Wednesday, January 24, 2024

The Fundamental Crisis and Foundational Contradiction Facing the United States During the Upcoming Presidential Election Year of 2024: Fascism guided, informed, and enabled by the Doctrines and Practices of White Supremacy and Global Capitalism--PART 12

Some Final Reflections on the 2020 Presidential Election and the Politics of Race, Class, and Gender within the American Electorate

by Kofi Natambu
December 31, 2020
The Panopticon Review


Eight weeks ago on November 3, 2020 the national voting public of the United States—an alltime record of over 155 million citizens!—elected Democratic Party candidate Joseph R. Biden as the 46th president of the United States in what many observers and analysts have deemed the most important and consequential national election since 1860 on the cusp of the Civil War. The deeply alarming, even terrifying rise and emergence in just the past five years of ideologically malevolent forces both here and abroad and rapidly metastasizing in the form of the wildly chaotic and authoritarian neofascist regime of Donald J. Trump had sent the entire political system and much of U.S. civil society itself into widespread turmoil, conflict, and panic. This stark reality only greatly increased deep seated anxieties and fears throughout the Republic over centuries long structural, institutional, and systemic fears, dislocations, corruption, and demagoguery regarding addressing the foundational public categories of race, class, and gender in the American body politic at the levels of both political economy and cultural identity.

As a result what ultimately distinguished the 2020 election from its historical predecessors was a tsunami of bizarre and deeply disturbing behavior and actions involving openly public confrontations, endless disinformation campaigns and venomous rhetorical assaults by President Trump on not only his Democratic Party opponent and challenger Joseph Biden but an ongoing series of unrelenting attacks on virtually any and everyone the president thought, felt, or simply imagined were opposing, slighting, or otherwise dismissing him and his bluster. This included not only many Democratic Party politicians and stalwarts like Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi and Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer but also many others like progressive politician Alexandria Oscasio-Cortez and what was known as “the Squad” (fellow progressive Congressional representatives Ayanna Presley, Ilhan Omar, and Rashida Tlaib) all of whom happen to be both women and people of color, two of Trump’s favorite punching bags, but many members of his own subservient enabling Party as well on the vary rare occasions when they didn’t openly kiss his ass and sing his praises. The impact on the general election outside of these machinations and ID-fueled rages by the president and the ugly destructive fallout from it was complicated and made even more sinister and disruptive given the extensive racist police violence against African Americans throughout 2020 (e.g. George Floyd, Armaud Arbrey, Breonna Taylor, Rayshard Brooks, Jacob Blake etc.). Meanwhile a massive deadly global pandemic ravaged the entire country making it virtually impossible for the Democratic nominees (Biden and Kamala Harris) to campaign in any traditional or conventional manner which involved appealing to large crowds live in realtime. However even this clear and present danger of spreading the virus via live events which led inevitably to the direct transmission and eventual infection of thousands of supporters didn’t stop the wild antic “super-spreader”events in which thousands of Trump’s supporters endangered themselves and their family, friends, and neighbors.

Despite all the many distractions and the often patently cruel and simply braindead demonstrations of a national cult of fervent supporters of Trump’s despicable rightwing demagoguery and rank exploitation of not only the general public (most of whom were intensely opposed to the president on both a personal and political/ideological level) but of his most dedicated followers as well. Meanwhile the already very deep and persistent divisions of the country along racial. class, and gender lines and revealed once again (as they have for over 70 years now) just how dependent the two major political parties remain on the electoral and ideological domination of these divisions. Thus while Trump continued as he had in 2016 to garner a very substantial majority of white American voters (over 57% of all white voters—which collectively numbered over 100 million people this year!-- cast their ballot for Trump, with 58% of white males and an equally distressing 55% of all white female voters also voting for Trump’ despite his deeply white supremacist, corporate, and misogynist agenda. 
 
As a deeply determined counterweight to this huge national surge of white American “vote of confidence” in a clearly fascist regime and its raging sociopathic leader nearly 80% of a huge number of Black, Latino, Asian, and Native American voters voted against this same regime and leader with the national black vote as usual leading the way with 87% of its voters refusing a replay of the last four years despite widespread voter suppression. As a result, over 81 million American voters collectively voted for Biden while an astonishing 74 million still voted for Trump (a very ominous sign of just how "popular" FASCISM currently remains in American politics and culture). This gigantic turnout meant that the two candidates individually received the most votes of any two candidates in the history of the Republic. That the country is still reeling from an extremely deadly pandemic (over 350,000 Americans have died of the coronavirus as of this writing), a rapidly collapsing national economy, and a frankly maniacal and equally deadly national rightwing coalition led by the heinous Republican Party and the brazenly ruthless likes of Senate Majority leader Mitch McConnell, as the rabidly criminal and fiercely antidemocratic antics of the now defeated president continues to assault the political system in general it’s clear that the 2020 election has merely delayed but is still nowhere close yet to firmly and decisively DEFEATING what is as of January 1, 2021 still a clear and present danger to not only this nation but the entire world. Stay tuned because the political, economic, cultural and ideological war that MUST be waged in this society and throughout the globe against the still gathering and rapidly expanding forces of fascism, whether we “win” an election or not and especially whether we “like it” or not is more imperative than ever …
 
HAPPY NEW YEAR EVERYONE!


 

The Fundamental Crisis and Foundational Contradiction Facing the United States During the Upcoming Presidential Election Year of 2024: Fascism guided, informed, and enabled by the Doctrines and Practices of White Supremacy and Global Capitalism--PART 11

On The Road To Fascism: The Demagogic Rise of Rightwing Authoritarianism in Trump's America And the Rabid Support of the Republican Party

https://truthout.org/…/fascism-expert-trump-has-laid-the-gr…

Interview
Politics & Elections


Fascism Expert: Trump Has Laid the Groundwork for “Full-On Authoritarian Rule”
by Chauncey DeVega
January 13, 2020
Salon


PHOTO: President Trump delivers remarks in the Roosevelt Room at the White House on January 9, 2020, in Washington, D.C. Ruth Ben-Ghiat, an expert on fascism, says that if Trump is re-elected, the U.S. will tilt even further in the direction of authoritarianism. Jabin Botsford / The Washington Post via Getty Images
Last week, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced that Congress will soon send its articles of impeachment for Donald Trump to the Senate, where Republicans are determined to acquit him on all charges, including abuse of power, obstruction of Congress, and encouraging foreign powers to interfere in the 2020 presidential election.

No evidence or witnesses will persuade the Senate majority to reach a conclusion consistent with the obvious facts that Donald Trump should be impeached, convicted and removed from office. The Constitution’s mandate that a impeachment should involve an impartial trial and a fair hearing of evidence and witnesses has no meaning in TrumpWorld.

The Republican Party is now a wholly owned subsidiary of Trump’s regime and an expression of his personal will and power. To that end, Trump has promised financial support to the Republican senators who will soon be voting at his trial. It has also been reported that Trump ordered the execution of Iranian Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani in order to ensure that Republican senators would support his acquittal.

In essence, Donald Trump pays political blood money to his supporters. This is more evidence of Trump’s political thuggery and mobster-style behavior that is unbefitting an American president.

Like other dictators, authoritarians, autocrats and political thugs, Donald Trump believes he is above the law. With the support of Attorney General William Barr, this appears increasingly true.

The obscenities continue.

Donald Trump has suggested he is “the chosen one” and God’s messenger on earth. White Christian evangelicals believe this to be true and have pledged themselves to his cult.

Writing at USA Today, historian John Fea described the first event of Trump’s “Evangelicals for Trump” campaign, which occurred in Florida two weeks ago:
His evangelical supporters loved every minute of it. That night, Christians who claim to be citizens of the Kingdom of God went to church, cheered the depraved words of a president and warmly embraced his offer of political power. Such a display by evangelicals is unprecedented in American history.

I usually get angry when members of my tribe worship at the feet of Trump. This time, I just felt sad.

Trump and his allies label Democrats, liberals, progressives and anyone else opposing him as traitors and enemies of the United States. The most recent example: at a rally last Thursday in Toledo, Trump said that Democrats were “vicious horrible people.”

None of this should be surprising. Trump is following the authoritarian’s playbook almost to the letter in his assault on American democracy, the Constitution and the rule of law. The question is not whether Donald Trump is an authoritarian and would-be dictator but rather whether anything or anyone is capable of stopping him.

I recently spoke with historian Ruth Ben-Ghiat in an effort to better understand where America is on its road to fascism and authoritarianism in this fourth year of Trump’s regime.

Ben-Ghiat is a professor of history and Italian studies at New York University and an expert in fascism and authoritarianism. She is the author of Italian Fascism’s Empire Cinema and other books. Her opinion essays and other writing have been featured by CNN, the Washington Post, The New Yorker and the Atlantic.

This conversation has been edited for clarity and length. You can also listen to my full conversation with Ruth Ben-Ghiat through the player embedded below:

Chauncey DeVega: As you watch the Trump regime’s ongoing authoritarian assault on America, how do you feel?

Ruth Ben-Ghiat: I feel very resolute. It is very important not to feel helpless and desperate. In a funny way, I’m not frustrated with the Trump supporters because I understand how the process works. Of course, I’m very upset that there are in fact Trump supporters and I have zero sympathy towards them. But once individuals bond to an authoritarian leader it is a process, like a train that has already departed the station. It is very hard to stop and is well underway.

How is this constant state of temporary hope and then inevitable disappointment impacting the American people? For example, Trump has been impeached. Yet now he will be acquitted by his servants in the Republican Party. The American people are in a manic state because of Trump’s regime.

This is all happening a little bit at a time. Surveying the history of authoritarianism, only in a military coup do you really have an instant change. A person leaves the house in the morning and five hours later they are living in a dictatorship and there is mass violence. But otherwise, even Mussolini and Hitler took many years to get into power.

The shoe drops slowly, and it is hard for many people to discern what is really happening. This is especially true when there are multiple things happening at one time. For example, William Barr and his attacks on the rule of law and how he is part of this right-wing Christian counterrevolution in America. Yes, Trump is impeached, and that is a type of pushback against him and his forces. What judges are doing to slow down Trump’s agenda is very important too. It is very important to not give up because that is what authoritarians want the public to do.

Authoritarian leaders want you to believe that resistance is futile and that you should just give up. If we give up and resign ourselves to the conclusion that impeaching Trump is not going to have an effect, then he has won. Impeachment is extremely important because it will be on the record, marked in the history books as opposition to Trump and his agenda.

Three years into Trump’s regime, why are so many Americans still in a state of denial about this crisis?

They have no reference point for what is going on in America right now. Providing that reference point is one of the things that motivates my work. Many people are also scared. Many people in the news media are afraid to really engage the fact that Trump is an authoritarian because if they do so then reality becomes too threatening, and therefore they would have to take a different stance publicly.

Is this a lack of historical context and knowledge? Is it cowardice?

As I said earlier, only in a military coup do we really see sudden change in a society. Most people are not trained to recognize what is going on with Trump’s authoritarian agenda. If these leading media voices admit that they are living in the middle of a fascist, authoritarian takeover, then what are they going to do about it? Compare the United States to Hong Kong. Those incredible human beings are out there in the streets in Hong Kong day after day, month after month, because they know really well what the stakes are. The American people either do not understand those facts or they do not want to inconvenience themselves and disrupt their lives. That lack of mass protest and resistance is also an indictment of a particular American way of life where people are overly comfortable and take too many things for granted about their culture and democracy and their own lives.

Applying your historical framework and expertise about fascism and authoritarianism, what are Donald Trump and his regime an example of?

Donald Trump is an example of someone who comes up in history, and the way forward has been prepared for him, in this instance by the Tea Party and the Republican Party.

The road was already prepared for Trump by eight years of Barack Obama and how that created a type of mass anger and rage and panic among many white people. People like Donald Trump appear in history and their role is to undo social and political progress. Trump is a figure who is trying to undo everything that Barack Obama stood for and accomplished. But of course, historical figures such as Donald Trump add something new. Trump comes in and he has a “movement.” Trump does not have a political party. At first, Trump said that he was above politics. This is another common thread among authoritarians.

When we say that Trumpism is a “movement,” what specifically do we mean?

Donald Trump said, “This isn’t a party, it’s movement.” Trump did this to excite his potential followers and get their loyalty. At a traditional Republican convention or campaign rally, there are not loyalty oaths. There are not MAGA hats. All successful movements have rituals and symbols. Donald Trump is a marketer. He knows that symbols and rituals and having a movement is how you get people excited. Nobody is excited to show up for the Republican Party. But the Tea Party? Donald Trump? MAGA? That is something different. There are actually people who are addicted to Donald Trump’s rallies. They are following a movement. Of course that movement has now taken over the Republican Party — and Trump transcends the GOP.

Trump is establishing what is known as “personalist rule.” This can happen in failing democracies and in actual authoritarian states. Personalist rule is a process wherein the state comes to revolve around the personal agendas and needs of the ruler. This includes the need to defend the ruler’s corruption. To defend the ruler from the law and judicial processes and investigative journalists. Another indicator of personalist rule is when the leader’s personal obsessions, such as Trump’s wall, begin to monopolize and overtake other policies. This would not be possible and sustainable without the leader’s supporters coalescing in a movement.

There is an obsession in the mainstream news media with Trump’s “white working class” supporters. In that reporting, one of the repeated narratives is that those people feel some type of kinship with him. Somehow, in their delusional minds, Trump’s supporters believe that a supposed billionaire is actually like them. He is “oppressed” and “victimized,” as they are. The premise is absurd. But why is it so compelling for some people?

That is the personality cult. For Trump’s rule to work — as with Putin and other autocrats and authoritarians — the leader must be both an everyman and a superman. The leader is a populist in the sense that he speaks the “language of the people.” Almost all of these types of leaders have a sense of humor where they make crude jokes that get people to laugh. Politically incorrect jokes. Their humor is corrosive, of course. But the jokes work in showing that these types of leaders are very much of the people. Donald Trump uses a fourth-grade vocabulary. He is also very visual. He performs with his body. Yet Donald Trump is a billionaire, and supposedly a great success. The combination of all those traits is very attractive to his followers. “He’s a super success story. He’s done this, he’s done that.”

Consider the expression “TrumpWorld.” It is an accurate description. The goal of Trump and his allies is to colonize society and the media 24/7. To achieve that goal, they need attention and to get inside people’s heads. This is TrumpWorld. Authoritarian leaders also present themselves as victims of coups or other attacks by their enemies. This makes them look vulnerable. These types of leaders talk about emotion in their speeches. Trump does this. He’s always talking about “love” and “hate,” relative to his friends, enemies and rivals. This makes Trump’s followers bond to him because they feel very emotional and want to take care of their leader. This is a very successful strategy by authoritarian leaders like Donald Trump.

Part of the power of the Trump cult is how he promises to be their savior, protector, friend and father figure.

It is no accident that during the impeachment process Donald Trump has said that he is going to stay in office for 28 years. Of course, that is not physiologically possible. But what matters is the fantasy, because Trump is terrified right now. Leaders of that type create fortresses around themselves in a million ways. They do this with flatterers, lackeys and family. Authoritarian leaders like Trump do not want to hear any criticism. They also want and need total control over people because that settles the anxiety.

Trump does this in other ways as well. He does not have permanent appointees. This means they do not have to be confirmed by the Senate. Authoritarian leaders are actually terrified and brittle people inside. That is why they retreat inward. Donald Trump will not take any real questions from the news media. The authoritarian leader’s ego will not permit any questions, and the longer they stay in charge the worse it gets for a country because they lose all sense of reality. Leaders like Donald Trump make bad decisions, such as starting wars. One of the things that scares me the most is that Donald Trump is extremely destructive. Authoritarian leaders like Donald Trump delight in being destructive. Sometimes such people are also self-destructive.

How does authoritarianism impact people’s sense of time and history?

Part of the experience is the anxiety of the minute. Twitter facilitates this because it is not just how many people check the news, but also journalists drip out news stories in the form of small tweets. This is not just one presentation of a story and the facts. It is not like reading the front page of a newspaper and getting the whole narrative at once. Twitter is a filter for information and experience that is constantly changing. People lose perspective on what is important and what is not.

Our capacity for discernment goes down and our anxiety goes up. Everything is made to feel urgent. Yet the more time people spend on Twitter the less time they are doing anything about Donald Trump and the crisis. Twitter is just an example of this problem. But it is the prime example because it is an unhelpful mechanism psychologically, emotionally and politically because it’s like a mass venting session without much real world impact.

How should we understand the ways that Trump and his movement conflate their love for him with loyalty to the country and what it means to be a “real American”?

The civil service has been purged and ruined under the Trump administration. The civil service makes government work. The State Department is a particularly sad example. Career civil servants have been purged because of ideological tests. This can take the form of leader loyalty — which is an ideology of loyalty. It could mean Trump removing experts who know that climate change is real. Civil rights as well. For example, The Department of Health and Human Services under Trump now has a “civil rights office” devoted to the “rights” of right-wing Christian evangelicals who believe their freedom is violated by doctors who agree to perform abortions. The state has been hollowed out. Expertise is gone and ideology rules. The state, the government bureaucracy and civil service are now just a vehicle for the authoritarian leader’s goals.

The end goal is for Trump, Barr, the Republican Party and the conservative movement more generally is to have their own secret police. I keep returning to the question of civil disobedience, protest and corporeal politics as a response to this threat to democracy. Are the American people just cowardly? Have they already surrendered? Is the news media just afraid of the truth? Calm my nerves — or not — about the Trump’s regime’s plans to have political police and other enforcers.

This brings up the question of madness versus method. One of the objections that gets leveled at people who offer these types of analyses about Trump and authoritarianism is, “No, Trump’s just impulsive.” He’s not mentally ill. He may have some dementia, but he knows exactly what he’s doing. Trump’s spokespeople have been very clear that Trump wants his own intelligence and security services.

Such goals are part of the counterrevolution that has been slowly chipping away at democratic institutions, norms and laws under Trump and the Republican Party. Trump is going after the country’s trust in the FBI and intelligence services. All the relevant structures of government that could obstruct what Trump wants to do are being chipped away. What Trump has been doing up to this point is not at all an accident in that regard.

It takes a lot of time to prepare the public for such an outcome. It requires information and psychological warfare. Trump is very expert in those areas. Chip away at reality and objectivity, and then the public is ready for full-on authoritarian rule. The Nazis knew this very well. The public must be shaped and prepared. This is what Goebbels excelled at. The Russians excel at it. Once the public is shaped and prepared, the authoritarian regime can do what it wants.

What is the Trump regime preparing the American people for?

Not only Trump, but many other people around him, including Republican elected officials, have been speaking like authoritarian thugs. They say things such as, “Hillary Clinton needs to be executed.” That is how fascists speak. Making such threats is a type of trial balloon. If Trump wins in 2020, those trial balloons of fascist threats will be able to be made real. Even with all the horrible things that Trump has said and done, his popularity remains stable. Trump’s followers have not deserted him. The 2020 presidential election is almost a referendum and a mandate for Donald Trump to finally do what he’s been threatening to do all along.

What were some moments when the rise of Trumpism, and what feels like a type of inevitability and path dependency, could have been stopped?

This is called “gatekeeping.” Authoritarian leaders and their movements are very clear about being violent. Authoritarians always tell you what they are going to do. It’s just that the American people are not ready to hear it. We do not want to hear the truth that Donald Trump is not kidding with his violent threats and promises. When Trump would not release his tax returns, that was a damning signal of how imperiled America is and was. When Trump said he could shoot someone on the street without losing any followers, that was another moment where I knew we were stuck on a very dangerous path. No American presidential candidate in modern history has threatened to murder someone as part of his campaign. Such behavior is what political thugs do.

The Republican Party’s leaders and other influential voices could have prevented the corruption of the system by this violent outsider. That was one path. The other path was and is to accept Donald Trump fully and claim he’s your savior sent from God. That is the path America is now on.

What comes next with Donald Trump in 2020 and the presidential election?

Exacerbation of the polarization. The goal is to leave people so confused about the truth that they are more and more dependent on Trump while also being increasingly disaffected. Trump may capitalize on some horrible event happening to the United States. Donald Trump has made some very scary declarations that the way to unite a country is through some catastrophe. Trump says that he hopes such a horrible thing does not happen but that is the way a leader can unite the county. Donald Trump has stripped anti-terrorism programs of their resources. He has defunded many national security programs that combat terrorism. If a calamity took place, Donald Trump would use it to declare martial law or some type of ongoing national emergency.
 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR AND INTERVIEWER:

Chauncey Devega is a politics staff writer for Salon.
 

ABOUT THE INTERVIEW SUBJECT:
 

Ben-Ghiat is a professor of history and Italian studies at New York University and an expert in fascism and authoritarianism. She is the author of Italian Fascism’s Empire Cinema and other books. Her opinion essays and other writing have been featured by CNN, the Washington Post, The New Yorker and the Atlantic.

PHOTO: President Trump delivers remarks in the Roosevelt Room at the White House on January 9, 2020, in Washington, D.C. Ruth Ben-Ghiat, an expert on fascism, says that if Trump is re-elected, the U.S. will tilt even further in the direction of authoritarianism. Jabin Botsford / The Washington Post via Getty Images
 

Tuesday, January 23, 2024

The Fundamental Crisis and Foundational Contradiction Facing the United States During the Upcoming Presidential Election Year of 2024: Fascism guided, informed, and enabled by the Doctrines and Practices of White Supremacy and Global Capitalism--PART 10

 "What's Past is Prologue..."

Friday, December 30, 2016

http://www.nytimes.com/elections/results/president

 

Some Final Reflections On the 2016 Presidential Election: The Politics of Race, Class, and Gender within the American Electorate
by Kofi Natambu
The Panopticon Review


Seven weeks ago on November 8, 2016 the national voting public of the United States—some 137 million people—elected Donald J. Trump as the 45th president of the United States. To say that this utterly bizarre election was one of the most openly divided, loathsome, and disturbing in American history would be a massive understatement. This election also greatly dramatized and even expanded the already very deep and persistent divisions of the country along racial. class, and gender lines and revealed once again just how dependent the two major political parties are on the electoral and ideological domination of these divisions not only politically and economically but culturally as well. The national electoral data and overall demographic analysis of the final election results (click on the the link at the top of this page to see electoral map charts and graphs for empirical specifics) demonstrates just how distinct and even vastly different these various voting constituencies were and how they remain fiercely divided and at odds ideologically and in terms of social philosophy with regard to every major political, social, and economic issue facing the country. Just as in the 2012 presidential election battle between Barack Obama and Mitt Romney these various groups also formed specific bloc voting coalitions with like minded constituents who in turn voted for and/or against both the perceived and real agendas of the respective candidates on the basis of these widely differing perspectives and desires. However unlike 2012 a close analytical examination of the statistical breakdown of regional voting patterns along geographic lines in 2016 reveals that Trump even more than Romney commanded an even larger share of the national white vote in a substantial majority of states overall which resulted in Trump winning six more states overall (for a grand total of 30) than Romney who won 24 states in 2012. This resulted in Trump being able to win a whopping 200 more electoral votes than Romney amassed even though technically Romney's and Trump’s share of the white vote was virtually identical at 59%. This national domination of the white vote for Trump was significantly greater this year because contrary to earlier wildly inaccurate reports by the media that the national turnout of voters was down from 2012, it actually turned out that in fact the 137 million votes cast in this year’s election is the highest number in history and that the overall turnout adjusted for aggregate increases in the general voting population was even larger than it was in 2012. By contrast Hillary Clinton only received an abysmal 37% of the national white vote, which was not only two percent lower than the 39% share of this vote that President Obama received in 2012, but was also the lowest percentage that ANY Democratic Party candidate had received for the presidency since 1984!

For example, a close analytical examination of the statistical breakdown of regional voting patterns along geographic lines reveals that not only did Donald Trump win a commanding 14 of the 15 southern states in the country by a very wide and decisive margin (a heinously reactionary region of the country that I still insist on grimly referring to as 'the New Confederacy’). By contrast Clinton only won the single southern state of Virginia. So while Clinton was able to win 19 of the remaining 35 states overall her margin of victory was in the final analysis significantly smaller than Obama’s in 2012 who won 24 of these same 35 states in 2012. The major reason for this difference in national outcomes is that the national white vote across ALL class and gender lines generally (and in every age group as well except millennials from 18-29) and especially in midwestern states where Trump won 8 out of 10 states (in 2012 Obama won 7 out these same 10 states) ensured that Clinton would wind up not only winning 100 fewer electoral college votes (232) than Obama won in 2012 (332) but 74 fewer than Trump (306) did this year.

However in the final analysis Clinton lost the election by LESS THAN ONE PERCENT OF THE VOTE in only three (3) counties from the three states of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania. This was clearly because Clinton couldn’t manage to win at least one half of this one percent more from white voters who were the great majority of voters in the three counties that Clinton barely lost. So even though Clinton managed to win the national popular vote by nearly 3 million votes out of 137 million votes cast and received over 73% of the national black, Latino, and Asian American vote overall (with 88% of the black vote going to Clinton) she was not able to overcome not only the 63% of the national white male vote that went for Trump but even more disturbingly Clinton received only 47% of the national white female vote (by a very stark contrast 94% of black female voters voted for Clinton). The fact that 53% of the voters from the largest share of the national electorate went to Trump--white females comprised 36% of all the voters in the U.S. presidential election this year--not only signified that a very deep political and ideological fissure remains in the U.S. national white feminist community generally (for example a substantial majority of white female voters have, like their white male counterparts, voted for the Republican presidential candidate (who in every single instance has been a wealthy white male) an astonishing thirteen straight times since 1968 (and 16 out of the last 17 presidential elections since 1952!). These harrowing facts are exacerbated by the ongoing reality that the huge racial split in voting between whites and every other racial and ethnic group in the country along not only ideological and class lines but age as well that has always characterized the American electorate generally is now even wider and deeper than ever. The fact that Trump won nearly 90% of his final tally of 63 million votes overall from white American voters and of that number over half were white women voters was not only devastating for Clinton on a symbolic level but was finally a decisive statistical factor in her losing the election to Trump.

MORE COMMENTARY ON THE ELECTION AND WHAT IT MEANS:
"The election of Donald Trump to the Presidency is nothing less than a tragedy for the American republic, a tragedy for the Constitution, and a triumph for the forces, at home and abroad, of nativism, authoritarianism, misogyny, and racism. Trump’s shocking victory, his ascension to the Presidency, is a sickening event in the history of the United States and liberal democracy. On January 20, 2017, we will bid farewell to the first African-American President—a man of integrity, dignity, and generous spirit—and witness the inauguration of a con who did little to spurn endorsement by forces of xenophobia and white supremacy. It is impossible to react to this moment with anything less than revulsion and profound anxiety.

There are, inevitably, miseries to come: an increasingly reactionary Supreme Court; an emboldened right-wing Congress; a President whose disdain for women and minorities, civil liberties and scientific fact, to say nothing of simple decency, has been repeatedly demonstrated. Trump is vulgarity unbounded, a knowledge-free national leader who will not only set markets tumbling but will strike fear into the hearts of the vulnerable, the weak, and, above all, the many varieties of Other whom he has so deeply insulted. The African-American Other. The Hispanic Other. The female Other. The Jewish and Muslim Other. The most hopeful way to look at this grievous event—and it’s a stretch—is that this election and the years to follow will be a test of the strength, or the fragility, of American institutions. It will be a test of our seriousness and resolve…"

—David Remnick, “An American Tragedy", The New Yorker, November 9, 2016: 
"...Trump’s presence in American politics has made visible a plague of deep seated civic illiteracy, a corrupt political system, and a contempt for reason; it also points to the withering of civic attachments, the collapse of politics into the spectacle of celebrity culture, the decline of public life, the use of violence and fear to numb people into shock, and a willingness to transform politics into a pathology. Trump’s administration will produce a great deal of violence in American society, particularly among the ranks of the most vulnerable: poor children, minorities of color, immigrants, women, climate change advocates, Muslims, and those protesting a Trump presidency. What must be made clear is that Trump’s election and the damage he will do to American society will stay and fester in American society for quite some time because he is only symptomatic of the darker forces that have been smoldering in American politics for the last 40 years. What cannot be exaggerated or easily dismissed is that Trump is the end result of a long standing series of attacks on democracy and that his presence in the American political landscape has put democracy on trial…"
----Henry A. Giroux, "Trump’s Second Gilded Age: Overcoming the Rule of Billionaires and Militarists", Counterpunch, December 9, 2016: 
"Donald J. Trump’s election was a national trauma, an epic catastrophe that has left millions in the United States and around the world in a state of utter shock, uncertainty, deep depression, and genuine fear. The fear is palpable and justified, especially for those Trump and his acolytes targeted—the undocumented, Muslims, anyone who “looks” undocumented or Muslim, people of color, Jews, the LGBTQ community, the disabled, women, activists of all kinds (especially Black Lives Matter and allied movements resisting state-sanctioned violence), trade unions. . . . the list is long…

But the outcome should not have surprised us. This election was, among other things, a referendum on whether the United States will be a straight, white nation reminiscent of the mythic “old days” when armed white men ruled, owned their castle, boasted of unvanquished military power, and everyone else knew their place. Henry Giroux’s new book America at War With Itself made this point with clarity and foresight two months before the election. The easy claim that Trump appeals to legitimate working-class populism driven by class anger, Giroux argues, ignores both the historical link between whiteness, citizenship, and humanity, and the American dream of wealth accumulation built on private property. Trump’s followers are not trying to redistribute the wealth, nor are they all “working class”—their annual median income is about $72,000. On the contrary, they are attracted to Trump’s wealth as metonym of an American dream that they, too, can enjoy once America is “great” again—which is to say, once the country returns to being “a white MAN’s country.” What Giroux identifies as “civic illiteracy” keeps them convinced that the descendants of unfree labor or the colonized, or those who are currently unfree, are to blame for America’s decline and for blocking their path to Trump-style success…

Of course, Hilary Clinton did win the popular vote, and some are restoring to the easy lament that, were it not for the arcane Electoral College (itself a relic of slave power), we would not be here. One might add, too, that had it not been for the gutting of the Voting Rights Act opening the door for expanded strategies of voter suppression, or the permanent disfranchisement of some or all convicted felons in ten states, or the fact that virtually all people currently in cages cannot vote at all, or the persistence of misogyny in our culture, we may have had a different outcome. This is all true. But we cannot ignore the fact that the vast majority of white men and a majority of white women, across class lines, voted for a platform and a message of white supremacy, Islamophobia, misogyny, xenophobia, homophobia, anti-Semitism, anti-science, anti-Earth, militarism, torture, and policies that blatantly maintain income inequality. The vast majority of people of color voted against Trump, with black women registering the highest voting percentage for Clinton of any other demographic (93 percent). It is an astounding number when we consider that her husband’s administration oversaw the virtual destruction of the social safety net by turning welfare into workfare, cutting food stamps, preventing undocumented workers from receiving benefits, and denying former drug felons and users access to public housing; a dramatic expansion of the border patrol, immigrant detention centers, and the fence on Mexico’s border; a crime bill that escalated the war on drugs and accelerated mass incarceration; as well as NAFTA and legislation deregulating financial institutions.

Still, had Trump received only a third of the votes he did and been defeated, we still would have had ample reason to worry about our future.

...It is not a matter of disaffection versus racism or sexism versus fear. Rather, racism, class anxieties, and prevailing gender ideologies operate together, inseparably, or as Kimberlé Crenshaw would say, intersectionally. White working-class men understand their plight through a racial and gendered lens... White privilege is taken for granted to the point where it need not be named and can’t be named. So, as activist/scholar Bill Fletcher recently observed, even though Trump’s call to deport immigrants, close the borders, and reject free trade policies appealed to working-class whites’ discontent with the effects of globalization, Trump’s plans do not amount to a rejection of neoliberalism. Fletcher writes, “Trump focused on the symptoms inherent in neoliberal globalization, such as job loss, but his was not a critique of neoliberalism. He continues to advance deregulation, tax cuts, anti-unionism, etc. He was making no systemic critique at all, but the examples that he pointed to from wreckage resulting from economic and social dislocation, resonated for many whites who felt, for various reasons, that their world was collapsing.” Yet Fletcher is quick not to reduce white working-class support for Trump to class fears alone, adding, “This segment of the white population was looking in terror at the erosion of the American Dream, but they were looking at it through the prism of race...”
—Robin D.G. Kelley, “After Trump”, The Boston Review, November 15, 2016:
http://bostonreview.net/…/robin-d-g-kelley-trump-says-go-ba…




http://www.nytimes.com/elections/results/president

http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/hillary-clinton-officially-wins-popular-vote-29-million/story?id=44354341

Presidential Election Results: Donald J. Trump Wins
December 20, 2016

Donald J. Trump won the Electoral College with 304 votes compared to 227 votes for Hillary Clinton. Seven electors voted for someone other than their party’s candidate.

232
Hillary Clinton
 
306
Donald J. Trump

Popular national vote totals:

Hillary Clinton:
65,844,610 votes (48.1%)

Donald J. Trump
62,979,636 votes (46.0%)

 

The Fundamental Crisis and Foundational Contradiction Facing the United States During the Upcoming Presidential Election Year of 2024: Fascism guided, informed, and enabled by the Doctrines and Practices of White Supremacy and Global Capitalism--PART 9

"What's Past is Prologue..."

November 15, 2016 

 

All,

For some very odd, stubbornly evasive, and clearly self deluding reason far too many people in the United States today (the overwhelming majority of whom are white American citizens both in terms of their aggregate numbers and baseline percentage of the national population) continue to cling to the glaringly false, utterly bizarre and even willfully perverse notion that the rancid outcome of the presidential election last tuesday night was somehow a historical anomaly, and was not merely a determined continuation and extension of a very longstanding tradition in American politics generally over the past 150 years and especially in the modern post 1945 era. 

That tradition of course is the pervasive all encompassing role of racial ideology in voting generally in this country and especially in national federal elections for the Presidency and Congress. That racial ideology of course is the structural, institutional, and systemic doctrine and practice of White Supremacy. For the past four years on this facebook site and for the past eight years in the online pages of the Panopticon Review website I have been constantly pointing this out in a very broad array of articles, commentary, editorials, and historical essays by not only myself but many other professional journalists, historians, political theorists, cultural critics, and social activists. 

One of those essays is an excerpted piece of a much longer essay in progress on modern American politics since 1945 by myself that I have run on two previous occasions on this facebook page since its first appearance online on the Panopticon Review site on March 2, 2016. I am reprinting this excerpt here a third time because it continues to be a source of great frustration and even angry annoyance that so many people even in the wake of Trump's horrific victory on November 8, 2016 still insist on clinging to and even actively promoting an intellectually bankrupt notion about the actual theoretical, strategic, and tactical reasons for the abject failure of far too many liberal and even more significantly neoliberal pundits, operatives, activists, and theorists from the Democratic Party (and even among some left leaning ideological "independents") to properly organize, educate, mobilize, and advance the genuine interests and needs of the U.S. citizenry in both philosophically rooted and radically activist terms that would not only uphold the banner of political, economic, and cultural democracy in general terms, but would actively combat and oppose the social and ideological forces of racial, class, gender, and sexual oppression, exploitation, and discrimination in the public sphere. The protofascist rightwing forces led by Trump won the presidential and congressional elections for clearly defined reasons that we all have to be intellectually, morally, and ethically honest about. For without this honesty and clarity we cannot proceed to seriously address what is really wrong, dysfunctional, and destructive in our national politics and why...Stay tuned and pass the word...

Kofi

http://panopticonreview.blogspot.com/…/the-central-role-of-…

FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on March 2, 2016):

Wednesday, March 2, 2016

The Central Role of Mythology, White Supremacy, Capitalist Hegemony and Ideological Hubris in Modern American Politics Since 1945

NOTE: The following piece is an excerpt from a much longer forthcoming essay-in-progress on the cumulative societal effects of Modern American Political History since 1945:

THE NEW CONFEDERACY IS EXACTLY LIKE THE OLD ONE (PLUS IT TOO HAS ACCESS TO SOCIAL MEDIA...)

by Kofi Natambu

The Panopticon Review

 

 

"...There are many debilitating myths about American history in general and American politics in particular. In fact it could be said that the widespread intellectual and social reliance, even obsessive dependency, on this enormous cobweb of lies, distortions, half truths, misrepresentations, and fallacies have contributed to an atmosphere of social discourse that is often drowning in a cesspool of rhetorical evasions and blatantly false assertions. One of the most dangerous and paralyzing of these myths has to do with the alleged progressive attitudes and values of the national white American electorate—especially in the so-called modern era since the end of World War II. One of the persistent articles of faith of this mythology has it that since the popular notion of the ‘American Century’ (which we now often rather arrogantly refer to as the recent history of ‘Amercian exceptionalism’) emerged as a slogan following the collective defeat by the Allies of the United States, Europe, (and ironically by the then Soviet Union) of the global forces of fascism led of course by the German Nazi Party, there has been an endless promotion in the media, popular culture, and in academia of the idea that the United States is fundamentally a progressive, forward looking nation that deeply loves and supports democracy and is a firm believer in the systemic eradication of all forms and vestiges of such virulently anti-democratic, repressive, and reactionary ideas and practices as institutional and structural racism, sexism, class oppression and exploitation, homophobia, and imperial militarism. However even a cursory examination of the actual history of the U.S. since 1945 indicates that this reading of a substantial majority of the white American electorate is not merely inaccurate and off the mark but delusional.

For a stark and very significant example consider what the national voting record of white Americans in presidential elections has been since 1948. It was in that year that former Vice President Harry Truman first ran for the office as the Democratic Party candidate following the untimely death of his predecessor President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in April of 1945 (who in November 1944 had won the presidency for an unprecedented fourth term—a future possibility that was eliminated by the passage of the twenty second amendment to the constitution in 1947 which stated that no presidential incumbent could henceforth serve more than two terms). However despite this new ruling and the fact that both the far left and far rightwing segments of the national Democratic Party bolted from Truman candidacy and ran their own independent campaigns (i.e. former Vice President in Roosevelt’s last administration in 1944 Henry Wallace of the Progressive Party and then Democratic Senator Strom Thurmond of the openly racist and segregationist “Dixiecrat” Party) Truman was still able to garner 53% of the white vote nationally, that along with the heavily truncated 71% of the black (male) vote was barely enough to provide Truman with a surprising but very narrow victory over his Republican opponent New York Governor Thomas Dewey, whom the media and most political pundits had erroneously predicted would easily beat Truman.

What’s also significant about the national presidential election of 1948 is that except for only ONE other occasion in the past 64 years(!) the Democratic candidate for President (whether he was an incumbent or not) has failed to receive anywhere near a majority of the national white vote. Please allow me to repeat this harrowing statistic: In the last 16 presidential elections following Truman’s victory in 1948 and going back 64 years to the next presidential election in 1952, a substantial majority of white American voters have voted for the Republican candidate--again whether he was the incumbent or not--15 times. The ONLY exception in the past six decades is 1964 when former Vice President Lyndon Johnson, who assumed the presidency following John F. Kennedy’s assassination in November of 1963, ran on his own for the office a year later vs. arch conservative and rightwing political reactionary Barry Goldwater. Clearly, in what was essentially a national sympathy vote for the successor of the slain President Kennedy, Johnson received a whopping 60% of the national white vote, a figure that hasn’t been reached by any presidential candidate in the Democratic Party in the fifty years since; one would have to go back 70 years to 1944 in Franklin’s Roosevelt’s last presidential victory to find any Democratic Party candidate who won as large of a percentage of the white vote. In fact in the last 16 presidential elections Democratic Party candidates have only won a cumulative national average of 38% of the white vote. 

So the obvious question looms: What do these dramatic statistics tell us about the modern white American electorate since 1945? Well for starters it clearly tells us that the average white voter in general since 1945 has not supported and does not currently support a progressive social and economic agenda by the government. Of course this may change at some point in the near future (say in a decade from now) but I highly doubt it will change anytime soon in the foreseeable future (i.e. the next two national presidential election cycles leading up to and probably including 2020)…"


Posted by Kofi Natambu at 8:19 AM

 

Labels: American political history, Capitalist hegemony, Hubris, Ideology and Politics, Mass media, Mythology, the Confederacy, Voting