Monday, August 24, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: Political Journalist, Author, Former Political Advisor, and Activist Gil Duran On 'The Nerd Reich' and How Silicon Valley Tech Oligarchs and A National Fascist Network of Extremist White Supremacist Pro-Eugenics Billionaires And Their Far Rightwing Government Partners and Acolytes Are Presently Engaged in a Fascist Plot to Destroy Democracy in the United States and Beyond

The Billionaire Plot to Destroy Democracy: Gil Durán on ‘The Nerd Reich’ book
 
VIDEO:  
 
August 21, 2026
 
What happens when the richest citizens of a nation decide to betray it and destroy it? In this special book launch episode of The Nerd Reich Podcast, guest host Jean Guerrero (The New York Times contributor, author of Hatemonger) sits down with Gil Durán to break down his new book, The Nerd Reich: Silicon Valley Fascism and the War on Democracy. Durán exposes how a network of extremist tech oligarchs—including Peter Thiel, Elon Musk, Marc Andreessen, Curtis Yarvin Balaji Srinivasan—are leveraging AI, crypto, DOGE, and JD Vance to execute an apocalyptic future in which nations collapse as tech power rises. 
 
From the bizarre eugenics roots of the "cognitive elite" to real-world test sites like Próspera and "Freedom Cities," this conversation unveils the real agenda hiding behind Silicon Valley's extremist beliefs. Durán says Donald Trump isn’t the mastermind of American fascism. 
 
Instead, he’s the tool Silicon Valley is using to impose it. 
 
📖 Get the Book! 
 
The Nerd Reich: Silicon Valley Fascism and the War on Democracy is available now at your favorite local bookstore and online retailers. 
 
Buy it at this Bookshop link to support local bookstores and this podcast:
Follow & Subscribe 
 
Host: Gil Durán. 
 
Instagram: 
 
BlueSky: 
 
Mastodon: 
 
Guest Host: Jean Guerrero. 
 
Instagram: 
 
BlueSky: 
 
Produced by: R.R. Robbins 
  
Episodes:
 
0:00 – Gil Durán launches The Nerd Reich
0:30 – Guest Host Jean Guerrero introduces the episode
1:24 – Donald Trump as a tool of tech disruption
3:32 – Eugenics, hierarchy, and the tech master race 7:09 – Transnational elites, crypto, and eroding the nation-state
10:37 – Peter Thiel, The Sovereign Individual, and apocalyptic tech prophecy
14:14 – How Peter Thiel manufactured JD Vance
16:27 – The war on immigrants as a testing ground for tech fascism
20:54 – Gil Durán’s background and spotting tech extremism early
22:58 – The psychology of aggrieved nerds and billionaire revenge
26:31 – The TESCREAL religion: Transhumanism and post-human paradise
30:42 – Network states, Freedom Cities, and corporate fiefdoms
36:18 – Curtis Yarvin, RAGE, and the blueprint behind DOGE
39:48 – Tech censorship and Silicon Valley deplatforming
45:15 – How to fight back: Democracy vs. the billionaire class
47:32 – The battle within the Democratic Party over billionaire power
48:50 – Outro and final thoughts from R.R. Robbins
 

The Nerd Reich: Silicon Valley Fascism and the War on Democracy
by Gil Durán
Avid Reader Press / Simon & Schuster, 2026

[Publication date: ‎ August 18, 2026]



“This transfixing debut from journalist Durán investigates the antidemocratic ideologies espoused by tech billionaires linked to the second Trump administration...It’s an ominous look at an insular elite arrayed against American democracy.” —Publishers Weekly (starred review)

A fearless and urgent chronicle of the tech-authoritarian movement from its early days in San Francisco politics to its current moment on the international stage, exploring the wild and dystopian ambition of the technocrats at its center, and offering a road map to resistance.
When Silicon Valley says it is ‘‘moving fast and breaking things,’’ the world interprets the chaos as a necessary cost of innovation. Gil Durán reveals something far more sinister: a decades-long campaign to replace elected governments with corporate rule.

Drawing on insider political experience and new investigations, Durán traces this ideology from its philosophical roots in The Sovereign Individual by James Dale Davidson and Lord William Rees-Mogg. He introduces its modern apostles—Peter Thiel, Marc Andreessen, Balaji Srinivasan, and Elon Musk—and shows how the promise of technological liberation has transformed into a global movement for digital feudalism, powered by cryptocurrency, artificial intelligence, and the algorithmic propaganda of social media.

The Nerd Reich explains the origins, strategies, and ambitions of Silicon Valley’s war on democracy for the first time. From San Francisco’s weaponized elections and secret billionaire projects to the White House, Durán exposes how the world’s richest men are building a new political order.

The Nerd Reich is more than a hidden history, it’s an urgent warning: democracy is being dismantled not by coups or tanks, but by code, capital, and the illusion of innovation. Durán insists there is still time to fight back—if we act now.

REVIEWS:

"Reader take note: Gil Durán is a deep, thoughtful, and expansive observer of events that shape the current and future of our American democracy." —George Lakoff, author of The All New Don't Think of an Elephant!: Know Your Values and Frame the Debate

"A clear and compelling account of the threats posed by technofascism to democracies everywhere." —Ruth Ben-Ghiat, historian and author of Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present

"Gil Durán is an essential voice on this technofascist moment—where it comes from and where we are going." —Carole Cadwalladr, investigative journalist, The Nerve

"The Nerd Reich is a clarion warning about the rise of techno-fascist sociopaths who seek to profit off of our collective misery. In clear, compelling and meticulously-researched detail, Gil Durán sounds the alarm about this incestuous cabal of broligarchs. He brings the receipts and the righteous rage." —Wajahat Ali, The Left Hook

"A detailed guidebook for understanding why Big Tech now seeks not just wealth but political domination." —Kirkus Reviews

“You could not ask for a more complete and hair-raising compendium of the insane things that Silicon Valley moguls have said and advocated for than journalist Gil Durán’s new book, The Nerd Reich.” —Laura Miller, Slate

“Durán, a journalist and former political adviser, lays out the narrative in exacting detail, outlining the connections between these men (and it is all men) and the origins of their often deeply weird beliefs, many of which view everyone outside their circle or opposed to their agenda as expendable.” —The Guardian

"The Nerd Reich is a fantastically unputdownable must-read." 
—The Irish Times

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Gil Durán was born in Tulare, California, in 1976. The grandson of Mexican immigrant farmworkers, he got his first taste of work in the fields, but took an interest in journalism after winning the local newspaper’s “My Mom Is the Best” contest in the fifth grade. In the tenth grade, his family moved from California to Kentucky, where he dropped out of high school for a year, then returned and befriended an English teacher who encouraged him to apply to college. He graduated DePauw University in 1998 and started his journalism career at the San Jose Mercury News. As the newspaper industry hit turbulence, he pivoted to politics and spent ten years as an advisor to politicians including Jerry Brown, Dianne Feinstein, and Kamala Harris. In 2018, he returned to journalism as California opinion editor of The Sacramento Bee, and then became editorial page editor of the San Francisco Examiner. Now an independent journalist, he publishes two newsletters: The Nerd Reich, focused on extremist tech politics, and FrameLab, focused on political language.


https://panopticonreview.blogspot.com/2026/01/fascist-america-2026-and-major-deadly.html
 
FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on August 28, 2020):

https://www.nytimes.com/…/stephen-millers-dystopian-america… 

Stephen Miller’s Dystopian America

Language is a tool for shaping minds, and Miller knows how to weaponize it.

by Jean Guerrero
August 28, 2020
New York Times

PHOTO: Stephen Miller, White House senior adviser. Credit: Erin Schaff/The New York Times

Over the past week, the Republican National Convention sought to conjure a “radical left” hellscape.

Speakers conflated anti-racist protesters with deranged criminals out to destroy the country. Donald Trump Jr. called Joe Biden “the Loch Ness monster,” while the conservative activist Charlie Kirk praised Donald Trump as “the bodyguard of Western civilization.” In his speech on Thursday, the president denounced “mob rule.” “Your vote will decide whether we protect law-abiding Americans, or whether we give free rein to violent anarchists and agitators, and criminals who threaten our citizens,” he said.

The language at the convention comes from the “white genocide” conspiracy theory, which warns, among other things, that brown and Black people will destroy white civilization with the help of their anti-racist allies. It echoed that of the racist-dystopian novel “The Camp of the Saints,” which Stephen Miller, Mr. Trump’s senior policy adviser and speechwriter, promoted in 2015 through the right-wing website Breitbart.

The book, by the French author Jean Raspail, characterizes “anti-racists” as an apocalyptic “mob” of “agitators” and “anarchists,” and depicts the destruction of the white world by brown refugees described as “monsters,” “beasts” and “toiling ants teeming for the white man’s comfort.” He wrote of a world where “anti-racists” are “servants of the beast” tainted by the “milk of human kindness.” Empathy and interracial ally-ship are associated with primitive bodily functions.

Language is a tool for shaping minds, and Mr. Miller knows how to weaponize it. It’s why he draws from books like Mr. Raspail’s to shape rhetoric. It’s why, in 2015, he asked writers at Breitbart to produce an article about the parallels between the book and real life that painted the book as prophetic. It’s also why he inserts vivid, gory descriptions of crimes ostensibly committed by migrants into Mr. Trump’s speeches.

In July, Mr. Miller told Tucker Carlson that the federal crackdown on anti-racist protesters in Portland, Ore., was about “the survival of this country.” In an interview with the radio host Larry O’Connor that month, he said the priority of the administration was protecting America from the dangers of “cancel culture,” which he described as “a very grave threat to American freedom.”

Mr. Trump is leaning on Mr. Miller’s dystopian vision to stoke white fear the way Mr. Miller did in 2016, when he helped his boss depict Democrats as elites seeking to “decimate” America through immigration. This time around the targets have expanded beyond Mexicans and Muslims to include Black Lives Matter protesters and their allies. The Trump campaign’s strategy is to cast the president’s opponents as an existential threat to the nation.

The term “cancel culture,” used throughout the Republican convention, lumps together and demonizes critics of white male supremacy, in an attempt to silence them. The use of the term in this context allows the far right to dictate the terms of the conversation, as does the news media’s reluctance to call Mr. Trump and his chief adviser what they are: traffickers in hate, pushing a white nationalist agenda through narratives about national identity, prosperity and security.


Mr. Miller seeks to re-engineer immigration into this country to keep brown and Black people out, because he sees them as threat to America’s prosperity and national security. It explains why his policies disproportionately affect migrant families from Latin America and Africa, and why the federal government is using force against anti-racist protesters in cities run by Democrats.

This obsession with the supposed dangers of people of color, particularly immigrants or left-wing extremists, ignores reality. Right-wing extremists have committed the most terrorist attacks in the United States since the 1990s.

Officials say that a 17-year-old named Kyle Rittenhouse opened fire on people during a protest in Kenosha, Wis., on Tuesday, killing two and wounding a third. Mr. Rittenhouse, a supporter of Mr. Trump and the pro-law enforcement “Blue Lives Matter” movement, traveled to Kenosha from his home in Antioch, Ill., in response to online appeals from a right-wing militia group to “protect” businesses, property and lives from “rioters,” investigators say.

Last August, a gunman drove to a Walmart in El Paso, targeting Hispanics in massacre that left 23 people dead. The man charged in the killings, Patrick Crusius, wrote an anti-immigrant manifesto that spoke of a “Hispanic invasion of Texas,” mirroring Mr. Trump’s characterization of migrants from Central and South America as perpetrating “an invasion of our country.”

False Black and brown crime statistics are a common recruiting tactic in white supremacist circles; the website American Renaissance, which Mr. Miller also promoted through Breitbart, pumps out misleading statistics characterizing people of color as more prone to violence. These words take on a life of their own and serve to further radicalize an already divided citizenry.

Mary Ann Mendoza, an “angel mom” whose son was killed by a driver who was in the United States illegally, was scheduled to speak at the Republican convention. She was dropped from the convention lineup after she retweeted an anti-Semitic QAnon conspiracy theory. Mr. Miller has repeatedly given her a platform from which to spew fabricated migrant crime statistics that inaccurately paint migrants as more innately violent than citizens.

As Mr. Trump increasingly adopts the playbook of white supremacists, a new solidarity is emerging among white, Black, brown and other groups as they confront the growing threat of right-wing extremism together. The Joe Biden-Kamala Harris ticket reflects this new solidarity.

“Trump knows that if we find real solidarity, it’s a wrap,” said Aida Rodriguez, an Afro-Latina activist. “We’re all waking up to it, and you’re going to see it in November.” These alliances are a real-life manifestation of the mob of Mr. Miller’s nightmares. But that “mob” will not destroy America, as he imagines. It will destroy the white supremacist fantasy he and so many others live inside.



ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Jean Guerrero (@jeanguerre), an investigative journalist, is the author of the book “Hatemonger: Stephen Miller, Donald Trump and the White Nationalist Agenda”
and 
“Crux: A Cross-Border Memoir,” which won a PEN Literary Award. Ms. Guerrero is a contributing Opinion writer for The New York Times and is also senior journalism fellow at the U.C.L.A. Latina Futures 2050 Lab.

 

Saturday, August 22, 2026

IMPORTANT NEW BOOKS:

Reading Black Reconstruction Today
Edited by Yousuf Al-Bulushi, Geo Maher, and Damien M. Sojoyner
University of California Press, 2026


[Publication date: August 11, 2026]


We are living through a period of perpetual crises and explosive struggles for liberation on a global scale. This transdisciplinary collection explores what W. E. B. Du Bois's groundbreaking 1935 work, Black Reconstruction in America, tells us about repression and resistance across the world, asking: What do abolition and reconstruction mean today? What would it take for these concepts to become a global reality? How can we make sense of our political moment, from the resurgence of Black consciousness across the Americas, to the rise of neofascism in Europe and beyond, to the fight against land dispossession in Africa? Reading "Black Reconstruction" Today draws together a group of leading scholars and activists to explore the lasting relevance of Du Bois's political masterwork

REVIEWS:
 
From the Back Cover

"Reading 'Black Reconstruction' Today is a rich and rigorous exploration of W. E. B. Du Bois's great work. This volume will be an indispensable resource for teachers, students, and scholars, for anyone who is reading Du Bois and thinking with him about the legacy of the Reconstruction era and the world-building possibilities of abolitionism."
―Kevin Bruyneel, author of Settler Memory: The Disavowal of Indigeneity and the Politics of Race in the United States

"W. E. B. Du Bois's masterful drama of insurgent Black politics and counterrevolutionary violence is as relevant today as it was in 1935. Reading 'Black Reconstruction' Today is an important engagement with Du Bois's work. It is well written, with concise and trenchant arguments that will be meaningful for a broad public interested in thinking with Black Reconstruction, as well as those trying to understand the present conjuncture."―Alex Lubin, Professor of African American Studies and History, Penn State University

"Visionary scholars Yousuf Al-Bulushi, Geo Maher, and Damien Sojoyner have curated a collection of essays that powerfully marshal W. E. B. Du Bois's towering historical analysis while offering sophisticated, original contributions. Reading 'Black Reconstruction' Today is a brilliant volume that extends key insights from Du Bois's classic text to engage with contemporary struggles against racial enclosure and urgent endeavors to create another world."―Sarah Haley, author of No Mercy Here: Gender, Punishment, and the Making of Jim Crow Modernity


ABOUT THE EDITORS:

Yousuf Al-Bulushi is Associate Professor of Global and International Studies at the University of California, Irvine, and author of Ruptures in the Afterlife of the Apartheid City.

Geo Maher is founding Coordinator of the W. E. B. Du Bois Movement School for Abolition and Reconstruction in Philadelphia, and author of Anticolonial Eruptions: Racial Hubris and the Cunning of Resistance.

Damien M. Sojoyner is Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Irvine, and author of Joy and Pain: A Story of Black Life and Liberation in Five Albums.

The Lowest Freedom: Racial Capitalism and Black Thought in the Nineteenth Century
by Justin Leroy
Columbia University Press, 2026


[Publication date: April 21, 2026]


Throughout the nineteenth century, Black thinkers grappled with the material limits of freedom. They insisted that emancipation without economic self-determination would reproduce the inequalities of slavery, arguing that true freedom required not only civil rights and suffrage but also defending the rights of workers and curbing the power of capital. They concluded that free Black life could not flourish in conditions of labor exploitation and economic deprivation.

The Lowest Freedom is an intellectual history of how economic dispossession shaped the meaning of freedom in Black thought from antebellum abolitionism to the rise of Jim Crow. Justin Leroy argues that figures such as Frederick Douglass, T. Thomas Fortune, Maria Stewart, David Walker, and Ida B. Wells developed a critique of racial capitalism that remains underappreciated. Their theories spanned the eras of slavery and freedom, connecting the North and the South, by illuminating the political economy of racial domination and the interwoven relationship between race and capitalism. By situating their work within broader debates about land, labor, and capital, Leroy provides a new framework for understanding how freedom was theorized, contested, and ultimately constrained in the aftermath of slavery. Bridging Black studies, intellectual history, and the history of capitalism, The Lowest Freedom offers a reinterpretation of African American political thought that places the struggle for economic justice at its core.

REVIEWS:

"Justin Leroy has produced an indispensable and dazzling book that will forever change our understanding of modern intellectual history. He reintroduces us to nineteenth-century Black thinkers whose incisive critique of the political economy of slavery and capitalism rivals that of the leading economists of their times―and ours. Indeed, they anticipated by two centuries the question we are asking ourselves today: Is genuine abolition possible under racial capitalism? For the answer, read this book." 
-- Robin D. G. Kelley, author of Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination

"Justin Leroy's The Lowest Freedom is a landmark book in both the historical literature on the nineteenth-century United States and thinking about racial capitalism more generally. The next generation of scholars and perhaps even the next generation after that will use it as a trailhead and a point from which to orient their own work." 
-- Walter Johnson, author of The Broken Heart of America: St. Louis and the Violent History of the United States

"Through its unique excavations of the Black radical tradition’s critiques of US freedom, The Lowest Freedom provides a radical rethinking of Black freedom and racial capitalism in the nineteenth-century United States." 
-- Zach Sell, author of Trouble of the World: Slavery and Empire in the Age of Capital

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Justin Leroy is assistant professor of history at Duke University. He is coeditor of Histories of Racial Capitalism (Columbia, 2021).

Cosmic Music: The Life, Art, and Transcendence of Alice Coltrane
by Andy Beta
Da Capo, 2026


[Publication date: March 3, 2026]

The first full-length biography of Alice Coltrane, the jazz musician and spiritual leader whose forward-thinking music was overshadowed by her more famous husband, even as she brilliantly laid the groundwork for the new age, ambient, and electronic music that would follow.

Alice Coltrane (1937-2007) was one of the most misunderstood artists of the last sixty years. For most of her life—and even in the decades since her passing—she was primarily known as the widow of the late John Coltrane. John Coltrane is widely seen as being one of the greatest tenor saxophonists and composers of the 20th century, with a fervor and devotion approaching sainthood. Yet ever so slowly, that level of love and appreciation is also being bestowed upon pianist, organist, harpist, and composer Alice Coltrane.

Cosmic Music: The Life, Art and Transcendence of Alice Coltrane is the first full biography of this remarkable, groundbreaking artist, and is an elegant, deeply researched corrective to the historical—and critical—record. It elevates Alice Coltrane to her proper place, both alongside her husband as one of the greatest musical visionaries of the 20th century, and also as a singular artist in Western music, one who became a spiritual leader in her lifetime.

In the years since her passing, she has become a great influence on a new generation of musicians, especially women, people of color, and artists who seek to combine jazz with other musical forms, be it modern classical, electronic, Indian music, and more. Cosmic Music also unearths previously unknown connections between Alice Coltrane and other generational icons, from Stevie Wonder, Carlos Santana, and Nina Simone to Mother Teresa and Doja Cat.

In Alice Coltrane’s music, one can perceive the transformation of Black American music in microcosm, the gospel roots giving rise to jazz and bebop, then intermingling with soul and R&B, and then onto rock, modern classical, psychedelia, and new age. Cosmic Music, based on extensive research and scores of new interviews by music journalist Andy Beta, is the definitive account of a visionary whose influence is only just beginning to be appreciated in full.

REVIEWS:

"The significance of Alice Coltrane’s presence in 20th Century Music cannot be overstated. Andy Beta’s Cosmic Music is a remarkable detailing of this visionary woman’s vocation in devotion to a sanctified art. From her childhood playing piano in the community of Pentecostal and Baptist churches, where ecstatic transcendence was at the heart of practice, to her engagement with the Detroit Jazz scene and finding a kindred spirit in a life shared with the great John Coltrane, her music is a timeless expression of both divinity and dignity."
―Thurston Moore, co-founder of Sonic Youth and author of "Sonic Life"

“Underappreciated in her time because she was not of it, since her passing in 2007, Alice Coltrane’s talismanic influence has only grown to embody the ‘monument eternal’ she left behind on this earthly plane. With lyrical prose and cinematic storytelling, Andy Beta takes us on a peripatetic journey in the footsteps of one of the most significant musical innovators and spiritual leaders of the past century, tracing the cosmic path of Alice McLeod, who became Alice Coltrane, who became Swamini Turiyasangitananda. Her spiritual evolution parallels her musical evolution, from Detroit piano prodigy, to John Coltrane’s soulmate and close collaborator who revolutionized the harp for jazz and improvised music, to Mother Turiya, the visionary guru of Sai Anantam Ashram in Agoura Hills. How does one get closer to the transcendent universal consciousness we hear in Journey in Satchidananda? One answer is to read this book.”
―Aidan Levy, author of "Saxophone Colossus: The Life and Music of Sonny Rollins"

“Andy Beta’s work on Alice Coltrane clarifies and contextualizes a still-extraordinary presence in American music.”
―Ben Ratliff, author of "Coltrane: The Story of a Song"

“Definitive. . . . [Cosmic Music] not only fills out [Alice Coltrane’s] life, it goes a long way toward redeeming her as an artist. . . . Artists like Radiohead, Björk, and David Byrne have promoted her work, and Beta’s book does a valuable service as well; in its precision, empathy, and musical understanding, the book scours off the condescension that’s clung to her reputation and reveals her anew. An invaluable life of a pioneering artist, only now beginning to be fully understood.”
―Kirkus Reviews (starred review)

"Alice Coltrane was co-architect, alongside God, of some of the most spiritually profound and formally challenging music ever made. The way Andy Beta tells it, it is one of the greatest adventures of the 20th century."―David Keenan, author of "This is a Memorial Device"

"Beta has a fantastic sense of what information is key to the story because he clearly understands his subject, and he operates from a place of generosity and curiosity, which are the book's vital characteristics and why it is so successful."―Salon


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


Andy Beta is an award-winning arts and music writer. His writing on rock, jazz, experimental, and electronic music has appeared in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Pitchfork, Rolling Stone, the Washington Post, Los Angeles Times,Texas Monthly, NPR, We Jazz Magazine, and many more. He lives in New York City with his family.

Daylight Come: Harry Belafonte and the World He Made
by Joshua Jelly-Shapiro
Penguin Press, 2026


[Publication date: August 4, 2026]


“Daylight Come takes us to places no biography in recent memory has . . . This book fills the heart and mind, and is essential reading for our times.” —Hilton Als

A vibrant, revealing portrait of the "King of Calypso," whose extraordinary performing career and activism helped remake America through the civil rights era and beyond

Even three years after his death, Harry Belafonte is everywhere. You can’t go to a wedding, or to a sports arena, without hearing “Day-O,” “Jump in the Line,” or “Jamaica Farewell.” The Harlem-born son of Caribbean immigrants, Belafonte turned the folk music of the islands into American pop—and shaped the fantasy of Caribbean life that endures as an ideal and as a multibillion-dollar tourist industry. Belafonte released the first million-selling LP in history. He was America’s first Black movie star, the first Black person to produce a prime-time special on network TV, and the first to win an Emmy Award. He was once the highest-paid Black performer of all time, beloved by Black and white fans alike, even under segregation. His artistic career helped create the pop culture of the twentieth century—and his political activism reshaped the course of American history.

In this sparkling new biography, Joshua Jelly-Schapiro brings Belafonte’s personality and music vibrantly to life, following him from rags to riches and from Harlem to Jamaica to the March on Washington. Jelly-Schapiro takes us inside Belafonte’s lifelong brotherhood with Sidney Poitier, his friendship with Fidel Castro, his collaboration with Nelson Mandela, and the sometimes shocking therapeutic relationships his difficult upbringing necessitated. At the heart of the story is Belafonte’s bond with Martin Luther King Jr., whose cause Belafonte would champion for the rest of his life. That commitment to the greater good would sustain him and benefit untold numbers—and would come at a cost.

The indelible story of an American icon—and a provocative study of authenticity, fame, and conviction—Daylight Come is, like Harry Belafonte himself, brimming with style and consequence.

REVIEWS:

“In this masterful biography, Jelly-Schapiro demonstrates Belafonte's transformative influence on the Black freedom struggle . . . Ever relevant, ever challenging, ever passionate, Belafonte never stopped singing out for justice.” 
—Booklist, starred review

“Jelly-Schapiro portrays Belafonte as following his own political compass rather than appeasing the powerful or playing the inoffensive celebrity. Still, the author is clear-eyed . . . The book stresses how Belafonte inspired generations of Black artists and thinkers. But it’s what he did outside the spotlight that, conversely, makes his star shine brighter—and makes Daylight Come a memorable biography.” —BookPage

“A welcome biography of an artist and activist who left an enduring legacy.” —Kirkus

“Joshua Jelly-Schapiro's Daylight Come takes us to places no biography in recent memory has. Through the discipline of research, and through love, Jelly-Schapiro's far-reaching portrait of Harry Belafonte, one of the twentieth century's greatest stars, is also the story of the bitter effects of colonialism and segregation, and the human desire and need to transcend both, the better to become a self. This book fills the heart and mind, and is essential reading for our times.” —Hilton Als

“Joshua Jelly-Schapiro is one of those rare writers who bridges worlds—between deep scholarship and gorgeous prose, between islands and mainlands, between big ideas and precise details, between history and possibility.” 
—Rebecca Solnit

“As graceful and arresting as its legendary subject, Joshua Jelly-Schapiro’s Daylight Come captures the sweep, majesty, barrier-breaking artistry and radical, grassroots dynamism of a pop culture icon who was also a Civil Rights change-maker and American visionary. Jelly-Schapiro’s deft ability to weave together large-scale history with an intimate and richly complex portrait of Harry Belafonte is a dazzling achievement. Reading Daylight Come is a reminder of just how singular and essential Belafonte was to both the making of our modern era and our ever-present dreams for a liberated Black world.” —Daphne A. Brooks


ABOUT THE AUTHOR:


Joshua Jelly-Schapiro is a geographer and writer whose books include Names of New York: Discovering the City’s Past, Present, and Future Through Its Place-Names; Island People: The Caribbean and the World; and, with Rebecca Solnit, Nonstop Metropolis: A New York City Atlas. His work appears regularly in publications including The New Yorker, The New York Times, and The New York Review of Books. Jelly-Schapiro teaches journalism at New York University and is director of publishing at Pioneer Works in Brooklyn, where he hosts the popular Author Talks series and is coeditor in chief of Pioneer Works Broadcast.
 
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

1

Harry was the first. You have to start with that. In 1956, a Harlem-bred son of Caribbean immigrants released the first million-selling LP in history. Belafonte was bigger than Elvis. And that's not the only first he laid claim to in his triumphant march across American media in the years that followed. He was the first Black movie star to become a matinee idol, thanks to a star turn in Island in the Sun in 1957, and the first Black person to produce a prime-time special on network TV and to win an Emmy (for Tonight with Belafonte in 1959). He was America's first Black pop star to be as desired for his body as his music. And the first to cause a major scandal for having his elbow touched by a white lady (Petula Clark) on television. His performance-cum-translation of the Caribbean for the masses-white Americans for whom his music felt playful, foreign, and thereby racially and sexually safe-allowed him to straddle racial, sexual, and political taboos unthinkable to his Black contemporaries.

The historic LP that helped him do so, Calypso, was a suite of Caribbean folk tunes that won the top spot on Billboard's charts in June 1956-and stayed there for an unprecedented thirty-one weeks (before being knocked from its perch by-who else-Elvis Presley). Belafonte's name-making record didn't just cement his stature as a new kind of American celebrity. It launched a putative "calypso craze," which convinced not a few commentators that calypso was poised to upend rock 'n' roll as the dominant fad among American teens. ("Warning: Calypso Next New Beat; R.I.P. for R'n'R?," trumpeted Variety in December 1957.) Such predictions may have had less to do with the music's actual popularity than with the wishful thinking of parents who found Belafonte's open-collared-but-still-dignified eroticism less scandalous than the louche gyrations of Elvis's pelvis. Nonetheless: it is hard to oversell the significance of the record that heralded the curious genre of world music; inspired the name of the most popular vocal group in America prior to the Beatles-the Kingston Trio; and perhaps most important, as Belafonte himself later put it, "proved that Americans were more ready than had been assumed to hear the voices of others or the culture of other people."

That last potent fact remains a crucial achievement. But what's perhaps most remarkable about Belafonte's early successes was that they served as mere forerunners and sparks for his larger public life. He used the cash he earned from scaling pop's heights in the late 1950s not to build mansions but to bankroll a still-speculative movement for civil rights. And then, as that movement picked up steam, he assumed an indispensable role as the crucial bridge between its protest marches and Hollywood's stars; between Black preachers who led the movement and white liberals who backed it; between Martin Luther King, Jr., the minister who became Harry's best friend, and the federal government. As the civil rights era reached its most intense phase in the early 1960s, he was the only person to speak, on a near-daily basis, with both Dr. King and Robert F. Kennedy, the attorney general who was at first a tricky foil for King's aims but became a crucial ally.

But those also-remarkable facts, are only part of how his story at once resonated with, and has shaped, the story of his age. When in 1968 he accepted a historic invitation from Johnny Carson to serve as a guest host of The Tonight Show for an entire week, he invited his august friends from politics and showbiz-from Lena Horne and Bobby Kennedy to Marlon Brando, Sidney Poitier, and Buffy Sainte-Marie-to speak with unvarnished candor about America's ills and the disastrous war in Vietnam. He used an interview with Dr. King, not two months before King was killed, to ask if he feared for his life. It was an encounter on national TV, seen by millions, that only one man-Harry Belafonte-could have made happen. But it bears new weight when you consider that Harry had for years by then footed the bill for his friend's health care and supported his family. Far more than a celebrity fundraiser or spokesman, he was an integral part of this movement that changed the country forever.

America had seen Black celebrities before Belafonte. And in the postwar years, others also had won mass-market appeal. Sammy Davis, Jr., did so as the Rat Pack's self-deprecating mascot. Sidney Poitier became one of Hollywood's biggest stars by enacting, with gracious manners and un-American charm, a Black man who anyone but the most dire racist would be glad to bring home to dinner. The persona that Harry cultivated wasn't dissimilar to the one his close friend Sidney, a fellow West Indian who was from the Bahamas, used to scale Hollywood's heights: as a "Caribbean gentleman"-foreign and charming, proper and safe-whose image was far more palatable to whites than were Black entertainers descended from America's slaves. But behind Harry's easeful smile, there was a dose of sexuality and rage that left him allergic to playing roles meant to make whites comfortable. He turned down a few of those that made Poitier famous.

Decades later, talking to me at a restaurant near his home on Manhattan's Upper West Side, he said, "When me and Sidney were coming up, people took the way we carried ourselves as proud, imperial." That's how Harry broke it down, over a plate of littleneck clams the first time we met. "But that's every fucking Jamaican I know! And a lot of them are a pain in the ass!"

Harry, to those closest to him, could be a pain in the ass himself. His outlook was shaped from boyhood by extended sojourns in a Black-majority society-Jamaica-whose history and culture were shaped by its slaves’ rebellions against the island’s colonial owners, and where mixed-race families like his were commonplace. His Caribbean roots were inseparable from his American success. “I think people perceive him as a nice person,” said Johnny Carson, “and if people seem to like you, that’s half the game in the entertainment business.” Yet part of his magnetism also derived from the anger that drove him-anger at America’s racism; anger at himself and his dyslexia; anger at the demons he spent decades unpacking on his therapist’s couch. “Perhaps in the end,” he said of what he learned there, “where your anger comes from is less important than what you do with it.” What he did with his, in alchemizing his ire into his art and activism, changed the world.

Just as remarkable was the more personal journey he undertook to wrestle with his demons and with his country by evolving its culture. That journey would see him produce a film (Beat Street) that helped introduce hip-hop to the world; turn the world's eyes to modern Africa's urgent needs by recording "We Are the World" with stars ranging from Michael Jackson to Bruce Springsteen and Cyndi Lauper, and become a genial fixture on The Muppet Show and Sesame Street, in the 1970s and '80s, who was later known an elder radical and sometimes moral scold. Harry's life's third and fourth and fifth acts were as full of incident and impact as those preceding them.

What forces conspired, back when it all began, to help him become America’s “first Negro matinée idol”? How did he become the dominant figure in American pop right before the emergence of Elvis? What made him a kind of Representative Man capable of meaning all things to all people? In his life’s last decades, he became a totem of Black pride known for his intemperate radicalism (calling fellow son of the Caribbean Colin Powell “a house slave” ). But once he was our first post-racial pop star. He was a hero to immigrants, a sex symbol who was also a wholesome folkie, a teen idol who even your parents could love. How did Belafonte-not only brown-skinned but an avowed leftist, and an actor of unexceptional talent who got over as a singer-achieve his astonishingly wide appeal in Eisenhower’s America? One obvious answer is the one his fellow folk singer Odetta supplied to that question: “Have you seen the man?”

Quite apart from his looks, though, were Belafonte's innovations as a performer. He took folk music off its stool to make the presentation of dusty old songs an occasion for dynamic modern theater, and he used Caribbean music to forge his image as an erotic symbol and romantic lead. A decade before interracial marriage became fully legal in the United States, Belafonte's evocation of the islands got Americans to confront their history and try to change their present. As a struggling young actor in New York, he began singing in jazz clubs to make rent. But then he found his musical métier in the "folk revival" that took root among urban sophisticates drawn to the musical traditions of common people. He reveled in learning to perform Irish ballads and Hebrew anthems and folk tunes from Mexico and Mississippi. But his act also departed, in the pop polish and verve he lent that repertoire, from the folkies' fetish for authenticity-a mysterious quality whose strictures seemed to eschew any Black singer who hadn't done time on a chain gang or sold his soul at some crossroads down south.

A 1962 cover story on folk's rise in Time magazine, focusing on Joan Baez, went so far as to dub him "Belaphony." An appraisal that's aged better came from Baez's ex, Bob Dylan, who also transcended the scene that nurtured them all by plugging in at Newport to become an icon of uncompromising art. "Everything about him was gigantic," Dylan wrote. "The folk purists had a problem with him, but Harry-who could have kicked the shit out of all of them-couldn't be bothered, said that all folksingers were interpreters."

Unlike Dylan, he didn't write his own songs; he mediated others'. But it was as a mediator of culture and enactor of songs-carried by his gorgeous voice, lent the beauty of his person-that he brought the stories of his people to the world. His brilliance as a performer was as a translator of folk histories, and the lives of working people, into the idiom of pop. By performing these stories, he created his own-and insisted, as he would his whole career, on telling his story on his terms. On the eve of the civil rights movement, he used his canny charisma to turn Americans' minds toward the legacies of slavery by singing of the Caribbean-a region that abounded in lilting melodies, but to whose islands were also trafficked the majority of the more than ten million enslaved Africans who, between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, survived the Middle Passage to this hemisphere.

The fact and legacies of that history have suffused this republic’s culture and politics since its founding. Ongoing battles over iniquities that endure, and resentment at attempts to redress them, powered the ascent to the White House of a president who has suffused our public sphere with venality and hate, and with edicts proclaiming English the “official” tongue of the world’s most polyglot nation. In Trump’s America, “the voices of others or the culture of other people,” upon which Harry built his career, are verboten. About these developments, Harry had much to say before he passed. Criticizing presidents, notwithstanding his old friendship with the Kennedys, was a lifelong vocation (and extended to his often-fierce frustration with the moderate policies of America’s first Black one). Before he was a friend to the establishment, he was a man of the left and of the streets. His heroes and pals were political radicals like Paul Robeson, his mentor in stagecraft and Marxism; Dr. King and Nelson Mandela; prison abolitionists and trade unionists and advocates for #BlackLivesMatter whose comradeship he cherished later on-these were his people. One way to understand how his devotion to the edges shifted the mainstream is to see how his history entwined with that of the American president before Trump-and not merely because Harry helped arrange an airlift in 1961 that brought hundreds of African students, including one from Kenya who became Barack Obama’s dad, to the United States.

In Obama's memoir Dreams from My Father, there's a passage in which Obama describes a moment with his mother in a Manhattan movie house watching the Marcel Camus film Black Orpheus. He observes, with growing discomfort, the delight his white mother takes in the images of brown-skinned bodies dancing their way through a Brazilian slum. He realizes then how much of his cherished mom's life and politics-and indeed her attraction to his Kenyan father-had been born of her curiosity about difference-or perhaps her erotic attachment to it. This curiosity was first instilled, she'd often tell her son, when she'd fallen in love as a Kansas schoolgirl with the music and person of Harry Belafonte. For Obama, this moment arrives as a subtle lesson about the intimate registers on which race can act in our lives. But what it suggests as well is Belafonte's larger significance to postwar U.S. culture-as a figure Obama's mother was hardly alone in regarding as "the best-looking man on the planet."

In his stage shows from those years, it was that very universal appeal out of which he liked to make a famous spectacle. "Women over forty!" he'd entreat during the chorus to "Matilda," as captured on his famous Belafonte at Carnegie Hall record. "Now the intellectuals!" Decades before Barack Obama won the White House and Beyoncé became American culture's queen, Belafonte forged a blackness safe enough for the masses not by kowtowing to whites, or occluding his ethnicity and pride, but by making both essential to his glamour and grace. The story of his extraordinary rise, and of the ends to which he leveraged his affinities and fame, is not solely about his personal gifts and the anger that drove him. Nor is it one about the talents and acumen, not only onstage but also for business, that helped him succeed. It is also a story about the larger shifts in postwar America's economy and culture that shaped his sensibility and afforded his success-the advent of stereo sound and the long-playing record; the flourishing of a folk revival whose ethos and sounds would long reverberate; the rise of television as the prime medium and maker of celebrity in American life. And it's a story, too, about political history: the ending of colonial rule across the Third World and the admittance of one hundred new member-nations to the UN; the mass migration, during the Cold War, of thousands of immigrants from the Caribbean to New York; the birth and rise, in the United States, of a mass movement for racial justice.


Friday, August 21, 2026

FASCIST AMERICA 2026: Just How Effing CRIMINALLY CORRUPT Are We In Trump's United Hates? IT'S AN EFFING RHETORICAL QUESTION (As Usual)...



Trump Officials Ignored Their Own University Investigators, Lawyer Says

A former Justice Department lawyer says Trump administration leaders ignored findings that elite schools, including Brown and Columbia, hadn’t broken the law as they pressed them into deals.

Listen · 7:47 minutes


PHOTO: Brown University campus in Providence, R.I. The whistle-blower said government lawyers had found the university committed no violations. Credit: Tony Luong for The New York Times

by Mark Arsenault and Alan Blinder
August 18, 2026
New York Times


Trump administration officials ignored the recommendations of their own investigators as they pushed to find civil rights violations at three Ivy League universities, according to a whistle-blower complaint released Tuesday.

The Aug. 17 account came from a former Department of Justice civil rights lawyer, Haley Van Erem, and colleagues whose names were redacted, who said they were assigned in 2025 to an administration task force on antisemitism. Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee released the account on Tuesday.

In the complaint, the lawyers accuse administration officials of using campus antisemitism as a pretext to cut federal grants to pressure Brown, Columbia and Harvard. Trump officials had “a predetermined, outcome‑driven approach to enforcement rather than a fact‑based investigative process,” it said, while investigators said they did not have the evidence to conclude the schools had broken the law.

Under pressure from the government, two of the schools, Brown and Columbia, agreed to settlements with the administration. Harvard has so far prevailed in a series of court fights against the government and has not reached a settlement with the government.

The complaint says that when Ms. Van Erem and others “raised issues with the lack of a factual basis” to establish that the schools had broken the law, “their disagreements were sidelined or they faced reprimands.”

The White House referred a request for comment to the Department of Health and Human Services and the Justice Department.

Ms. Van Erem had been temporarily assigned to the health department, which oversees some of the largest research funding streams to universities, during the period described in her account. The department did not immediately respond to an inquiry on Tuesday.

A spokesperson for the Department of Justice said by email: “While at the D.O.J., Ms. Haley Van Erem did not work on university investigations. And for all matters, the department stands behind the integrity of these investigations.”

In the case of Brown, investigators, including Ms. Van Erem, were told in April 2025 of a plan to “systematically interview Middle East studies professors, particularly Muslim faculty” to see if they would say anything that could be labeled antisemitic, the document states.

Later that month, the lawyers concluded that the investigation into Brown did not find a violation of Title VI, which prohibits discrimination by institutions that receive federal money.

Ms. Van Erem suggested sending Brown a “closure letter reflecting the team’s conclusion that there were no Title VI violations at Brown, noting such action might restore credibility to the investigations,” the complaint states. But Daniel Shieh, a top official in the health department’s civil rights office, said that administration “higher ups” would not accept closing the investigation because “everything is sequenced,” according to Ms. Van Erem’s account.

Ms. Van Erem took that to mean that the investigations were being coordinated based on politics, not the law, the complaint says.

Mr. Shieh did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Last July, as part of a settlement with the government, Brown agreed to put $50 million toward work force development. It also agreed to a set of policies that more closely aligned the university with the Trump administration’s ideology, including around gender, and to a three-year arrangement for the government to monitor its compliance.

A spokesman for Brown, Brian Clark, said by email that the university had not been told it had violated the law.

“Even so,” he said, “a freeze on funding for the university’s federally sponsored medical and health sciences research had posed enormous challenges for Brown’s research mission and financial sustainability.”

Also in April 2025, according to the complaint, Sean Keveney, who was then the health department’s acting general counsel, told Ms. Van Erem that the White House had ordered the department to pull grants from Harvard. He showed her proposed settlement terms for Harvard, which included “installing a provost to oversee curriculum, ending D.E.I. programs, placing endowment money in trusts the government could seize and investing in programs in Israel,” the complaint states.

Mr. Keveney later sent demands to Harvard, whose leaders found them so over the top that the university decided to sue. People familiar with the episode later claimed the demands were sent by mistake. The university did not comment on Tuesday.

Democrats were quick to assail the administration over Ms. Van Erem’s account. Representative Jamie Raskin of Maryland, the House Judiciary Committee’s ranking member, called the administration’s antisemitism actions “a prebaked frame-up operation.”

In a 2025 ruling for Harvard, a federal judge in Boston, Allison D. Burroughs, came to a similar conclusion, writing that the administration’s focus on antisemitism at the university was at best “arbitrary and, at worst, pretextual.”

After Judge Burroughs ruled in favor of Harvard in the university’s bid to restore grants — a case that is now before a federal appeals court — the Trump administration this year filed an antisemitism lawsuit against the university. Another federal judge in Boston dismissed that suit this month.

Ms. Van Erem’s accusations align closely with the accounts of others familiar with the Trump administration’s internal debates about universities last year. The New York Times reported this year that early in Mr. Trump’s second term, for example, the Justice Department created a group to investigate the University of California system.

The group was given a month to develop enough evidence to bring accusations of workplace discrimination inside the 10-campus system. One lawyer involved in the matter last year, Ejaz Baluch Jr., told The Times that the group was “only told to investigate cases that were in blue states, and cases or investigations involving red states or that didn’t involve perceived political enemies of the administration never moved forward.”

Federal officials have offered an array of explanations for their pressure campaigns against schools. In some instances, they have argued that the government had the authority to set priorities — and that funneling money to schools that they insisted were hubs of antisemitism was not one of them.

At other moments, they contended that the administration wanted federal research money to be spread through higher education more equally, not directed to the country’s wealthiest schools. And Mr. Trump himself has sometimes been eager to joust with universities, directly steering the terms of engagement between his administration and a handful of universities.

Most notably, Mr. Trump personally had a hand in devising the financial terms in settlement proposals to Columbia, Harvard and the University of California, Los Angeles. (Among those, only Columbia reached a settlement. The university declined to comment on Tuesday.)

Other parts of the federal government have also acknowledged political considerations in their moves against academic researchers. The Energy Department acknowledged in a court filing last month, for instance, that it had moved to end some grants “solely” because the recipients were in states that had voted for Kamala Harris in 2024.
 

ABOUT THE AUTHORS:
 

Mark Arsenault covers higher education for The Times.

Alan Blinder is a national correspondent for The Times, covering education.

A version of this article appears in print on Aug. 20, 2026, Section A, Page 15 of the New York edition with the headline: Trump Officials Ignored Their University Investigators, Lawyer Says. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper


LONG LIVE THE POWER, BEAUTY, WISDOM, STRENGTH AND LOVE OF THE BLACK RADICAL TRADITION: In Other Words– Do You Wanna Be inspired? Are You Ready To Be Inspired? Are You Strong, Smart, Savvy and Tough Enough To Revel In, Celebrate, Defend, And Share the Good And Necessary News Of That Inspiration To The Entire World No Matter What? Let’s Prepare To Be Inspired by what Is Best and Liberating In All Of Us. Today the Name of Our Inspiration Is ANGIE NIXON. Hear Her Resounding Message And SPREAD…THE…WORD…

Florida U.S. Senate democratic winner Angie Nixon full victory speech

News4JAX The Local Station

August 18, 2026

VIDEO:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VSJ2vu6JCS8


Florida U.S. Senate democratic winner Angie Nixon full victory speech. Nixon will take on republican winner Ashley Moody in November.

Welcome to the official YouTube channel of WJXT News4JAX -The Local Station.
 
 
Covering Jacksonville, Florida, and surrounding communities with trusted, accurate, and impactful journalism, our mission is to keep you informed with stories that matter. 
 
From breaking news to investigative reports, weather updates to community events, we deliver honest, authentic coverage you can count on. We're proud to be part of the Jacksonville community.