I love you from Maine! Keep on with your fierce, informed queen of a self!,” wrote Mikala from Bangor on a pink Post-it. “AOC! Seeing you is seeing me! I live in Michigan, but you are my representative. Adelante!,” says one on white signed (with a heart) from Kristen on August 1. “Dear AOC. Continue to scare old white men,” adds another.
 
They go on and on and on, these paeans to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the 30-year-old freshman member of Congress from Queens and the Bronx, who, in the year since she was sworn in as the youngest woman elected to the House of Representatives in the body’s 230-year history, has emerged as perhaps the most significant political figure in the Democratic Party in the age of Trump. She was recently ranked the fourth-most-tweeted-about politician in the world, beating out every Democrat running for president. It’s not that there is already a children’s book about her, The ABCs of AOC. It’s that there is already a comic-book series about her, a young-adult biography of her, a wall calendar of her, a book of her quotes, a collection of essays about her, and even, this holiday season, a Christmas sweater with her face on it.
Ocasio-Cortez’s staff didn’t know what to do with the Post-its when they first started appearing after she was inaugurated in January 2019. It seemed possible they broke a House rule — and if not an official violation, it was a practice that, at the least, would mark her as different from the rest of the incoming class. Staff took the first batch and framed them in her office, but the notes kept coming. If anyone writes something negative or nasty, one of the myriad devotees who make the pilgrimage takes the errant note down before it can spoil the mood.
 
“It’s weird,” Ocasio-Cortez said when we spoke inside the Capitol Building one afternoon in mid-December as impeachment hearings consumed Washington. “Because I know I am also one of the most hated people in America.”
As the rest of the world has changed, Congress remains a place of traditions. Even the chaos merchants — the Ted Cruzes and Rand Pauls and tricornered tea-party Republican congressmen — still end up playing by the rules as laid out by the leadership. Ocasio-Cortez, at least so far, has not. She is at once a movement politician and a cultural phenomenon, someone equally at home on CSPAN and Desus & Mero. She isn’t especially interested in compromising with those who don’t share her values, and isn’t afraid to be the lone “no” vote, as she was last January, when she was the only Democrat to vote against funding the government because it meant continuing to fund ICE. Twelve months later, it is clear she isn’t trying very hard to amass power in Congress. Her heroes are Bernie Sanders, who withstood party pressure decade after decade in the Senate, and Howard Thurman, a mentor of Martin Luther King Jr.’s who believed in merging the spiritual and political.
 
“People come here, and they have served in state legislatures or they may have been executives for health-insurance or fossil-fuel companies or lobbyist groups or PACs, and they’re part of this whole club,” she said. She was dressed in all black — blazer, blouse, pants, and boots, looking more like someone about to cruise out of the last shot of a movie on a motorcycle than someone skipping out on a House Financial Services Committee meeting. “What is it like to show up to Congress with a beginner’s mind? You just fundamentally do things differently.”
 
The Democratic congressional majority, she told me, is too acquiescent to the demands of its members in so-called red-to-blue districts — those moderates who flipped Republican seats and gave Pelosi the gavel. “For so long, when I first got in, people were like, ‘Oh, are you going to basically be a tea party of the left?’ And what people don’t realize is that there is a tea party of the left, but it’s on the right edges, the most conservative parts of the Democratic Party. So the Democratic Party has a role to play in this problem, and it’s like we’re not allowed to talk about it. We’re not allowed to talk about anything wrong the Democratic Party does,” she said. “I think I have created more room for dissent, and we’re learning to stretch our wings a little bit on the left.”
Ocasio-Cortez isn’t the first politician to become a cultural sensation, but she may be the first to do so at the very beginning of her career, when she is occupying the lowest rung of political power. Her main project going forward may be this: harnessing her immense star power and the legion of young lefties who see her as their avatar, not just to push the Democratic Party away from an obsession with its most moderate members but also to make the stuff of government, like congressional committee hearings and neighborhood town halls, into must-see TV. She said the Congressional Progressive Caucus should start kicking people out if they stray too far from the party line. Other caucuses within the Democratic Party in Congress require applications, Ocasio-Cortez pointed out. But “they let anybody who the cat dragged in call themselves a progressive. There’s no standard,” she said.
 
The same goes for the party as a whole: “Democrats can be too big of a tent.”
 
It is comments like that that kept Ocasio-Cortez and the rest of the Democratic Party from reaching any kind of meaningful détente. I asked her what she thought her role would be as a member of Congress during, for instance, a Joe Biden presidency. “Oh God,” she said with a groan. “In any other country, Joe Biden and I would not be in the same party, but in America, we are.”
 
Photo: David Williams for New York Magazine
 
Four days before Ocasio-Cortez won her primary in one of the biggest congressional upsets in at least a generation, I stood with her on a street corner in Queens, across from a bodega, underneath the 7 train, and not far from the housing project where she had been canvassing. Long-shot candidates for Congress tend to sound the same. They have a compelling bio, can lay out a theory of why they should win and how the entrenched incumbent has been absent or ignored community voices or kowtowed to the powers in Washington, but they often crumple under sustained questioning and have fantastic views of how politics works.
 
Ocasio-Cortez was different. She was a bartender who had come up through a network of post-2016 millennial activist groups and been recruited to run by the progressive PAC Brand New Congress 18 months earlier. As she went door-to-door, talking to voters, her answers came in mic-drop paragraphs. She saw politics as a rigged system that preserved the careers of those in power at the expense of the poor and working class. Her face that June was ubiquitous in the neighborhood, the result of her army of volunteers blitzing the district with palm cards and posters. Her time in the service industry seemed to make her an unusually empathetic listener. For the most part, here was someone who looked like her district’s voters, who spoke their language, who had come to ask for their support.
Congressman Joe Crowley’s polling had him up by more than 30 points. The weekend before the election, when typically campaigns go all-out with volunteers and visibility, Ocasio-Cortez skipped town — not something somebody who hopes to win an election does. She went to the border, where news was just emerging that the Trump administration was locking up migrant children and separating them from their parents. The visuals of the candidate, dressed in all white, pleading with border guards through a fence to remember their humanity, were striking. Two mornings later, Ocasio-Cortez woke up anonymous for the last morning in her life.
 
“I realized this was going to be a tattoo-on-my-face kind of situation,” she said. “I can’t go outside anymore. I miss being able to go out to dinner. I miss anonymity. I have to send my boyfriend out to get groceries. There has been a shift in chores.”
 
If she was a hero on the streets of New York and online, in Congress, “it was very, very chilly coming in,” she said. Joe Crowley was an old-school Irish pol who slapped backs and raised hundreds of thousands of dollars for his peers. He was a conventional Democrat and congressman, and his replacement had tarred him as hopelessly compromised (for raising money from corporations and pharmaceutical interests); as a creature of Washington who lacked vision, courage, and a moral core. Would she do the same to her colleagues?
The fears of what Ocasio-Cortez would mean were present even before she was sworn in, when she swung by a sit-in in Speaker Pelosi’s office for the environmentalist group Sunrise Movement; she wanted the soon-to-be Speaker to push for a “Green New Deal.” Other members of “the Squad” — the group she created with Ilhan Omar, Ayanna Pressley, and Rashida Tlaib when she posted an Instagram of them together on orientation day — were supposed to join her but begged off, and even Ocasio-Cortez’s staff were on the phone with allies moments before, wondering if it was a good idea.
“I was terrified,” she told me. She doesn’t regret it — though it set the stage for a very complicated year with Pelosi. “I learned a lot about how fear shapes the decisions of elected officials: ‘I know this could be bad, and this could make someone mad, and I don’t know exactly how they would drop the hammer on me or what hammers would be dropped.’ It felt like the right thing to do, and when you say that people think it’s a form of naïveté and that it’s childish, but I don’t think it was.”
Ocasio-Cortez backed Pelosi for Speaker, but the two continued to battle publicly. It wasn’t just that they disagreed about policy: Pelosi thinks in terms of votes, of what any member can bring to the table and who they can bring with them. Preserving the Democratic majority means protecting the party’s most vulnerable members, those in places where people still like Donald Trump and the Democrat may have won by just a few hundred votes in the midterm — exactly the group that Ocasio-Cortez thinks the party doesn’t need.
 
That the freshman didn’t have a meaningful coalition behind her and had alienated some natural allies didn’t seem to give her pause. The Congressional Black Caucus, in particular, was put off by her association with Justice Democrats, the young campaign operatives — co-founded by Ocasio-Cortez’s then chief of staff Saikat Chakrabarti — who powered her win and have made it their mission to replace the Democratic Party’s moderates with a younger and more liberal group of lawmakers. Black lawmakers believed (not entirely incorrectly) that this meant the group was coming for some of them. In the press, CBC members accused Justice Democrats of being privileged gentrifiers with little respect for what it had taken them to gain political power.
 
The conflict came to a head in the summer of 2019, when Chakrabarti accused moderate members of the caucus on Twitter of acting like segregationist Democrats of the civil-rights era. Democratic leadership pounced online, suggesting that Chakrabarti was a racist for singling out lawmakers of color. After Donald Trump jumped into the fray (of course), Pelosi and Ocasio-Cortez had a closed-door meeting. Chakrabarti left soon after, as did another top aide, Corbin Trent, who had been with Ocasio-Cortez since the campaign. Pelosi has never spoken in public about what was said at the meeting; Ocasio-Cortez told me that the two staffers had planned to leave anyway. (They did not go far from her orbit, Chakrabarti to the progressive think tank New Consensus and Trent to her 2020 campaign.)
 
The fracas forced Ocasio-Cortez to ask, What does this movement look like, and what is my role in it?
 
“What was frustrating was getting singled out over and over again over a series of interviews by the Democratic leadership,” Ocasio-Cortez told me. She said that her colleagues consider her an unseen force in every primary this cycle, when in fact she has made endorsements in just two races. Meanwhile, it is the moderates who have put up more challengers to liberal incumbents than the other way around. “As a consequence of my victory, many people are inspired to run for office, and in a body where 70 percent of the seats are safe red or safe blue, that de facto means a lot more primaries. A lot of members think I’m like a Koch brother.”
 
House leadership sees the past summer as having been a turning point and believes that Ocasio-Cortez is now sufficiently chastened. She’s showed up for the job she was elected to do — coming prepared to committee meetings and hearings (like when she cornered Mark Zuckerberg on running misleading ads on Facebook), sponsoring 15 pieces of legislation (most notably the Green New Deal), and missing only two of 701 roll-call votes. I spoke with dozens of House and New York City governmental officials, some of whom disagree with her politics and have reason to dislike her personally, and they all said that she shows up to meetings unusually attentive, taking notes and asking detailed questions and writing personal follow-up emails. That even in House caucus meetings, as members call one another “Congressman this” or “Congresswoman that” but casually call her “Alexandria,” she gets to know her ideological enemies’ home lives and interests.
 
“There are people here who are never going to like her, never going to trust her, who are always going to be worried that she is going to turn her people against them,” says one House aide. “But you can’t say she isn’t making an effort. I think people are surprised at how not-strident she comes off.”
 
Still, even Democrats who are supportive of Ocasio-Cortez’s political project wonder how much enthusiasm there will be for it during an election year. It is one thing to reform a party out of power; it is another when the party is trying to unify for the most consequential election year in memory. Dissident factions could prove deadly to Democratic efforts to retake the White House. Should the party succeed, even with (very optimistically) a slight majority in the Senate, the chances of getting anything passed could easily get bogged down in partisan infighting.
 
“No one gets all of his or her way,” Congressman Gregory Meeks, Crowley’s replacement as head of the Queens Democratic Party, told me recently. “You have to learn quickly; otherwise, you will be in the minority and you will be as relevant as that windowpane. Do you want to be able to just talk a lot or do you want to be able to do something?” If you are a hard “no” in Congress, eventually people will stop asking for your vote. You don’t need to be negotiated with because everyone already knows the answer, and — most of the time — this means your voice is marginalized.
Ocasio-Cortez’s opponents in the Democratic Party want this to be her fate. “This is how it works here: You negotiate a concession in exchange for a vote. But you have to have the votes and you have to be willing to negotiate,” says one House aide friendly to Ocasio-Cortez. “She says she is an organizer, but you have to be willing to organize in the caucus as well as outside it.”
Opponents point to the fact that early in her tenure, rather than using her prodigious public influence to push for a climate bill that had 71 co-sponsors and would have kept the country in the Paris climate accords, she unveiled the Green New Deal. A draft of the resolution was mistakenly released early, and critics jumped on vague language in it to accuse the new congresswoman of wanting to ban beef and air travel and to give free money to people who don’t work.
But it is still the biggest achievement of her term, a rebuke to the idea that leverage is the only power in town. The Green New Deal, for all its vagueness — it was a resolution and a statement of principles and not a piece of legislation — set up a new tentpole in the debate. More than a hundred Democrats signed on as co-sponsors, including a handful of moderates whom House progressives have been trying to push left for years, as did every major contender for the Democratic presidential nomination, including Joe Biden.
“The most ambitious climate plans were a carbon tax here or a biodiesel thing there. There were no climate bills that were a solution on the scale of the problem. I couldn’t take all of this and say, ‘Let’s get a 10 percent subsidy on electric vehicles,’ ” Ocasio-Cortez said. “These very small incremental plans are a form of denialism.”
Ocasio-Cortez prepares for a town hall to discuss her Green New Deal for Public Housing Act on December 14. Photo: David Williams for New York Magazine
Late last month, Politico reported that some political operators are already speculating that Ocasio-Cortez will run for president in 2024 or 2028, and it has been a topic of conversation among her advisers as well. After decennial redistricting in 2020, Ocasio-Cortez could find herself drawn into the district of a neighboring member of Congress, where the young agitator’s odds would suffer. People close to her discussed a possible run for mayor of New York in 2021 but decided against it; a statewide run, probably for the Senate, is likelier. That would mean challenging Chuck Schumer in 2022 or Kirsten Gillibrand in 2024.
She and her advisers are aware of her almost unprecedented situation: a wildly popular woman of color with the confidence of Pete Buttigieg, if not his demographic advantages. If she ran for president, they say, she would run to win, not to carry the banner of her brand on behalf of the progressive movement and come in second.
Ocasio-Cortez told me how much she admires Bernie Sanders. (She was, by her own estimation, “a scrub” on his 2016 campaign, going door-to-door in the South Bronx.) Year after year, he was willing to be the lone vote on issues that mattered to him, withstanding the pressures to play along with the rest of the team on health care, on taxes, on wages. Eventually, the party caught up to him. Every senator running for president except Amy Klobuchar has signed on to his “Medicare for All” bill. The party is debating a wealth tax, something floated by Ocasio-Cortez on 60 Minutes last year and now pushed by both Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.
 
It is clear there is a shift happening in American politics, one that favors Ocasio-Cortez’s long-term prospects. Trump’s demagogic populism is a part of it, and so is the fact that Americans ages 18 to 24 are more favorably inclined toward socialism than capitalism, that 80 percent of young people think the federal government should address climate change, that over 70 percent say the wealthy should pay higher taxes, and that some of the highest percentages ever recorded call their politics far left or liberal. Post-millennials are majority nonwhite in 13 states and in nearly 40 percent of the nation’s largest metro areas; they are close to majority nonwhite nationwide. Sanders leads by large margins among the young, but also fares better than almost any Democrat against Donald Trump — proof, perhaps, of millennials’ desire for someone liberal and the heartland’s desire for different political ideas.
And Ocasio-Cortez is all of these things: Latina, liberal, “authentic,” fluent in social media and popular culture. Outspoken lefties have come and gone before, but often they were like Bernie or, before him, Ralph Nader: rumpled, grouchy, hectoring. For leftists, politics used to be something to avoid, a corrupting drag on the purity of activism. Ocasio-Cortez has changed that.
“You hear that trope all the time. ‘I am a workhorse; I am not a show horse.’ But what I think people don’t understand is that educating the public is a part of this job. The most effective public servants are part of our culture. They are just as fluidly part of the conversation as Lizzo or as this movie that you saw,” she said. A few days after our interview, at a middle school in Woodside, Ocasio-Cortez hosted her 12th town hall of the year, one for every month, not including the dozens she has attended that were hosted by others. She points to these town halls, along with directing $500 million in federal grants to her district, as examples of what she’s done for her constituents this year. She had attended a breakfast with Bronx veterans in the morning, SantaCon was raging outside, it was cold and miserable, and her boyfriend, Riley Roberts, was waiting in the wings. But she had to be on. At her town halls, fans, who line up for hours for selfies, often present her with shrines they’ve made to her: paintings of her, T-shirts, family keepsakes. At the one in December, when they finally reached the front of the selfie line, some of her fans just started cheering: “Yea! Yea! Yeaaaaa!” The congresswoman gamely tried to keep up.
PHOTOS: What Makes a Viral AOC Moment? (clockwise from top) June 12, 2019: Her candor at House Oversight Committee hearings made international headlines. | June 27, 2018: The image of a stunned Ocasio-Cortez at her victory party came to symbolize the blue wave. | November 13, 2018: While still a representative-elect, sitting in at Pelosi’s office spotlighted intra-party conflict. Photo: T.J. Kirkpatrick/The New York Times/Redux; Sarah Silbiger/The New York Times/Redux; Courtesy CNN.
This is part of her project, too. If people are paying attention, she figures, they will be on her side. “Politics should be pop because it should be consumable and accessible to everyday people,” she said. “I think that’s what populism is about.”
Her vision extends beyond Congress. After the election, two of her top campaign aides founded a program called Movement School designed to teach the next generation of campaign operatives what they learned from pulling off the upset of the decade. About 70 people have gone through the ten-week training camp, and they are spread out all over the country — a standing army of dedicated campaign staff that will only grow in the years ahead.
Ocasio-Cortez is still in regular contact with leaders of the Democratic Socialists of America, and she has quiet dinners with the volunteers who worked on her campaign, the people who called her Alex until they were told, after the election, that it would be better if they stuck to Alexandria — dinners in which they promise to not Instagram anything with her. So far, no one has.
That whole crew will be put to use before long. The reelection bid has already attracted a dozen challengers, including a conservative Democrat pastor, a city councilman close to the Bronx machine. Her team — hyperaware of not taking primary challenges for granted — is preparing to use the race to build out her presence on the ground, talking to voters about her vision of a political revolution, and convincing those who may be skeptical why having a political supernova as their representative is actually useful. There has been no public or private polling on the race, but according to her campaign, Ocasio-Cortez is expected to have raised $5.3 million in 2019 alone, and she’s influential locally. Her endorsement nearly propelled a left-wing neophyte named Tiffany Cabán into the office of Queens District Attorney (she ended up losing to a favorite of the county party by 55 votes), and local electeds have rushed to bask in her celebrity. Her opponents will tag her with having killed jobs by torpedoing the Amazon deal, and argue that she’s more consumed with her own celebrity than the needs of her district; her campaign will counter that, say, her effort to abolish ICE is central in a district where half the population was born in another country. She is setting up a campaign office that will be used as a “space for political education, a kind of ‘TED Talks for activists’ ” program running between now and November.
“Everyone in the House is just constantly thinking about self-preservation, and we don’t get nice things because people are constantly thinking in electoral terms. The way we change that is through political education. I had this conversation with Bernie,” she said. “Here’s this guy in a then-Republican state, a quite conservative state, and he wins by a handful of votes to become mayor of Burlington. And by the time he becomes senator, Vermont is crazy-blue. And a lot of that has to do with his time there. And I said, ‘So how’d you do this?’ And he said that he and different grassroots movements in Vermont spent decades doing political education. And they took on the long-term project of turning a red state blue.”
As political analysis goes, this is a bit specious. Vermont turned blue thanks to a number of sociological and demographic factors greater than any single politician. But it’s also the kind of downfield vision more likely to be expressed by people who work in political organizing than inside the government. It explains a lot about how she acts in Congress. By the time Ocasio-Cortez is as old as Bernie is now, the year will be 2067. The Democratic Party may have immediate needs, but she wants the movement to think in longer time frames.
“Republicans have focused on that long-term project for a very long period of time. Democrats don’t. We think if something is red, it stays red. But you know what? I think if a state like Tennessee or West Virginia can go from blue to red in our lifetime, I think it can go back,” she told me. Justice Democrats are taking aim at another dozen or so incumbents this cycle; if a few more get in, she could build a bloc. “That’s a kind of project that a lot of people think is a waste of time, but I don’t think it is,” she said.
“This whole primary,” she went on, referring to the one Biden and Bernie are in, “is going to be about the soul of the Democratic Party. I think it’s a referendum on whether we think everything was fine before Trump. People who live in a lot of privilege, who think of public programs as charity, they often think there was nothing wrong before Trump. They think Hillary was the problem. But it’s much deeper than that.” And so, on the eve of a primary contest that will train everyone’s attention on the project of unseating the president, Ocasio-Cortez is keeping her focus closer, betting that a purer, bolder Democratic Party is the one this country wants, and can afford.
*This article appears in the January 6, 2020, issue of New York Magazine.

PHOTO: David Williams for New York Magazine