American Fascism's Attack On American Universities: Three prominent Yale professors depart for Canadian university, citing Trump fears

AMERICA IS A FASCIST STATE

Fascism is a far-right, authoritarian, and ultranationalist political ideology and movement, characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy, subordination of individual interests for the perceived good of the nation or race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy.

Opposed to anarchism, democracy, pluralism, egalitarianism, liberalism, socialism, and Marxism fascism is at the far right wing of the traditional left–right spectrum.

AMERICA IS A ROGUE STATE

A nation or state regarded as breaking international law and posing a threat to the security of other nations.

https://yaledailynews.com/blog/2025/03/27/three-prominent-yale-professors-depart-for-canadian-university-citing-trump-fears/

 
Three prominent Yale professors depart for Canadian university, citing Trump fears

History department power couple Timothy Snyder and Marci Shore and philosophy professor Jason Stanley will begin teaching at the University of Toronto’s renowned Munk School in fall 2025.

by Ariela Lopez & Yolanda Wang
May 27, 2025
Yale Daily News

PHOTOS: (L-R) Timothy Snyder, Marci Rose, and Jason Stanley. Yale Department of History, Yale News and Yale Department of Philosophy

Three prominent critics of President Donald Trump are leaving Yale’s faculty — and the United States — amid attacks on higher education to take up positions at the University of Toronto in fall 2025.

Philosophy professor Jason Stanley announced this week that he will leave Yale, while history professors Timothy Snyder and Marci Shore, who are married, decided to leave around the November elections. The three professors will work at Toronto’s Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy.

Stanley wrote to the Daily Nous that his decision to leave was “entirely because of the political climate in the United States.” On Wednesday, he told the Guardian that he chose to move after seeing how Columbia University handled political attacks from Trump.

After the Trump administration threatened to deport two student protesters at Columbia and revoked $400 million in research funding from the school, Columbia agreed on Friday to concede to a series of demands from the Trump administration that included overhauling its protest policies and imposing external oversight on the school’s Middle Eastern studies department.

“When I saw Columbia completely capitulate, and I saw this vocabulary of, well, we’re going to work behind the scenes because we’re not going to get targeted — that whole way of thinking presupposes that some universities will get targeted, and you don’t want to be one of those universities, and that’s just a losing strategy,” Stanley told the Guardian.

“I just became very worried because I didn’t see a strong enough reaction in other universities to side with Columbia,” he added.

Yale has not released a statement addressing the revocation of Columbia’s funding. Yale College Dean Pericles Lewis has told the News that he does not anticipate any changes in Yale’s free expression and protest policies. University President Maurie McInnis previously said that she is prioritizing lobbying for Yale’s interests in Washington over issuing public pronouncements.

Shore wrote that the Munk School had long attempted to recruit her and Snyder and that the couple had seriously considered the offers “for the past two years.” Shore wrote that the couple decided to take the positions after the November 2024 elections. However, a spokesperson for Snyder told Inside Higher Ed that Snyder’s decision was made before the elections, was largely personal and came amid “difficult family matters.” The spokesperson also said that he had “no desire” to leave the United States.

Shore wrote that her and Snyder’s children were factors in the couple’s decision.

Snyder and Shore both specialize in Eastern European history and each has drawn parallels between the fascist regimes they have studied and the current Trump administration. Stanley, a philosopher, has also published books on fascism and propaganda, including the popular book “How Fascism Works.”

In 2021, Stanley and Snyder co-taught a course at Yale titled “Mass Incarceration in the Soviet Union and the United States.” Earlier this week, Stanley and Shore joined nearly 3,000 Jewish faculty across the U.S. to sign a letter denouncing the arrest of a Columbia student protester and urging their respective institutions to resist the Trump administration’s policies targeting colleges.

“I know Jason Stanley very well, he’s been one of my most important interlocutors on political, historical and philosophical questions for the better part of a decade now,” Shore wrote to the News on Wednesday. “I am thrilled that he’ll be joining us in Toronto, but also heartbroken at what’s happened to my own country.”

Paul Franks, the chair of Yale’s philosophy department, described the news of Stanley’s departure as a shock, although he knew that Stanley had been considering leaving Yale “for quite some time.” Franks described Stanley as an irreplaceable “pioneer” in analytic philosophy and as a “rare” American philosophical public intellectual.

Angel Nwadibia ’24, who took several classes with Stanley and worked as a research assistant on his latest book on fascism, lauded Stanley’s commitment to including a diverse canon in his classes’ syllabi, and to relating his courses to relevant current events.

“He has a really neat ability to marry the tools of the discipline with the contemporary crises that we as students, as people in the world, are currently facing,” Nwadibia said.

With Shore and Snyder departing, Yale’s faculty will be short two of its most prominent scholars of Eastern Europe. Although Stanley’s academic work was not focused on the region, the philosophy professor has commented and written on the war in Ukraine and taught a course at the Kyiv School of Economics in Ukraine in the summer of 2024.

Olha Tytarenko, a Ukrainian language professor, shared that Snyder and Shore provided a crucial platform for conversations and events focused on Ukraine.

“The departure of Professors Shore and Snyder leaves behind a profound void,” Tytarenko wrote to the News. “The intellectual and moral leadership they offered in advancing public understanding of Ukrainian history, culture, and politics at Yale is, in many ways, irreplaceable.”

Andrei Kureichik, a Belarusian dissident and research scholar at the MacMillan Center, called the professors’ departure “a big loss” for Yale and American education, but urged the University community to carry forward the pro-Ukraine advocacy Snyder and Shore led on campus.

Molly Brunson, Director of the Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies Program, also emphasized the couple’s “tireless” advocacy for Eastern European scholarship on campus.

When Yevhenii Monastyrskyi GRD ’23 studied European and Russian studies at Yale, Shore advised his thesis and Snyder served as his “spiritual guide,” Monastyrskyi said. He described the two professors as “generous scholars” who made time for their students.

“Professor Snyder is always good with conceptual thinking. He helps to grasp the bigger picture students are trying to pursue,” Monastyrski said. “Professor Shore is a person of ideas and language, so she really helps her students to develop the clearest but also the most beautifully written pieces.”

Asked whether she believes other professors might be encouraged to leave the United States, Shore wrote that she believes many of her colleagues will consider relocating due to the current political climate, which she deemed an “American descent into fascism.”

“I don’t feel confident that American universities will manage to mobilize to protect either their students or their faculty,” Shore said.

Franks wrote that he is not aware of other faculty in the philosophy department who are considering leaving the country for political reasons.

This semester, Shore is on leave from Yale to finish a book manuscript, though she has resided in Toronto since the beginning of the academic year. She will begin teaching at the University of Toronto in the fall as the Munk School’s chair in European intellectual history. Snyder will be the school’s inaugural chair in Modern European History.

The University of Toronto’s Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy was founded in 2010.

Yurii Stasiuk contributed reporting.


ABOUT THE AUTHORS:


Ariela Lopez covers Cops and Courts for the City Desk and lays out the weekly print paper as a Production & Design editor. She previously covered City Hall. Ariela is a sophomore in Branford College, originally from New York City.


Yolanda Wang covers Faculty and Academics as well as Endowment, Finances and Donations. Originally from Buffalo, NY, she is a junior in Davenport College majoring in political science.

The Stark and Brutal Reality of Fascism in America Today and How and Why It Is Maniacally Committed To Systematically Destroying the Country in Real Time As We Speak--With No End in Sight--Part 6

AMERICA IS A FASCIST STATE

 
Fascism is a far-right, authoritarian, and ultranationalist political ideology and movement, characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy, subordination of individual interests for the perceived good of the nation or race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy.
Opposed to anarchism, democracy, pluralism, egalitarianism, liberalism, socialism, and Marxism fascism is at the far right wing of the traditional left–right spectrum.

AMERICA IS A ROGUE STATE

 
A nation or state regarded as breaking international law and posing a threat to the security of other nations.

All,

As usual the great Joy Reid formerly of MSNBC’s REIDOUT cable TV program kicks ass and takes names (read and share with others her typically scathing analysis and incisive commentary below). It’s MSNBC’s great loss and as always OUR GAIN. Thank you Joy for doing what the legendary Black Radical Tradition should always be doing: Openly using knowledge, courage, clarity, discipline, and an absolute commitment to one's own self determination to tell the whole damn truth to power no matter what under any and all circumstances. This is finally the ONLY WAY to fight and defeat fascism both NOW and in the “long run” Stay tuned because the ultimate fight for our lives (literally!) is on and no one–most especially ourselves– will be able on any level to “avoid” it…

Kofi

https://www.joyannreid.com/p/the-daily-reid-the-control-alt-delete

 

 

 

The Daily Reid: the Control-Alt-Delete regime
 

By deleting anything uncomfortable or inclusive about the U.S., the Christian nationalists currently running things hope to return us to the 19th century. That's bad news for everyone but billionaires

by Joy-Ann Reid
April 1, 2025
Substack


The Big House at the Whitney Plantation Historic District. The house was used in the movie "Django Unchained." Photo from Wikipedia.

My assistant recently visited one of those old plantations that have been converted into living museums, where actors bring to life the era when the site was active and populated by wealthy planters, their wives and children, and their enslaved captives.

 
When she returned, I asked if she enjoyed the trip. Her answer was that it was hard to, as some of her fellow visitors spent the tour complaining that the actors portraying enslaved folk were making America’s peculiar institution seem too harsh. What these white American tourists had come to the plantation to enjoy was the fantasy of pastoral American goodness; not an accurate re-enactment of American villainy.

 
Make the world go away

 
Eddy Arnold - Make the World Go Away (Official Audio): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lq0Ri9e6SY0

My mom used to enjoy watching TV variety shows — like “The Carol Burnett Show,” The Osmonds, and “Sonny and Cher.” And since she controlled The TV in the family room, we grew up watching them, too. When I was a young kid in the 1970s, one of the artists who’d make his way onto those shows was Eddy Arnold. I only know him for one song: “Make the world go away.” It could be a theme for the Trump-Elon regime and their doge gang.

 
When they’re not ripping apart the federal government, driving out as much of the federal workforce as they can, and breaking the federal workers unions, abducting people with beliefs inconvenient to their donors right off of U.S. streets using their ICE secret police and disappearing them … deporting people seemingly pulled at random based on the color of their skin, their accents or their tattoos and shipping them off to a Salvadoran gulag … or plotting the largest tax increase in world history (AKA Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs in order to shovel through a $4.7 TRILLION permanent tax cut for the super rich — they are rapidly deleting the recorded memory of any Black, female, indigenous, gay or otherwise non white, male, straight American from the official records of the United States.

 
They’ve done it on the website for Arlington cemetery and the military web writ large … they’ve done it at NASA … they appear to be preparing to sell off the physical manifestations of the history of Black struggles for equality, (they’re now hiding the ball on the fire sale) … women’s, gay people’s and nonwhite Americans’ contributions to the sciences, and indigenous peoples’ and other nonwhite valor during wartime Even if the individual entries are ultimately restored, you can be assured they will be sanitized of any uncomfortable truths about race or gender in America’s past. The whitewashing will neutralize the power of these stories. And that’s the point. As far as this regime is concerned, to the extent that people besides white, straight, Christian conservative and especially wealthy men have existed in America at all, they must only be recalled as silent, smiling window dressing to the main characters in the story of the United States.
This isn’t new.

 
After the civil war, the well-heeled daughters and spouses of traitorous confederate soldiers formed auxiliary groups in Tennessee and Missouri that ultimately coalesced into a powerful national organization called the United Daughters of the Confederacy, Their mission was to rewrite the history of the American South, to make their husbands, brothers, sons and fathers both the victims of an unjust and brutish North, and the valiant generals and war fighters who ought to be deemed America’s real heroes — and the true inheritors of the battles of 1776 to liberate the American colonies from the British Crown.

 
Here’s how the organization — which still exists as a tax-exempt 501C3 — describes itself on their website:

Ah yes, the “war between the states…”
Pause to watch this excellent Vox.com summary of how the losing side in the civil war rewrote themselves into our history books and our physical landscape as the winners:
How Southern socialites rewrote Civil War history:

Vox
 

VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dOkFXPblLpU
4.5M views 

 
The United Daughters of the Confederacy altered the South's memory of the Civil War.

 
The United Daughters of the confederacy were founded during the Gilded Age, as wealthy women, lacking the right to vote, organized into associations that brought them influence and power despite their lack of electoral authority. Oh, and it was also about preserving the privileges of their race — a mission that continued into the 20th century.

 
At a time when the region was immersed in a new round of racial conflict as African Americans challenged the strictures of segregation, disfranchisement, and the extralegal violence of lynching, the Lost Cause sought a nostalgic elevation of the antebellum South with the effect of minimizing the agency and importance of African Americans. Within this context, the Daughters commemorated the traditional privileges of race, gender, and class by casting them as “natural” parts of the region’s history. The group’s members looked to the region’s past as a means to shape race and gender relations in the New South. The UDC historian-general Mildred Lewis Rutherford, for one, firmly believed that African Americans needed to behave as faithful “servants” if the New South were ever to approximate the Old (and supposedly racially harmonious) South the Daughters sought to venerate.

 
The office of historian-general was created in 1908 in part to review histories and textbooks for material that the UDC deemed “unjust to the South.” Rutherford, a Georgian who served in the position from 1911 to 1916, gave speeches, published pamphlets, and wrote newspaper columns that promulgated the Lost Cause view of the war. In one address, delivered on October 22, 1915, she told her audience that “true history” would erase any further sectional conflict.

 
Toward that end, in the Wrongs of History Righted, a pamphlet published in 1914, Rutherford argued that Africans brought to America had been “savage to the last degree” and “sometimes cannibals,” while under slavery “they were the happiest set of people on the face of the globe.” In Civilization of the Old South (1916), she noted that when faced with the challenges of freedom, African Americans “as a race” had “become disorderly, idle, vicious and diseased.” She then suggested that the South’s large population of Black people helped explain the prevalence of lynching there. S. E. F. Rose, a prominent UDC member from Mississippi, authored The Ku Klux Klan; or Invisible Empire (1914), and with the UDC’s unanimous endorsement described Klan violence as having “delivered the South from a bondage worse than death.”

 
Mildred Rutherford also published A Measuring Rod to Test Text Books, and Reference Books in Schools, Colleges and Libraries (1919), which was updated by Marion Salley during her term as historian-general, from 1928 to 1931. In conjunction with the United Confederate Veterans, the UDC advocated for history of which they approved, seeking changes to or the removal of books that didn’t meet their standards. As the historian Elizabeth Gillespie McRae has pointed out, they benefited from free textbook programs adopted by many states by the end of the 1930s. “While providing the state’s schoolchildren with free [often UDC-approved] textbooks,” she has written, “the programs also recycled the state-owned textbooks from white schools to black ones, eroding black control over the textbooks in their segregated schools.”

 
This insistence on “a correct and impartial history of the Confederate side” continued through the twentieth and into the twenty-first century. While distancing itself from the phrase “white supremacy” and groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, the UDC continued to voice objections to histories it deemed “unjust to the South.” In 2018, for example, the Virginia Division urged its members to write letters to a museum devoted to African American military service asking that it honor Black Confederates alongside those who served in the United States Colored Troops.
Pro tip: there’s no such thing as a “Black confederate…” these men were forced labor.

 
Fast forward to today, and the battle is on again over the story America will tell about itself, through its government-controlled institutions. And the Christian nationalists who run our government see a fitting example of “greatness” in the very era during which the United Daughters of the Confederacy were born.

 
Russ Vought, the Christian nationalist former and current Trump budget director and Project 2025 co-author helpfully spelled out the plan when he spoke at Trump’s infamous MSG pre-election rally, where he declared exactly when America was great:

Ah yes … the late 19th century … otherwise known to the far right as “the good old days,” before women had the right to vote, when Blacks were under the heel of the redemption movement and being terrorized, lynched, bombed and burned out of their homes and communities all around the country by the Klan and by racist mobs … when there were no child labor laws, unions could be busted by brute militaristic force and Gilded Age oligarchs raked in unlimited wealth from their 12 hour a day low paid workforces income tax and regulation free. Good times!

 
Not only to men like Vought openly dream of returning America to that hideous era, he and his fellow white Christian nationalists seem particularly determined to ensure that American children never learn a version of history that fails to hold particularly wealthy white, straight, Christian men in abject reverence; or that gives even a glimpse at villainy on the part of America’s founders and slaveholders.

 
Christian nationalists are the United Sons and Daughters of the Neoconfederacy

 
For these conservatives, The 1619 Project — the brilliant and bombshell historical essay series from Nikole Hannah Jones in the New York Times that seemed to shake the earth’s very foundatons during the heart of the Pandemic and the outcry over the police murder of George Floyd — was so deeply dangerous, its residue must be cleansed from school books, museums, government websites, and from the very minds of Americans, Black and white, just as surely as Medgar Evers, the Tuskegee Airmen and Jackie Robinson must be expunged from military history. Generations from now, true Americans must believe that there has been no honor or national valor among anyone but those designated as “non-DEI” and that to the extent nonwhite people, women, and gays get to exist at all in the American story (trans people get erased entirely) they will return their status as silent, smiling and noble window dressing on the broad and valiant shoulders of America’s uber class, just as they have in the decades when the United Daughters controlled our textbooks and erected our monuments.

 
Control - Alt - Delete

 

The National Museum of African American History. and Culture in Washington D.C.

 
In order to have their way, and re-rewrite the American narrative, new and more accurate tellings of our collective past must be erased. Like the plantation visitor, the neoconfederates want the past told in hazy hagiographies, not cold, hard facts. They plan a national reset that involves hitting “control-alt-delete” like resetting a misbehaving PC … so that what comes back to life is a bland national organism that never questions the greatness of people who look like Donald Trump, Pete Hegseth, RFK Jr. and Elon Musk, and never elevates people who look, sound and think like Medgar Evers, the Tuskegee Airmen, the Navajo Code Talkers or Jackie Robinson.
Enter the Blacksonian — that’s what Black Americans call the National Museum of African-American History and Culture in Washington D.C. It’s an exquisite structure outside and in — with exhibits on the history of Black existence in the Americas that will plunge deep into your soul and stay there for a long time after you’ve visited. Trump last week issued an executive order putting none other than JD Vance, someone who has in my experience has never publicly exhibited any respect whatsoever for any American not named Donald Trump, in charge of radically shifting the focus of its exhibits, along with those of the entire revered collection of museums known as the Smithsonian institution.

 
From the order:

 
President Trump aims to ensure that the Smithsonian is an institution that sparks children’s imagination, celebrates American history and ingenuity, serves as a symbol to the world of American greatness, and makes America proud.
The Order directs the Vice President, who is a member of the Smithsonian Board of Regents, to work to eliminate improper, divisive, or anti-American ideology from the Smithsonian and its museums, education and research centers, and the National Zoo.

 
The Order directs the Administration to work with Congress to ensure that future Smithsonian appropriations: (1) prohibit funding for exhibits or programs that degrade shared American values, divide Americans by race, or promote ideologies inconsistent with Federal law; and (2) celebrate women’s achievements in the American Women’s History Museum and do not recognize men as women.

 
The Vice President will work with congressional leaders to appoint members to the Smithsonian Board of Regents who are committed to advancing the celebration of America’s extraordinary heritage and progress.
The Order also directs the Secretary of the Interior restore Federal parks, monuments, memorials, statues, markers, or similar properties that have been improperly removed or changed in the last five years to perpetuate a false revision of history or improperly minimize or disparage certain historical figures or events.

 
In preparation for the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 2026, the Order directs the Secretary of the Interior to complete restorations and improvements to Independence Hall by that date.

 
So the UDC’s confederate monuments honoring secessionist traitors and intended to intimidate Black Americans into submission are coming back. But wait, there’s more…

 
The prior administration pushed a divisive ideology that reconstrued America’s promotion of liberty as fundamentally flawed, infecting revered institutions like the Smithsonian and national parks with false narratives.

At Independence National Historical Park in Philadelphia, the Biden Administration sponsored training by an organization that advocates for dismantling “Western foundations” and that taught Park Rangers that their racial identity should dictate how they present history to visitors.

The Smithsonian Institution—once revered throughout the world as a symbol of American excellence—has recently promoted divisive ideology that American and Western values are harmful.

 
The American Art Museum currently features an exhibit that purports to address how “sculpture has been a powerful tool in promoting scientific racism” and claims that the United States has “used race to establish and maintain systems of power, privilege, and disenfranchisement.”

The National Museum of African American History and Culture has proclaimed that “hard work,” “individualism,” and “the nuclear family” are aspects of “White culture.”

The American Women’s History Museum plans to celebrate male athletes participating in women’s sports.
And since James David will be in charge of remaking these revered institutions into ones Trump and his friends can enjoy, free from psychic torment, we should know where he gets his ideas. The answer won’t be comforting. He has claimed that part of his personal philosophy comes from listening to a murky wannabe intellectual named Curtis Yarvin, whom I’ve discussed before in this newsletter. But for a refresher, here’s a flashback to Rachel Maddow’s excellent rundown:

 

 

More Yarvin, who beyond being weird, creepy and dismal… is quite popular among the white Christian nationalist podcast crowd…

 

And he also seems to believe that life was better before what he, like old Mildred Rutherford, refers to as “the war between the states.” 

 
Here is part of his long interview with the New York Times reporter David Marchese:

 
I noticed when I was going through your stuff that you make these historical claims, like the one you just made about no genocide in Europe between 1,000 A.D. and the Holocaust, and then I poke around, and it’s like, Huh, is that true? My skepticism comes from what I feel is a pretty strong cherry-picking of historical incidents to support your arguments, and the incidents you’re pointing to are either not factually settled or there’s a different way of looking at them. But I want to ask a couple of questions about stuff that you’ve written about race. Mm.

 
I’ll read you some examples: “This is the trouble with white nationalism. It is strategically barren. It offers no effective political program.” To me, the trouble with white nationalism is that it’s racist, not that it’s strategically unsophisticated. Well —

 
There’s two more. “It is very difficult to argue that the Civil War made anyone’s life more pleasant, including that of freed slaves.” Come on. [Yarvin’s actual quote called it “the War of Secession,” not the Civil War.] The third one: “If you ask me to condemn Anders Breivik” — the Norwegian mass murderer — “but adore Nelson Mandela, perhaps you have a mother you’d like to [expletive].” When you look at Mandela, the reason I said that — most people don’t know this — there was a little contretemps when Mandela was released because he actually had to be taken off the terrorist list.

 
Maybe the more relevant point is that Nelson Mandela was in jail for opposing a viciously racist apartheid regime. The viciously racist apartheid regime, they had him on the terrorist list.

 
What does this have to do with equating Anders Breivik, who shot people on some bizarre, deluded mission to rid Norway of Islam, with Nelson Mandela? Because they’re both terrorists, and they both violated the rules of war in the same way, and they both basically killed innocent people. We valorize terrorism all the time.

 
So Gandhi is your model? Martin Luther King? Nonviolence? It’s more complicated than that.
Is it? I could say things about either, but let’s move on to one of your other examples. I think the best way to grapple with African Americans in the 1860s — just Google slave narratives. Go and read random slave narratives and get their experience of the time. There was a recent historian who published a thing — and I would dispute this, this number is too high — but his estimate was something like a quarter of all the freedmen basically died between 1865 and 1870.

 
I can’t speak to the veracity of that. But you’re saying there are historical examples in slave narratives where the freed slaves expressed regret at having been freed. This to me is another prime example of how you selectively read history, because other slave narratives talk about the horrible brutality. Absolutely.

 
“Difficult to argue that the Civil War made anyone’s life more pleasant, including freed slaves”? OK, first of all, when I said “anyone,” I was talking about a population group rather than individuals.

 
Are you seriously arguing that the era of slavery was somehow better than — If you look at the living conditions for an African American in the South, they are absolutely at their nadir between 1865 and 1875. They are very bad because basically this economic system has been disrupted.

 
I can’t believe I’m arguing this. Brazil abolished slavery in the 1880s without a civil war, so when you look at the cost of the war or the meaning of the war, it visited this huge amount of destruction on all sorts of people, Black and white. All of these evils and all of these goods existed in people at this time, and what I’m fighting against in both of those quotes, also in the way the people respond to Breivik — basically you’re responding in this cartoonish way. What is the difference between a terrorist and a freedom fighter? That’s a really important question in 20th-century history. To say that I’m going to have a strong opinion about this stuff without having an answer to that question, I think is really difficult and wrong.
Sounds like just the person we want influencing the guy who is remaking our national historical memory.

 
Among Yarvin’s apparent defenders is this guy: Doug Wilson, an Idaho based Christian nationalist church leader and content producer who happens to have ties to weekend host-turned Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. A bit more about Pastor Wilson:

 
Wilson and his allies have a rigid patriarchal belief system and don’t believe in the separation of church and state. They support taking away the right to vote from most women, barring non-Christians from holding office and criminalizing the LGBTQ+ community.

 
Wilson apparently also believes that empathy is a sin and slavery wasn’t always so bad:

So are these the ideas that will guide the new, Trumped out Blacksonian? And will anyone be able to trust the history coming out of any of the once grand museums in Washington D.C.? Will the currently moving and phenomenal exhibits on slavery be reduced to happy talk about slaves singing in the fields and writing plaintive letters during Reconstruction about how much they missed the old plantation life and their kindly “massah?” Will there be exhibits on the red riders and white knights of the Klan, or will those be washed away? Will Reconstruction be rewritten as a crime against the South? Will exhibits inside the Blacksonian be replaced by laudatory exhibits about Clarence Thomas? Will we even recognize the place when James David is done? And what will happen to the other great museums? Will there be any women’s, indigenous or other histories left in Washington?

 
I wish these weren’t real questions.

 
As I said to Steve Schmidt during our live last week on The Warning, it’s not just Black Americans who are losing our history — we happen to be used to America doing that. White Americans who are having their history erased, too. They’re just not used to knowing it’s happening.

 
(Here’s Steve’s essay, written as he and his wife drive across America, including visiting Medgar Evers’ home and National Parks Service site … which is currently in danger of being sold off by doge.)

 
Leave a comment

 
And note that this year, 2025, is a jubilee year — with 60 year anniversaries of not just the Selma to Montgomery March, but also the Voting Rights Act, the murders of Goodman, Schwerner and Cheney, the 70th anniversary of the lynching of Emmett Till, and what would be the 100th birthday of Medgar Evers in June.

 
What a tragedy to have a regime ruling us that respects none of that history.

 
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Sue Castaneda
10h

 

Edited

 
Thank you, Joy , for this invaluable article!! Keep exposing these atrocities for what they are—ERASING HISTORY!! We must never give up the fight against censorship. I’m so pleased to find you at Substack ❤️

 
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1 reply by Joy-Ann Reid
Sue Oregon
9h

 
I hope artists (visual, writers, actors, etc.) of all cultures increase their documentation of America's real history that should be shown in art galleries and public places throughout the nation. It's time to stand up.
My April 5th protest sign: One side is a painting of the Klan in robes standing around a tree with Uncle Sam (a personification of the American people and government of the USA) hanging from a tree. Standing in front, robed Trump and Musk holding his chainsaw ... with a torn Constitution at their feet. The other side of the sign reads "Trump Destroys America's Well-being"

 
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The ongoing humiliation of Marco Rubio: a metaphor for America

 
The media once touted Marco Rubio as the "Latin Obama" ... now he's just comic relief

 
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Henry A. Giroux on American Fascism in the 21st Century and the Ongoing Struggles Against It

FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on June 23, 2018):

Saturday, June 23, 2018

All,

In my view Henry A. Giroux is the finest and most important public intellectual and social critic in the United States today even though technically he has lived and worked in in Canada (and has since acquired dual citizenship) since 2004 (see details of his professional bio below following this essay). An extraordinary scholar, prolific and mesmerizing writer, brilliant teacher and deeply committed activist, Giroux has written the most dynamic, critically insightful and analytically incisive books on American politics, culture, and education in this century and has been at the forefront of surgically dissecting and thoroughly critiquing the horrific Trump phenomenon in all of its many loathsome aspects. The following piece is an excerpt from his new book American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Fascism is from the final chapter of his text. Please read carefully and pass the word…

Kofi 

 
“What’s Past is Prologue”...

https://truthout.org/articles/a-democracy-in-exile-fights-against-fascism/

Politics & Elections

A Democracy in Exile Fights Against Fascism:
 

Excerpt from Giroux's new book American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Fascism--City Lights Books, 2018 

 

The concept of democracy in exile offers a new rhetorical approach to understanding resistance and the new stage of authoritarianism that has made it necessary. Gage Skidmore / Flickr

by Henry A. Giroux
City Lights Publishers
June 7, 2018
Truthout




 

Part of the Truthout Series

Progressive Picks

 
At the forefront of public intellectuals, Henry Giroux writes a scintillating book, American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Fascism, that connects the dots between historical fascism and the age of Trump. Giroux urges that the resistance not falter, and that the democracy in exile vigorously challenge the current order. The following excerpt is the conclusion to the book.

 
“We don’t live in the best of all possible worlds. This is a Kafkaesque time…. Yet somehow the old discredited values and longings persist … We still believe that we can save ourselves and our damaged earth — an indescribably difficult task…. But we keep on trying, because there is nothing else to do.”—Annie Proulx

 
While Trumpism attempts to expand its alt-right social base under its authoritarian hierarchy, forces of grassroots resistance are mobilizing around a renewed sense of ethical courage, social solidarity, and a revival of the political imagination. We see this happening in the increasing number of mass demonstrations in which individuals are putting their bodies on the line, refusing the fascist machinery of misogyny, nativism, and white supremacy. Airports are being occupied, people are demonstrating in the streets of major cities, town halls have become sites of resistance, campuses are being transformed into sanctuaries to protect undocumented students, scientists are marching en masse against climate change deniers, and progressive cultural workers, public intellectuals, and politicians are speaking out against the emerging authoritarianism. In a number of red states, middle-aged women are engaged in the “grinding scutwork of grassroots organizing” while addressing big issues such as “health care and gerrymandering, followed by dark money in politics, education, and the environment.” Democracy may be in exile in the United States, and imperiled in Europe and other parts of the globe, but the spirit that animates it remains resilient. Once again the public memory of an educated and prophetic hope is in the air, echoing Martin Luther King Jr.’s call “to make real the promise of democracy.

 
In today’s historical moment, such a promise finds sanctuary in the notion of “democracy in exile.” This concept is meant as a counterforce and remedy to the Jacksonian intolerance, violence, expulsion, and racism of Donald Trump, Stephen Miller, and Trumpism as a nationalist movement drifting in plain sight from plutocracy and authoritarian nepotism to fascism. Democracy in exile is the space in which people, families, networks, and communities fight back. It unites the promise of insurrectional political engagement with the creation of expansive new manifestations of justice — social, economic, environmental. The concept speaks to the rise of innumerable marches, protests, and acts of political resistance that form a growing challenge to existing power relations and the expanding forces of authoritarianism and tyranny consolidated under Trump’s rule. It argues for a model of critical consciousness and an “ethical space where we encounter the pain of others and truly reflect on its significance to a shared human community.” Such sanctuaries function as alternative spheres of a democracy in exile and do more than offer refugees protection and services such “as emergency shelters, recreation, public transit, libraries, food banks, and police and fire services without asking questions about their status.” They also point toward and beyond the identification of structures of domination and repression in search of new understanding and imaginative response to the need to live well together in diverse communities. In part, this means responding to the ominous forces at work in US society, now marked by a collapse of civic culture, shared literacy, and meaningful citizenship. Such spaces call for new apparatuses enabling people to learn together, to engage in extended dialogue, and to develop new social formations in the service of advancing political, economic, and environmental justice and transformation. As democracy cannot survive without informed and socially responsible citizens, such spaces are driven by community-centered education, culture, and family.

 
What might it mean for educators to create sanctuaries that preserve the ideals, values, and experiences of an insurrectional democracy? What might it mean to imagine a landscape of resistance in which the metaphor of democracy in exile inspires and energizes young people, educators, workers, artists, and others to engage in political and pedagogical forms of resistance that are disruptive, transformative, resilient, and emancipatory? What might it mean to create multiple protective spaces of resistance that would allow us to think critically, ask troubling questions, take risks, transgress established norms, and fill the spaces of everyday life with ongoing acts of nonviolent organizing resistance? What might it mean to create cities, states, and other public spheres defined as sanctuaries for a democracy in exile? Cities such as Boston and Hamilton, Ontario, have declared themselves sanctuaries, or what I am calling democracies in exile. Brit McCandless recently reported that “more than 800 places of worship have volunteered to shelter undocumented immigrants who face deportation and their families — double the number since the 2016 election. They join the more than 600 cities and counties that have declared themselves sanctuaries — ordering their police not to detain people solely because of their immigration status.”

 
These cities and counties have not only refused to comply with Trump’s repressive policies on climate change and travel bans, but they have also defined themselves, in part, as public spaces designed to protect those who fear expulsion and state terrorism. In many respects, cities have become front lines in the fight against Trump’s repressive immigration policies and disastrous attack on climate change reform. As of February 2017, more than sixty-eight mayors have signed an open letter protesting Trump’s opposition to limiting greenhouse gases. Cities such as Seattle and Burlington, Vermont, are on the cutting edge, enacting radical legislation while promoting broad-based progressive political formations heavily indebted to the values and policies of democratic socialism. In fact, an avowed socialist, Kshama Sawant, sits on the city council in Seattle, one of America’s most insurgent cities.

 
In the face of Trump’s January 25, 2017, executive order in which he called for stripping federal funds from cities that defy his border enforcement and immigration policies, many cities have chosen to resist Trump anyway, because of his attacks on environmental protections and public schools. In the face of such attacks, new coalitions are emerging between labor groups, young people, immigrant rights groups, evangelicals, church groups, and others that Adriana Cadena, coordinator for Reform Immigration for Texas Alliance, points to as a reservoir of “untapped voices.” At the same time, such struggles will not be easy. Not only is the threat of repression by the federal government a looming reality, but a similar threat is posed by Republican-controlled state legislatures, which now number thirty-two. Yet many progressive states such as California are finding new ways to pass laws “that grant undocumented immigrants access to state driver’s licenses, in-state tuition, financial aid, health care and professional licenses, and that shield them by limiting state participation in enforcing federal law.”

 
Such cities and counties, and a host of diverse public spheres, function as parallel structures that create alternative modes of communication, social relations, education, health care, and cultural work, including popular music, social media, the performing arts, and literature. These spaces are what Vaclav Benda has called a “parallel polis,” which brings pressure on official structures, implements new modes of pedagogical resistance, and provides the basis for organizing larger day-to-day protests and more organized and sustainable social movements. Just as dissidents in Eastern Europe developed the concept of a parallel polis, there is a need in the current historical moment to create new modes of organizing, community, and resistance: democracies in exile.

 
Cities have become front lines in the fight against Trump’s repressive immigration policies and disastrous attack on climate change reform.

 
The concept of democracy in exile is grounded in community building, economic justice, and a discourse of critique, hope, social justice, and self-reflection. As a mode of critique, it models the call for diverse forms of resistance, critical dialogue, collaboration, and a rethinking of political processes and the kinds of public spaces where they can take place. As a discourse of hope, it offers the possibility of organizing new forms of social networking designed to dismantle proto-fascist formations from consolidating further. As a model for a new progressive politics, democracies in exile are open communities and collectivities joined in the spirit of mutual aid and justice; they mark the antithesis of Trumpism’s falsehoods, walls, guns, white supremacy, and menacing intolerance. These models for democracy signal a mode of witnessing and organized resistance inspired by a renewed commitment to justice and equality. This is a spirit of redemption matched by mass protests such as the “Day Without Immigrants” strike, the 4.2 million people who took to the streets in protest on Trump’s second day in office, and the thousands of scientists and their supporters who participated in the 2017 March for Science. In all of these cases, the aim was “to demonstrate the productive power of the people” in the struggle to take back democracy.

 
Democracy in exile offers the opportunity to fuse popular movements and reinvigorate educational spheres that include traditional sites of struggle such as unions, churches, and synagogues. For example, churches throughout the United States are using private homes in their parishes as shelters while at the same time “creating a modern-day underground railroad to ferry undocumented immigrants from house to house or into Canada.” Hiding and housing immigrants is but one important register of political resistance that such sanctuaries can provide. Organizations such as the Protective Leadership Institute and the State Innovation Exchange are fighting back against conservative state legislation by modeling progressive legislation, putting ongoing pressure on politicians, educating people on issues and how to develop the skills for disruptive political strategies, and building “a progressive power base in the states.” In addition, cities such as New York have proclaimed themselves sanctuary cities, and students in “as many as 100 colleges and universities across the country” have held protests “demanding their schools become sanctuary campuses.”

 
The concept of democracy in exile offers a new rhetorical approach to understanding such resistance and the new stage of authoritarianism that has made it necessary. Such outposts of exile offer new models of collaboration, united by a perpetual striving for a more just society. As such, they join in solidarity and in their differences, mediated by a respect for the common good, human dignity, and decency. Together they offer a new map for resisting a demagogue and his coterie of reactionaries who harbor a rapacious desire for concentrating power in the hands of a financial elite and the economic, political, and religious fundamentalists who seek to amass wealth and power by any means necessary. This call for a new mode of opposition connects the educational challenge of raising individual and collective consciousness with mobilizing against the suffocating ideologies, worldviews, and policies that are driving the new species of authoritarianism. These alternative spaces and new public spheres reflect what Sara Evans and Harry Boyte have called “free spaces,” which welcome the challenge of ongoing community engagement designed to revitalize civic education and civic courage.

 
The language of exile also projects a threat to pro-fascist nationalist networks, for it signals the rival mobilization of emancipatory social forces organizing against political intolerance, white supremacy, economic oppression, police violence, and the constant fabrications that serve to normalize and enforce them. The creation of new spaces for community resistance asserts the right to reject all such formations of domination, impunity, and abuse.

 
Rethinking the possibility for social movements and a new form of politics can begin by reconceptualizing what might it mean to create public spheres and institutions that represent models of a democracy in exile — sanctuaries that preserve the ideals, values, and experiences of a radical democracy. What will it take to create communities whose diverse institutions function as sanctuaries for those who fear expulsion and state terror? How might we together generate a multi-pronged resistance that revives and defends the ideals of an already fragile and wounded democracy — one that cultivates educated hope and actions that safeguard our future? Such a society would foster “the eradication of all forms of racial, gender, class, and sexual hierarchy” and would be based on a call not for reform but for a radical restructuring, a substantive socialist democracy that rejects the notion that capitalism and democracy are synonymous. 

 
New coalitions are emerging between labor groups, young people, immigrant rights groups, evangelicals, church groups, and others.

 
This certainly raises further questions about what proactive roles educational institutions can take to counter the creeping influence and further normalization of authoritarianism in all its forms. One of the challenges confronting the current generation of educators, students, progressives, and other concerned citizens is the need to address the role they might play in any resistance effort. What can and should education accomplish in a democracy under siege? What work must educators do to create the economic, political, and ethical conditions necessary to endow young people and the general public with the capacities to think, question, doubt, imagine the unimaginable, and defend education as essential for inspiring an informed, thoughtful citizenry integral to the existence of a robust democracy? In a world witnessing an increasing abandonment of egalitarian and democratic impulses and the erasure of historical memory, what will it take to educate young people and the broader polity to learn from the past and understand the present in order to challenge rabid, unbridled authority and hold power accountable?

 
Many of the resources are already available. In his book On Tyranny, historian Timothy Snyder provides a list of suggestions that range from not being afraid to disobey, to defending democratic institutions. Michael Lerner has produced a number of invaluable proposals that include what he calls a global Marshall Plan and a strategy for US progressives to take seriously matters of education, subjectivity, compassion, and care in any political struggle. George Lakoff has provided a number of useful suggestions for engaging in the individual and collective practice of resistance, including the call to re-examine the nature of power and to focus on substance not sideshows in the realm of criticism. Bill Quigley has offered a number of substantive points on how to engage in direct action to stop government raids. Reverend William J. Barber II has written extensively on the need to create broad-based alliances, especially among the religious left, and in doing so has infused the call for resistance with an energizing sense of moral and political outrage. In The American Prospect, Theo Anderson has provided an insightful commentary on how the left’s long march of resistance must include direct action at the state level. Robin D.G. Kelley has written a series of brilliant articles on the need to develop emancipatory strategies in the university that call for students and faculty to move beyond framing grievances in the discourse of victimhood and personal travail. Harper’s Magazine engaged a number of intellectuals to talk about what the ecology of resistance under a Trump regime might look like. These are only a few of the many valuable sources that can be studied, talked about, and potentially used to advance networks and movements for democracies in exile.

 
Universities have an essential role to play in midwifing democracies in exile. In addition to creating safe spaces for undocumented immigrants and others deemed vulnerable or disposable, universities can also equip people with the knowledge, skills, experiences, and values they need to organize, litigate, and achieve higher levels of justice, openness, and accountability. For many universities, this would mean renouncing their instrumental approach to knowledge, creating the conditions for faculty to connect their work with important social issues, refusing to treat students as customers, and choosing administrative leaders who have a vision rooted in the imperatives of justice, ethics, social responsibility, and democratic values. The culture of business has produced the business of education, and to be frank, it has corrupted the mission of too many universities. It is necessary for students, faculty, and others to reverse this trend at a time when the dark shadows of authoritarianism and fascism threaten both the spaces for critical inquiry and democracy itself. 

 
Democracies in exile are open communities and collectivities joined in the spirit of mutual aid and justice.
At the very least, students and others need the historical knowledge, critical tools, and analytical skills to be able to understand the underlying factors and forces that gave rise to Trump’s ascendency to the presidency of the United States. Understanding how “the possible triumph in America of a fascist-tinged authoritarian regime” is poised to destroy “a fragile liberal democracy” is the first step toward a viable and sustained resistance. It is crucial to repeat that this authoritarian regime draws on a fascist legacy that not only decreed the death of the civic imagination but also unleashed nothing short of a mass-scale terror and violence.We must also ask what role education, historical memory, and critical pedagogy might have in the larger society, where the social has been individualized, political life has collapsed, and education has been reduced to either a private affair or a kind of algorithmic mode of regulation in which everything is narrowly focused on achieving a desired empirical outcome? What role could a resuscitated critical education play in challenging the deadly neoliberal claim that all problems are individual, when the roots of such problems lie in larger systemic forces? What role might universities fulfill in preserving and scrutinizing cultural memory in order to ensure our current generation and the next are on the right side of history? What might it mean to return to and rethink critically the ideals of the 1960s and 1970s, when university life was defined by students and faculty? What will it take to give power back to faculty and students so they can play a major role in the governing of higher education? How might faculty and students best collaborate in order to eliminate the tsunami of exploitative part-time labor that has been employed by the corporatized university to de-skill and punish faculty since the 1970s?

 
Historical memory is too easily subverted by manufactured ignorance. The corporate-controlled media and entertainment industries make it easy to forget that Trump is more than the product of the deep-seated racism, attacks on the welfare state, and corporate-centered priorities that have characterized the Republican Party since the 1980s. He is also the result of a Democratic Party that has separated itself from the needs of working people, minorities of color, and young people by becoming nothing more than the party of the financial elite. There is a certain dreadful irony in the fact that the neoliberal wing of the Democratic Party has been quick to condemn Trump and his coterie as demagogic and authoritarian. What cannot be forgotten is that this is the same ruling elite who gave us the surveillance state, bailed out Wall Street, ushered in the mass incarceration state, and punished whistleblowers. Chris Hedges is right in arguing that the Democratic Party is an “appendage of the consumer society” and its embrace of “neoliberalism and [refusal] to challenge the imperial wars empowered the economic and political structures that destroyed our democracy and gave rise to Trump.” The only answer the Democratic Party has to Trump is to strike back when he overreaches and make a case for the good old days when they were in power. What they refuse to acknowledge is that their policies helped render Trump’s victory possible and that what they share with Trump is a mutual support for bankers, the rule of big corporations, neoliberalism, and the erroneous and fatal assumption that capitalism is democracy, and vice versa. What is needed is a new understanding of the political, a new democratic socialist party, and a radical restructuring of politics itself.

 
At the same time, any confrontation with the current historical moment has to be infused with hope, possibility, and new forms of political practice. While many countries have been transformed into what Stanley Aronowitz calls a repressive “national security state,” there are signs that authoritarianism in its various versions is currently being challenged, especially by young people, and that the radical imagination is still alive. Marine Le Pen’s National Front Party lost the presidential election in France; Jeremy Corbyn’s Labor Party just dealt a blow in the United Kingdom to Theresa May and the conservatives in the 2016 election; and young people under thirty across the globe are marching for a radical democracy. No society is without resistance, and hope can never be reduced to a mere abstraction. Hope has to be informed, militant, and concrete.

 
Historical memory is too easily subverted by manufactured ignorance.

 
The dark clouds of an American-style fascism are brewing on the horizon and can be seen in a countless number of Trump’s statements and orders, including his instructions to the Department of Homeland Security to draw up a list of “Muslim organizations and individuals that, in the language of the executive action, have been ‘radicalized.’” Given Trump’s intolerance of criticism and dissent, it is plausible that this list could be expanded to target Black Lives Matter activists, investigative journalists, feminists, community organizers, university professors, and other outspoken left-wing intellectuals. One indication that the Trump regime is compiling a larger list of alleged wrongdoers was the Trump transition team’s request that the Energy Department deliver a list of the names of individuals who had worked on climate change. Under public pressure, the Trump regime later rescinded this request. Couple these political interventions with the unprecedented attack on the media and the barring of the New York Times, CNN, and other alleged “fake news” media outlets from press conferences, and what becomes clear is that the professional institutions that make democracy possible are not only under siege but face the threat of being abolished. Trumpists’ constant cry of “fake news” to discredit critical media outlets is part of a massive disinformation campaign designed to undermine investigative journalism, eyewitness news, fact-based analysis, reason, evidence, and any knowledge-based standard of judgment.Nothing will change unless people begin to take seriously the deeply rooted structural, cultural, and subjective underpinnings of oppression in the United States and what it might require to make such issues meaningful, in both personal and collective ways, in order to make them critical and transformative. This is fundamentally a pedagogical as well as a political concern. As Charles Derber has explained, knowing “how to express possibilities and convey them authentically and persuasively seems crucially important” if any viable form of resistance is to take shape. Trumpism normalizes official falsehoods, intolerance, violence, and pro-fascist social manifestations. Taken as a whole, these conditions do not simply repress independent thought, but constitute their own mode of indoctrinated perceptions that are reinforced through a diverse set of cultural apparatuses ranging from local gun clubs and hate groups to corporate media such as Fox News and online commercial operations like Infowars and Breitbart News.

 
Despite everything, optimism and resistance are in the air, and the urgency of mass action has a renewed relevance. Workers, young people, environmental activists, demonstrations against the massive tax cuts for the rich posing as health-care reform, along with numerous expressions of protest against Trump’s draconian policies are popping up all over the United States and symbolize an emerging collective opposition to pro-fascist tendencies. As I pointed out earlier, thousands of scientists have rallied against the assaults being waged on scientific inquiry, the veracity of catastrophic climate change, and other forms of evidence-based research, and are planning further marches in the future. Mass protests movements at the local level are coming into play, as seen in the Moral Monday movement and the anti-pipeline campaigns. In addition, a number of big city mayors are refusing to obey Trump’s orders; demonstrations are taking place every day throughout the country; students are mobilizing on campuses; and all over the globe women are marching for their rights. Many people entering politics for the first time are demonstrating for affordable health care, a social wage, and a jobs program, especially for young people. Some individuals and groups are working hard to build a mass movement organized against militarism, inequality, racism, the increasing possibility of nuclear war, and the ecological destabilization of the planet.

 
Facing the challenge of fascism will not be easy, but Americans are marching, protesting, and organizing in record-breaking numbers.

 
We are witnessing the imminent emergence of new forms of resistance willing to support broad-based struggles intent on producing ongoing forms of nonviolent resistance at all levels of society. It is important to heed Rabbi Michael Lerner’s insistence that a democratically minded public, comprised of workers and activists of various stripes, needs a new language of critique and possibility, one that embraces a movement for a world of love, courage, and justice while being committed to a mode of nonviolence in which the means are as ethical as the ends sought by such struggles. Such a call is as historically mindful as it is insightful, drawing upon legacies of nonviolent resistance left to us by renowned activists as diverse as Bertrand Russell, Saul Alinsky, Paulo Freire, and Martin Luther King Jr. Despite their diverse projects and methods, these voices for change all shared a commitment to a fearless collective struggle in which nonviolent strategies rejected passivity and compromise to engage in powerful expressions of opposition. To be successful, such struggles have to be coordinated, focused, and relentless. Single-issue movements will have to join with others in supporting both a comprehensive politics and a mass collective movement. We would do well to heed the words of the great abolitionist, Frederick Douglass:

 
"It is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and the crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced."

 
The political repression of our times requires that we work together to redefine politics and challenge the pro-corporate two-party system. In the process, we will reclaim the struggle to produce meaningful educational visions and practices, find new ways to change individual and collective consciousness, engage in meaningful dialogue with people living at the margins of the political landscape, and overcome the factionalism of single-issue movements in order to build broad-based social movements. Proto-fascist conditions are with us again. Fortunately, Trump’s arrogance as a champion of such forces is not going entirely unchecked as the great collective power of resistance to his regime deepens. Mass actions are taking place with renewed urgency every day. Facing the challenge of fascism will not be easy, but Americans are marching, protesting, and organizing in record-breaking numbers. Hopefully, mass indignation will evolve into a worldwide movement whose power will be on the side of justice not impunity, bridges not walls, dignity not disrespect, kindness not cruelty. The American nightmare is not something happening somewhere else to someone else. It’s happening here, to us. The time to wake up is now. To quote James Baldwin’s letter to Angela Davis:
Some of us, white and black, know how great a price has already been paid to bring into existence a new consciousness, a new people, an unprecedented nation. If we know, and do nothing, we are worse than the murderers hired in our name. If we know, then we must fight for your life as though it were our own — which it is — and render impassable with our bodies the corridor to the gas chamber. For, if they take you in the morning, they will be coming for us that night.

 
In the end, there is no democracy without informed citizens, no justice without a language critical of injustice, and no change without a broad-based movement of collective resistance.

 
Copyright (2018) by Henry Giroux. Not to be reprinted without permission of the publisher, City Lights Publishers.
 

http://english.humanities.mcmaster.ca/people/henry-giroux/

 
Henry Giroux, Ph.D.
Professor of English and Cultural Studies

Email: girouxh@mcmaster.ca
Phone: 905-525-9140 ext. 26551
Office: Chester New Hall, Room 229

Areas of Interest:
Education and Pedagogy; Politics; Neoliberalism and authoritarianism; War; Public vs. private; Aesthetics
Profile

 
Giroux received his Doctorate from Carnegie-Mellon in 1977. He then became professor of education at Boston University from 1977 to 1983. In 1983, he became professor of education and renowned scholar in residence at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio where he also served as Director at the Center for Education and Cultural Studies. He moved to Penn State University where he took up the Waterbury Chair Professorship at Penn State University from 1992 to May 2004. He also served as the Director of the Waterbury Forum in Education and Cultural Studies. He moved to McMaster University in May 2004, where he currently holds the McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest. From 2012 to 2015 he was a Distinguished Visiting Professor at Ryerson University. In 2018 he was appointed Jarislowsky Fellow in Global Engagement at Waterloo University.

 
In 2002, he was named as one of the top fifty educational thinkers of the modern period in Fifty Modern Thinkers on Education: From Piaget to the Present as part of Routledge’s Key Guides Publication Series.

 
In 2007, he was named by the Toronto Star as one of the “12 Canadians Changing the Way We Think.”

 
In 2018, he was named one of Transcend Media Service’s “100 Peace & Justice Leaders and Models.”
He has received honorary doctorates from Memorial University in Canada, Chapman University in California, and the University of the West of Scotland. He is on the editorial and advisory boards of numerous national and international scholarly journals, and he has served as the editor or co-editor of four scholarly book series. He co-edited a series on education and cultural studies with Paulo Freire for a decade. He is a regular contributor to a number of online journals including Truthout, Truthdig, and CounterPunch. He has published in many journals including Social Text, Third Text, Cultural Studies, Harvard Educational Review, Theory, Culture, & Society, and Monthly Review. His work has appeared in the New York Times and many other prominent news media. He is interviewed regularly on a number of media. He is on the Board of Directors for Truthout. His books are translated into many languages.

 
His primary research areas are: cultural studies, youth studies, critical pedagogy, popular culture, media studies, social theory, and the politics of higher and public education. He is particularly interested in what he calls the war on youth, the corporatization of higher education, the politics of neoliberalism, the assault on civic literacy and the collapse of public memory, public pedagogy, the educative nature of politics, and the rise of various youth movements across the globe. His website can be found at
His website can be found at www.henryagiroux.com.

 
Select Publications

 
Books (selected recent publications):

America at War with Itself: Authoritarian Politics in a Free Society. City Lights Publishers, 2016.

America’s Addiction to Terrorism. Monthly Review Press, 2015.Disposable Futures: The Seduction of Violence in the Age of Spectacle. City Lights Publishers, 2015. Co-authors Henry A. Giroux and Brad Evans

Dangerous Thinking in the Age of the New Authoritarianism. Routledge, 2015.

Paulo Freire and the Curriculum. Routledge, 2015. Co-authors George Grollios, Henry A. Giroux, Panayota Gounari, and Donaldo Macedo.

Zombie Politics in the Age of Casino Capitalism. 2nd edition. Peter Lang, 2014.

The Violence of Organized Forgetting: Thinking Beyond America’s Disimagination Machine. City Lights Press, 2014.

Neoliberalism’s War On Higher Education. Between the Lines, 2014.

America’s Education Deficit and the War on Youth. Monthly Review Press, 2013.

Youth in Revolt: Reclaiming a Democratic Future. Routledge, 2013.

Twilight of the Social: Resurgent Publics in the Age of Disposability. Routledge, 2012.

Disposable Youth, Racialized Memories, and the Culture of Cruelty. Routledge, 2012.

Education and the Crisis of Public Values:: Challenging the Assault on Teachers, Students, & Public Education. Peter Lang, 2012.

On Critical Pedagogy. Bloomsbury Academic, 2011.

Hearts of Darkness: Torturing Children in the War on Terror. Routledge, 2010.

Politics After Hope: Obama and the Crisis of Youth, Race, and Democracy. Routledge, 2010.

The Mouse that Roared: Disney and the End of Innocence. 2nd edition. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010. Co-authors Henry A. Giroux and Grace Pollock

Youth in a Suspect Society: Democracy or Disposability? Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009.

Against the Terror of Neoliberalism: Politics Beyond the Age of Greed. Routledge, 2008.

Eleştirel Pedagojinin Vaadi. Turkey: Kalkedon, 2008.

University in Chains: Confronting the Military-Industrial-Academic Complex. Routledge, 2007.

Stormy Weather: Katrina and the Politics of Disposability. Routledge, 2006.

The Giroux Reader. Edited by Henry A. Giroux and Christopher Robbins. Routledge, 2006.

America on the Edge: Henry Giroux on Politics, Culture, and Education. Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

Beyond the Spectacle of Terrorism: Global Uncertainty and the Challenge of the New Media. Routledge, 2006.

Schooling and the Struggle for Public Life. 2nd edition. Routledge, 2005.

Against the New Authoritarianism: Politics After Abu Ghraib. Arbeiter Ring Publishing, 2005.

Border Crossings: Cultural Workers and the Politics of Education, 2nd Edition

Routledge Publishing (2005).

The Terror of Neoliberalism: Authoritarianism and the Eclipse of Democracy. Routledge, 2004.

Public Spaces/Private Lives: Democracy Beyond 9/11., Rowman and Littlefield, 2003.

Breaking in to the Movies: Film and the Culture of Politics. Wiley-Blackwell, 2001.

Theory and Resistance in Education: Towards a Pedagogy for the Opposition. 2nd edition. Praeger, 2001.

Edited Books:

Mirror Images: Popular Culture and Education. Eds. Henry A. Giroux, Nicholas C. Burbules, Diana Silberman Keller, and Zvi Bekerman. Peter Lang, 2008.

Beyond the Corporate University: Pedagogy, Culture, and Literary Studies in the New Millennium. Eds. Henry A. Giroux and Kostas Myrsiades. Rowman and Littlefield, 2001.

Cultural Studies and Education: Towards a Performative Practice. Eds. Henry A. Giroux and Patrick Shannon. Routledge, 1997.

Between Borders: Pedagogy and Politics in Cultural Studies. Eds. Henry A. Giroux and Peter McLaren. Routledge, 1994.

Postmodernism, Feminism and Cultural Politics: Rethinking Educational Boundaries. Ed. Henry A. Giroux. State University of New York Press, 1991.

Critical Pedagogy, the State, and the Struggle for Culture. Eds. Henry A. Giroux and Peter McLaren. State University Press of New York, 1989.

Popular Culture, Schooling & Everyday Life. Eds. Henry A. Giroux and Roger Simon. Bergin and Garvey Publishers, 1989.

The Hidden Curriculum and Moral Education. Eds. Henry A. Giroux and David Purpel. McCutchan Publishing, 1983.

Curriculum and Instruction: Alternatives in Education. Eds. Henry A. Giroux, A. Penna, and W. Pinar. McCutchan Publishing, 1981.

Refereed Book Chapters (selected recent publications):

“Beyond Dystopian Visions in the Age of Neoliberal Violence,” in John Asimakopoulos and Richard Gilman-Opalsky, eds. Against Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2018), pp. 139-156.

“Democracy  Under Siege in a Neoliberal Society,” in Teaching for Democracy in An Age of Economic Disparity. Corey Wright-Maley and Trent Davis, eds. (New York: Routledge, 2017), pp. 13-24.

“Foreword.” In The Great Inequality. Michael Yates. (New York: Routledge,  2016), pp. xii-xx.

“Writing the Public Good Back into Education: Reclaiming the Role of the Public Intellectual,” in The New Public Intellectual: Politics, Theory, and the Public Sphere. Jeffrey R. Di Leo and Peter Hitchcock, eds. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), pp. 3-28.

“The Fire This Time: Black Youth and the Spectacle of Postracial Violence.” In Public Servants: Art and the Crisis of the Common Good. Johanna Burton, Shannon Jackson, Dominic Willsdon, eds. (New York and Cambridge: MIT Press, 2016), pp. 111-129

“Public Pedagogy and Manufactured Identities in the Age of the Selfie Culture.” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication.December 19, 2016. Online: http://communication.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228613-e-112.

“Critical Higher Education: Rethinking Higher Education as a Democratic Public Sphere. In Encyclopedia of International Higher Education systems and Institutions. Jung.C. Shin and Pedro Teixeira, eds. (New York: Springer, 2016), pp. 1-3. Online: http://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007/978-94-017-9553-1_19-1

“Resisting Youth and the Crushing State Violence of Neoliberalism.”  In Peter Kelly and Annelies Kamp, eds. A Critical Youth Studies for the 21^st Century (Boston: Brill, 2015), pp. 223-241.

“Foreword.” In Noam Chomsky, Because We Say So (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 2015), pp. 7-19.

“Reclaiming the Radical Imagination: Challenging Casino Capitalism’s Punishing Factories.” In Mustafa Yunus Eryaman and  Bertram C. Bruce, Eds.  International Handbook of Progressive Education (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2015), pp. 629-642.

“Public Intellectuals Against the Neoliberal University.” In Qualitative Inquiry Outside of the University. Eds. Norman K. Denzin and Michael D. Giardina. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press, Inc., 2014, pp. 35-60.

“Memory’s Hope: In the Shadow of Paulo Freire’s Presence.” In Pedagogy of Solidarity. Eds. Paulo Freire, Ana Maria Araujo Freire, and Walter de Oliveira. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press, Inc., 2014, pp. 7-12.

“Punishment Creep and the Crisis of Youth.” In From Education to Incarceration. Eds. Anthony J. Nocella II, Priya Parmar, and David Stovall. New York: Peter Lang, 2014, pp. 69-85.

“Twilight of the Social: Civic Values in the Age of Casino Capitalism.” In Civic Values, Civic Practices. Ed. Donald W. Harward. Washington, D.C. Bringing Theory into Practice, 2013, pp. 13-17.

“Can Democratic Education Survive in a Neoliberal Society.” In Crisis and Commonwealth: Marcuse, Marx, McLaren. Ed. Charles Reitz. Boulder: Lexington Books, 2013, pp. 137-152.

“Memories of Class and Youth in the Age of Disposability.” In Living with Class: Philosophical Reflections on Identity and material Culture. Eds. Ron Scapp and Brian Seitz. New York: Palgrave, 2013, pp. 203-218.

“Faculty Should Join with Occupy Movement Protesters.” In Policing the Campus: Academic Repression, Surveillance, and the Occupy Movement. Eds. Anthony J. Nocella II and David Gabbard. New York, Peter Lang, 2013, pp.201-208.

“Prologue: The Fruit of Freire’s Roots.” In Paulo Freire’s Intellectual Roots: Toward Historicity in Praxis. Eds. Robert Lake and Tricia Kress. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013, pp. viii-xxi.

“Collaterally Damaged: Youth in a Post-9/11 World.” In Literature for Our Times: Postcolonial Studies in the Twenty-First Century. Eds. Bill Ashcroft, Ranjini Mendis, Julie McGonegal, and Arun Mukherjee. New York: Rodopi, 2012, pp. 591-617.

“Why Faculty Should Join Occupy Movement Protestors on College Campuses.” In Qualitative Inquiry and the Politics of Advocacy. Eds. Norman K. Denzin and Michael d. Giardina. Walnut Creek: Left Coast Press, 2012, pp. 245-252.

“Everyday Violence, Screen Culture, and the Politics of Cruelty: Entertaining Democracy’s Demise.” In Figures de Violence. Eds. Richard Begin, Bernard Perron, and Lucie Roy. Paris: L’Harmattan, 2012, pp. 15-22.

“War Colleges.” In Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion. Eds. Jeffrey St. Clair Joshua Frank. Oakland, Ca.: AKPress, 2012, pp.223-230.

“Democracy: Reconnecting the Personal and the Political.” In Paulo Freire Encyclopedia. Eds. Danilo R. Streck, Euclides Redin, and Jaime Jose Zitkoski. Boulder, Rowman and Littlefield, 2012, pp. 93-96.

“From Auschwitz to Abu Ghraib: Rethinking Adorno’s Politics of Education.” In Iraq War Cultures. Eds. Cynthia Fuchs and Joe Lockard. New York: Peter Lang Publishers, 2011, pp. 181-199.

“Teenage Sexuality, Body Politics and the Pedagogy of Display.” In The Sexuality Curriculum and Youth Culture. Eds. Dennis Carlson and Donyell L. Roseboro. New York: Peter Lang, 2011, pp. 189-216.

“Beyond the Swindle of the Corporate University.” In The Assault on Universities: A Manifesto for Resistance. Eds. Michael Bailey and Des Freedman. London: Pluto Press, 2011, pp.145-156.

“Dark Times: George W. Bush, Obama and the Specter of Authoritarianism in American Politics.” In How Dogmatic Beliefs Harm Creativity and High-Level ThinkingHow Dogmatic Beliefs Harm Creativity and High-Level Thinking. Eds. Don Ambrose and Robert J. Sternberg. New York: Routledge, 2012, pp. 94-111.

198. “Heroin Chic, Trendy Aesthetics, and the Politics of Pathology.” In The Essential New Art Examiner. Eds. Terri Griffith, Kathryn Born, and Janet Koplos. Deklab. Illinois: NIU Press, 2011, pp. 265-279.

“Neoliberalism as Public Pedagogy.” In Handbook of Public Pedagogy. Eds. Jennifer Sandlin, Brian Schultz, and Jane Burdick. New York: Routledge, 2010, p. 486-99.

“Higher Education after September 11th: The Crisis of Academic Freedom and Democracy” In Academic Repression: Reflections from the Academic Industrial Complex. Eds. Anthony J. Nocella, II, Steven Best, and Peter McLaren. Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2010, pp. 92-111.

“Black, Blue, and Read All Over: Public Intellectuals and the Politics of Race.” In Taboo: Essays on Culture and Education. Eds. Shirley R. Steinberg and Lindsay Cornish. New York: Peter Lang Publishers, 2010, pp 75-92.

“Higher Education: Reclaiming the University as a Democratic Public Sphere.” In Where Do We Go From Here?: Politics and the Renewal of the Radical Imagination. Ed. Mark Major.  Boulder: Lexington Books, 2010, pp. 71-83.

“The U.S. University Under Siege: Confronting Academic Unfreedom.” In A Concise Companion to American Studies. Ed. John Carlos Rowe. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010, pp. 407-431.

“Democracy’s Promise and the Politics of Worldliness in the Age of Terror.” In Representing Humanity in the Age of Terror. Eds. Sophia McClennen and Henry James Morello. West Lafayette, Purdue University Press, 2010, pp. 17-35.

“Governing Through Crime and the Pedagogy of Punishment.” In Education as Enforcement: The Militarization and Corporatization of Schools. 2nd edition. Eds. Kenneth Saltman and David Gabbard. New York: Routledge, 2011, pp. vii-xvi.

“Neoliberalism, Pedagogy, and Cultural Politics: Beyond the Theatre of Cruelty.” In Handbook of Cultural Politics and Education. Ed. Zeus Leonardo. New York: Sense Publishers, 2010, pp. 49-70.

“Paulo Freire and the Politics of Postcolonialism” [reprint]. In Breaching the Colonial Contract: Anti-Colonialism. Ed. Arlo Kempf. New York: Springer, 2010, pp. 79-90.

“Neoliberalism, Youth, and the Leasing of Higher Education.” In Global Neoliberalism and Education and Its Consequences. Eds. Dave Hill and Ravi Kumanl. New York: Routledge, 2009, pp. 30-53.

“Militarizing Higher Education: Resisting the Pedagogy of Violence.” In Researching Violence, Democracy and the Rights of People. Eds. John F. Schostak and Jill Schostak. New York: Routledge, 2009, pp. 196-209.

“Expendable Futures: Dirty Democracy and the Politics of Disposability.” In Our Children’s World: New Visions for Education in the 21st Century. Ed. Svi Shapiro. New York: Routledge, 2009, pp. 223-240.

“Cultural Studies, Critical Pedagogy, and the Politics of Higher Education.” In Media/Cultural Studies: Critical Approaches. Eds. Rhonda Hammer and Douglas Kellner. New York: Peter Lang, 2009, pp. 88-106.

“End Times in America: Religious Fundamentalism and the Crisis of Democracy.” In Christotainment: Selling Jesus Through Popular Culture. Eds. Shirley Steinberg and Joe Kincheloe. Boulder: Westview Press, 2009, pp. 269-281.

“Border Crossings.” In The Applied Theatre Reader. Eds. Tim Prentki and Sheila Preston. New York: Routledge, 2009, pp. 254-260.

“La passion de la derecha: el fundamentalismo religioso y la democracia.” In Anuario de Ciencias de la Religion 2007. Ed. Bernardo Haour, S.J. Lima, Peru: Biblioech Nacional del Peru N, 2008 –appeared in 2009, pp. 287-294.

“Higher Education Without Democracy?” In The Future of Higher Education. Eds. Gary Olson and John Presley. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2009, pp. 53-62.

“Memory’s Hope: In the Shadow of Paulo Freire’s Presence.” In Pedagogy of Solidarity. Ed. Anna Marie Freire. Sao Paulo: Editora Villa ds Letras, 2009, pp. 11-17.

“The Attack on Higher Education and the Necessity for Critical Pedagogy.” In Critical Pedagogy in Uncertain Times: Hopes and Possibilities. Ed. Sheila Macrine. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009, pp. 11-26.

“Militarized Knowledge and Academic Soldiers: Arming the University.” In The Impact of 9/11 on Politics and War. Ed. Mathew Morgan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, pp. 203-222.

“Dirty Democracy and the New Authoritarianism in the United States.” In The White Supremacist State. Ed. Arnold H. Itwaru. Toronto: Other Eye Press, 2009, pp.157-184.

“The Biopolitics of Disposability.” In Cultures of Fear. Eds. Uli Linke and Danielle Taana Smith. New York: Pluto Press, 2009, pp. 304-312.

“Turning America into a Toy Store.” In Critical Pedagogies of Consumption. Eds. Jennifer A. Sandlin and Peter McLaren. New York: Routledge, 2009, pp. 249-258.

“Beyond the Corporate Takeover of Higher Education: Rethinking Educational Theory, Pedagogy, and Policy.” In Re-reading Educational Policy: Studying the Policy Agenda of the 21st century?. Eds. Maarten Simons, Mark Olssen, and Michael Peters. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2009, pp. 458-477.

“Living in a Culture of Cruelty: Democracy as Spectacle.” In Taking Sides: Clashing Views in Mass Media and Society. 11th edition. Eds. Alison Alexander and Jarice Hanson. New York: McGraw Hill, 2009, pp. 258-263.

“Militarization, Public Pedagogy, and the Biopolitics of Popular Culture.” In Mirror Images: Popular Culture and Education. Eds. Henry A. Giroux, Nicholas C. Burbules, Diana Silberman Keller, and Zvi Bekerman. New York: Peter Lang Publishers, 2008, pp. 39-54.

“Disabling Democracy: The Crisis of Youth, Education, and the Politics of Disposability.” In Education for Social Justice. Ed. Canadian Teachers’ Federation. Ottawa: Canadian Teachers’ Federation, 2008, pp.131-140

“Challenging Neoliberalism’s New World Order: The Promise of Critical Pedagogy.” In Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies. Eds. Norman Denzin, Yvonna Lincoln, and Linda Tuhiwai Smith. Los Angeles: Sage, 2008, pp. 181-189. Co-authored with Susan Searls Giroux.

“Militarized Knowledge and Armed Subjects: Higher Education in the Shadow of the National Security State.” In Military Pedagogies and Why They Matter. Eds. Tone Kvernbekk, Harold Simpson, and Michael A. Peters. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2008, pp. 159-174.

“Youth and the Politics of Education in Dark Times.” In Worlds of Difference: Rethinking the Ethics of Global Education for the 21st Century. Ed. Peter Trifonas. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2008, pp. 199-216

“Disabling the Future: The Assault on Higher Education and American Youth.” In Power, Power, and Praxis: Social Justice in the Globalized Classroom. Eds. Shannon A. Moore and Richard C. Mitchell. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2008, pp. 55-72.

“Cultural Studies as Performative Practice.” In Contesting Empire/Globalizing Dissent. Eds. Norman K. Denzin and Michael D. Giardina. Boulder: Paradigm, 2007, pp. 213-230.

“Utopian Thinking in Dangerous Times: Critical Pedagogy and the Project of Educated Hope.” In Utopian Pedagogy. Eds. Mark Cote, Richard Day, and Greig de Peuter. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007, pp. 25-42.

“Democracy, Education, and the Politics of Critical Pedagogy.” In Critical Pedagogy: Where are we now?. Eds. Peter McLaren and Joe Kincheloe. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2007, pp. 1-5.

“Drowning Democracy: The Media, Neoliberalism and the Politics of Hurricane Katrina.” In Media Literacy: A Reader. Eds.  Donaldo Macedo and Shirley Steinberg. New York: Peter Lang, 2007, pp. 229-241.

“Hurricane Katrina and the Politics of Disposability: Floating Bodies and Expendable Populations.” In Schooling and the Politics of Disaster. Ed. Ken Saltman. New York: Routledge, 2007, pp. 43-69.

“Foreword: When the Darkness Comes and Hope is Subversive.” In The Politics of Possibility: Encountering the Radical Imagination. Eds. Gary Olson and Lynn Worsham. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2007, pp. vii-xiii

“Spectacles of Race and Pedagogies of Denial: Antiblack Racist Pedagogy.” In The Globalization of Racism. Eds. Donaldo Macedo and Panayota Gounari. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2006, pp. 68-98.

“Foreward.” In The Spectacle of Accumulation: Essays in Culture, Media, and Politics. Ed. Sut Jhally. New York: Peter Lang, 2006, pp. v-xv.

“Dystopian Nightmares and Educated Hopes: The return of the Pedagogical and the Promise of Democracy.” In Edutopias: New Utopian Thinking in Education. Eds. Michael Peters and John Freeman-Moir. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2006, pp. 43-62

“Radical Pedagogy and the Politics of Neoliberalism.” In Pedagogies of the Global. Ed. Arif Dirlik. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2006, pp. 59-75.

“Private Satisfactions and Public Disorders: Fight Club, Patriarchy, and the Politics of Masculine Violence.” In Critical Readings: Violence and the Media. Eds. C. Kay Weaver and Cynthia Carter. New York: Open University Press, 2006, pp. 95-107.

“On Seeing and Not Seeing Race: “Crash” and the Politics of Bad Faith.” In Popping Culture. 4th edition. Eds. Murray Pomerance and John Sakeris. Boston: Pearson Education, 2006, pp. 241-256. Co-authored with Susan Searls Giroux.

“Critical Pedagogy in Action.” In Marxism and Communication Studies: The Point Is to Change It. Eds. Lee Artz, Steve Macek, & Dana Cloud. New York: Peter Lang, 2006, pp. 203-216. Co-authored with Susan Searls Giroux.

“The Corporate University and the Politics of Education.” In The Ethics of Teaching. Ed. Michael Boylan. Hants, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2006, pp. 95-102. Co-authored with Stanley Aronowitz.

“Christian Fundamentalism Threatens Democracy in the United States.” In World Religion. Ed. Mike Wilson. New York: Greenhaven Press, 2006, pp.170-176

“Higher Education and Democracy’s Promise: Jacques Derrida’s Pedagogy of Uncertainty.” In Deconstructing Derrida: Tasks for the New Humanities. Eds. Peter Trifonas and Michael Peters. New York: Palgrave, 2006, pp. 53-81.

“War Talk and the Shredding of the Social Contract: Youth and the Politics of Domestic Militarization.” In Critical Theories, Radical Pedagogies, and Global Conflicts. Eds. Peter McLaren and Gustavo Fischman. Boulder: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005, pp. 52-68.

“Globalizing Dissent and Radicalizing Democracy: Politics, Pedagogy, and the Responsibility of Critical Intellectuals.” In Radical Relevance: Toward a Scholarship of the Whole Left. Ed. Laura Gray-Rosendale. Albany: SUNY Press, 2005, pp. 141-159.

“Terrorism and the Culture of Permanent War: Democracy Under Siege.” In Education, Globalization, and the State in the Age of Terrorism. Ed. Michael Peters. Boulder: Paradigm Press, 2005, pp. 179-199.

“Shredding the Social Contract: America’s War Against Children.” In Communities of Difference. Ed. Peter Trifonas. New York: Palgrave, 2005, pp 3-26.

“The Politics of Public Pedagogy.” In If Classrooms Matter: Place, Pedagogy and Politics. Eds. Jeffrey Di Leo, et al. New York: Routledge, 2005, pp. 15-36.

“ The Abandoned Generation: Democracy Beyond the Culture of Fear.” In Reading and Writing for Civic Literacy: The Critical Citizen’s Guide to Argumentative Rhetoric. Ed. Donald Lazere. Boulder: Paradigm Press, 2005, pp. 25-28.

“Nymphet Fantasies: Child Beauty Pageants and the Politics of Innocence.” In The Critical Middle School Reader. Eds. Enora R. Brown and Kenneth J. Saltman. New York: Routledge, 2005, pp. 131-148.

Refereed Journals (Special Issues):

“The Profession of Literature at the End of the Millennium,” [Special Issue] College Literature. Guest-editors Henry A. Giroux and Kostas Myrsiades. Fall 1999.

“Cultural Studies and Critical Pedagogy,” [Special Issue] Cultural Studies. Guest-editors Henry A. Giroux and Peter McLaren. January, 1993.

“Schooling in the Age of Postmodernism.” [Special Issue] Boston University Journal of Education. August, 1989.

“Critical Pedagogy and Popular Culture,” [Special Issue] Curriculum and Teaching [Australia]. 3 (1): 1988. Guest-editors Henry A. Giroux and Roger Simon.

“Ideology, Culture and the Hidden Curriculum,” [Special Issue] Journal of Education 162 (1): Winter 1980.

“On the Politics of Education,” [Special Issue] Social Practice. Spring, 1980.

Refereed Journal Articles (selected recent publications):

“White Nationalism, Armed Culture and State Violence in the age of Donald Trump,” Philosophy and Social Criticism XX: X(2017), pp. 1-24.

“The Scourge of Illiteracy in Authoritarian Times,” Contemporary Readings in Law and Social Justice 9(1): (2017), pp. 14–27.

“Pedagogy, Civil Rights, and the Project of Insurrectional Democracy,” Howard Journal of Communication (March 10, 2017).

“Hope and Resistance in the Age of Donald Trump,” DarkMatter Journal. 10 (January 27, 2017).

“Poisoned City in the Age of Casino Capitalism,” Theory in Action 10:1 (January 2017), pp. 7-31.

“Hurricane Sandy and the Politics of Disposability in the Age of Neoliberal Terror,” JAC (in press).

“Rethinking Education as the Practice of Freedom: Paulo Freire and the Promise of Critical Pedagogy,” Policy Futures in Education (in press).

“Reclaiming Public Values in the Age of Casino Capitalism,” Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies (in press).

“The Swindle of Democracy in the Neoliberal University and the Responsibility of Intellectuals,” Democratic Theory: An Interdisciplinary Journal (in press).

“Between Orwell and Huxley: America’s Plunge into Dystopia,” Tidal Basin Review (in press).

The Retreat of Academics as Public Intellectuals,” Cahiers de l’idiotie (in press).

“The Poison of Neoliberal Miseducation,” Arena Magazine (in press).

(co authored with Brad Evans), “Intellectual Violence,” JAC (in press).

“Norway is Closer than You Think: Extremism and the Crisis of American Politics,” JAC (in press).

“Noam Chomsky and the Public Intellectual in Dark Times” Fast Capitalism 11:1 (in press).

“Democracy in Crisis, the Specter of Authoritarianism, and the Future of Higher Education.” Journal of Critical Scholarship on Higher Education and Student Affairs (in press).

“Austerity and the Poison of Neoliberal Miseducation,” Symploke (in press)

“America’s Descent into Madness,” Policy Futures in Education. 12:2 (2014), pp. 237-241.

“Totalitarian Paranoia in the Post-Orwellian Surveillance State,” Cultural Studies. (2014).

“Protesting Youth in an Age of Neoliberal Savagery,” E-International Relations. (May 20, 2014).

“La Esperanza en nuestra Era,” Mundo Siglo XXI. Núm. 33, Vol. IX (2014), pp. 41-41.

“Beyond Dystopian Education in a Neoliberal Society,” Fast Capitalism. 10:1 (2013).

“When Schools Become Dead Zones of the Imagination: A Critical Pedagogy Manifesto,” Policy Futures in Education. 12:4 (2014), pp. 491-499.

“Neoliberalism’s War Against the Radical Imagination,” Tikkun. (Summer 2014), pp. 9-12, 59-60.

“Defending Higher Education in the Age of Neoliberal Savagery,” Discover Society. (March 6, 2014).

“Youth in Revolt: the battle against neoliberal authoritarianism,” Critical Arts:South-North Cultural and Media Studies (New Zealand). 27:6 (2014), pp. 103-110.

“The Specter of Authoritarianism and the Politics of the ‘Deep State’” Ragazine. CC (March 1, 2014). Also republished in Henry Giroux, “The Politics of the Deep State,” Arts & Opinion: Arts, Culture, Analysis. 13:3 (2014).

“Public Intellectualism Today: Intellectuals as the Subject and Object of Violence,” Arena Magazine. No. 128 (2014), pp. 42-45

“Youth and the War on Public Education in the Age of Casino Capitalism,” PowerPlay: A Journal of Educational Justice. 5:2 (2013), pp. 640-668.

“Scandalous Politics: Penn State and the Return of the Repressed in Higher Education,” JAC. 32:1-2, pp. 57-82. Co-authored with Susan Searls Giroux.

“Gated Intellectuals and the Challenge of a Borderless Pedagogy in the Occupy Movement,” Policy Futures in Education. 10:6, pp. 728-733.

“The Scorched Earth Politics of America’s Fundamentalisms,” Policy Futures in Education. 10:6, pp. 720-727.

“Santorum and God’s Will: The Religonization of Politics and the Tyranny of Totalitarianism,” Policy Futures in Education. 10:6, pp. 717-719.

“Occupy Wall Street’s Battle against American-Style Authoritarianism,” Fast Capitalism. 9:1 (2012).

“Age of Disposability: Hurricane Sandy, Unwanted Populations and Climate Change,” Arena 122. (March 2, 2013), pp. 30-33.

“The Disappearance of Public Intellectuals and the Crisis of Higher Education as a Public Good,” Trans-Scripts. 3 (2013).

“Violence, USA: The Warfare State and the Hardening of Everyday Life.” Monthly Review. 65:1 (May 2013), pp. 37-54.

“Occupy Colleges Now: Students as the New Public Intellectuals,” Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies. 13: 3 (June 3, 2013), pp. 150-153.

“The Occupy Movement Meets the Suicidal State: Neoliberalism and the Punishing of Dissent.” Situations. 1 (Spring 2013), pp. 7-34.

“Racism, Popular Culture, and Public Memory,” Arena Magazine. No. 125, Aug/Sept 2013: 31-34

“The Quebec Student Protest Movement and the New Social Awakening,” Social Identities. 19:5 (September 2013), pp. 515-535.

“A Pedagogy of Resistance in the Age of Casino Capitalism,” Con-Ciencia Social. N0. 17 (2013), pp. 55-71.

“Más allá de la Máquina de la Desimaginaciónα,” Mundo Siglo XXI. Núm. 31, Vol. IX (2013), pp. 39-49

“The Disimagination Machine and the Pathologies of Power,” Symploke. 21: 1-2 (2013), pp. 263-275.

“Neoliberalism’s War Against Teachers in Dark Times,” Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies. 13:6 (December 2013), pp. 458-468.

“La Pedagogic Critica en Tiempos Oscuros,” Praxis. 7:2 (Argentina, December 2013), pp. 1

“Universities Gone Wild: Big Money, Big Sports, and Scandalous Abuse at Penn State,” Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies. 12:4 (August 2012), pp. 267-273. Co-authored with Susan Searls Giroux

“Punishing Youth and Saturated Violence in the Era of Casino Capitalism,” CounterPunch. (August 9, 2012).

“The Quebec Strike and the Politics of a New Social Awakening,” Logos: A Journal of Modern Society and Culture. 11:2-3 (2012).

“Reclaiming the Radical Imagination: Reform Beyond Electoral Politics,” Tikkun. (Fall 2012), pp. 49-50.

“The Post-9/11 Militarization of Higher Education and Popular Culture of Depravity: Threats to Future of American Democracy,” RISE: International Journal of the Sociology of Education. I:1(February 25, 2012), pp. 27-43.

“Disturbing Pleasures: Murderous Images and the Aesthetics of Depravity” Third Text. N0.116 (May 2012), pp. 259-273.

“Beyond the Limits of Neoliberal Higher Education: Global Youth Resistance and the American British Divide,” Journal of Wuhan University of Science and Technology. 14:3 (June 2012), pp. 233-242 [earlier version appeared in Campaign for the Public University –November 7, 2011]

“Public Intellectuals, the Politics of Clarity, and the Crisis of Language.” State of Nature. (Spring 2010).

“Paulo Freire and the Crisis of the Political,” Education and Power. 2:3 (2010), pages 335-340. [A different version of this article appeared in Henry A. Giroux, “Paulo Freire and the Courage to be Political,” Our Schools, Our Selves. 20:2 (Winter 2011), pp. 153-163.]

“Formative Culture in the Age of Imposed Forgetting,” Tikkun. 26(1): p. 41.

“Youth in the Age of Disposabilty.” Bad Subjects: Political Education for Everyday Life. (February 5, 2011).

“The Crisis of Public Values in the Age of the New Media.” Critical Studies in Media Communication. 28: 1 (2011) pp., 8-29.

“Shattered Bonds: Youth in a Suspect Society and the Politics of Disposability.” PowerPlay. 3:1 (2011), pp. 3-20.

“Racialized Memories and Class Identities: Thinking About Glenn Beck’s and Rush Limbaugh’s America.” Policy Futures in Education. 9:2 (2011), pp. 296-302.

“The Disappearing Intellectual in the Age of Economic Darwinism.” Policy Futures in Education. 9:2 (2011). pp., 163-172.

“Neoliberal Politics as Failed Sociality: Youth and the Crisis of Higher Education.” Logos. 10:2 (2011).

“Neoliberalism and the Death of the Social State: Remembering Walter Benjamin’s Angel of History.” Social Identities. 17:4 (July 2011), pp. 587-601.

“The Politics of Militarization and Corporatization in Higher Education: Beyond Armed Subjects and Commodified Knowledge.” CounterPunch. (June 29, 201).

“‘Instants of Truth’: The “Kill Team” Photos and the Depravity of Aesthetics.” Afterimage: Journal of Media Arts and Cultural Criticism. (Summer 2011), pp. 4-8.

“Higher Education Under Siege: Youth Fights Back: Higher Ed Under Siege in the Age of Casino Capitalism.” CUNY Graduate Center Advocate (April 14, 2011).

“In Defense of Public School Teachers in a Time of Crisis.” Itinerarios: Forum Global de Investigacao Educacional. 1:1 (January 2011), pp. 20-25. Online:

“Public Pedagogy and the Politics of Humiliation: Neoliberal Generosity and the Attack on Public Education.” Negotiations: Journal of Literary and Cultural Studies [India].  1.1 (March 2011), pp. 39-54.

Barack Obama and the Resurgent Specter of Authoritarianism.” JAC 3.4 (2011), pp. 415-440

“Fighting for the Future: American Youth and the Global Struggle for Democracy.” Cultural Studies / Critical Methodologies. 1.:4 (2011), pp. 328-340.

“Once More, With Conviction: Defending Higher Education as a Public Good.” Qui Parle. 20.1 (Fall/Winter 2011), pp. 117-135.

“Beyond the Limits of Neoliberal Higher Education.” Campaign for the Public University. (November 7, 2011).

“Living in the Age of Imposed Amnesia: The Eclipse of Democratic Formative Culture.” Policy Futures in Education. 9.5 (November 5, 2011), pp. 548-553.

“Business Culture and the Death of Public Education: Mayor Bloomberg, David Steiner, and the Politics of Corporate Leadership.” Policy Futures in Education. 9.5 (November 5, 2011), pp. 554-560.

“Higher education under siege: challenging casino capitalism’s culture of cruelty.” Open Democracy. (November 27, 2011).

“The Politics of Ignorance: Casino Capitalism and Higher Education.” CounterPunch. (October 31, 2011).

“Rejecting Academic Labor as a Subaltern Class: Learning from Paulo Freire’s Critical Pedagogy,” Fast Capitalism. 8.2 (2011).

“Torturing Children: Bush’s Legacy and Democracy’s Failure.” Policy Futures in Education. 8.1 (2010), pp. 142-147

“Zombie Politics and Other Late Modern Monstrosities in the Age of Disposability,” Policy Futures in Education. 8.1 (2010), pp. 1-7.

“Challenging the Military-Industrial-Academic Complex after 9/11,” Policy Futures in Education. 8.2 (2010), pp. 232-237.

“Uma Geracao Ameacador e Ameacada.” Patio Ensino Medio. (June/August 2010), pp. 14-16.

“Bare Pedagogy and the Scourge of Neoliberalism: Rethinking the Higher Education as the Practice of Freedom.” The Educational Forum. 74 (2010), pp184-196. [Also published in Ars Educandi (Poland). Vol. VII (May 2010), pp. 75-89.].

“Tortured Memories and the Culture of War.” Policy Futures in Education. 8.5 (2010), pp. 608-610.

“Stealing of Childhood Innocence–Disney and the Politics of Casino Capitalism: A Tribute to Joe Kincheloe.” Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies. 10.5 (October 2010), pp. 413-416.

“Higher Education, For What?” Education in Review (Portugal). 37 (May 1010), pp 25-38.

“Learning from Paulo Freire.” The Chronicle of Higher Education. (October 22, 2010), B15-B16.

“Memories of Hope and the Politics of Disposability,” JAC. 31.1-2 (2011), pp 102-121. “

“Dumbing Down Teachers: Rethinking the Crisis of Public Education and the Demise of the Social State.” Review of Education/Pedagogy/Cultural Studies. 32 (September-December, 2010), pp. 339-381

“Youth in Dark Times: Broken Promises and Dashed Hopes.” Culture Machine. (November 2010).

“Public Values, Higher Education, and the Scourge of Neoliberalism: Politics at the Limits of the Social.” Cultural Machine. (November 2010).

“Howard Zinn: A Public Intellectual Who Mattered.” Fast Capitalism. 7:2 (2010).

Recent Interviews

Scholar Henry Giroux On Gun Violence And Administration Agendas | Interview with Allen Ruff | WORT 89.9 FM Madison | February 15, 2018

Philosopher Henry Giroux on the culture of cruelty and Donald Trump: America is “a democracy on life support — it can’t breathe” | Interview with Chauncey DeVega | Salon | April 23, 2017

Trump is the endpoint: On cruelty and isolation in American politics. | Interview with Chuck Mertz, This Is Hell | Episode 948: Rot In Here | Truth Out | April 15, 2017

Henry Giroux, public intellectual, on the menace of Trump and the new authoritarianism | By Joan Pedro-Carañana | Open Democracy | April 12, 2017

The Menace of Trump and the New Authoritarianism: An Interview with Henry Giroux | Interview with Joan Pedro-Caranaña | Truth Out | April 11, 2017

The Culture of Cruelty in Trump’s America | Truth Out | March 22, 2017

Trump’s War on Dangerous Memory and Critical Thought | Tikkun | March 13, 2017

Our President Is Up to No Good: Bill reflects on Trump’s tweet storm and shares Henry Giroux’s remarks about George Orwell, authoritarianism and Donald Trump | Interview with Bill Moyer’s | Moyers & Company | March 4, 2017

Rethinking Orwell’s 1984 and Huxley’s Brave New World in Trump’s America | Ragazine | February 2017

‘They produced the Frankenstein monster:’ Mac prof on democracy in the time of Trump | Interview with Steve Buist | The Hamilton Spectator | February 28, 2017

Steeltown sanctuary: Hamilton is among the few ‘sanctuary cities’ in Canada | Interview with Jon Wells | The Hamilton Spectator | February 24, 2017

Be Thankful for a Dysfunctional, Chaotic White House | Interview with Paul Jay | The Real News Network | February 24, 2017

Pledge Drive: America At War With Itself | Interview with Alan Ruff | WORT 89.9FM | February 09, 2017

Revisiting Orwell’s ‘1984’ in Trump’s America | Moyers & Company | January 30, 2017

Progressive Pick

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American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Fascism

The venerable public intellectual Henry Giroux makes the cogent case that it is not an option to ignore the rapidly increasing authoritarianism in the age of Trump.