Wednesday, February 7, 2024

LONG LIVE MEDGAR EVERS! (1925-1963)

"What's Past is Prologue..."

https://panopticonreview.blogspot.com/…/a-tribute-to-legend…

FROM THE PANOPTICON REVIEW ARCHIVES

(Originally posted on June 12, 2013):

Wednesday, June 12, 2013


A TRIBUTE TO LEGENDARY CIVIL RIGHTS LEADER AND MISSISSIPPI ACTIVIST MEDGAR EVERS (1925-1963) ON THE 50th ANNIVERSARY OF HIS TRAGIC ASSASSINATION
 


Remembering Medgar Evers – and carrying on his fight for civil rights |  Martha Bergmark | The Guardian
 
MEDGAR EVERS
(b. July 2, 1925--d. June 12, 1963) 

All, 
 
Medgar Evers (1925-1963) is one of the central and thus most important figures to emerge in the modern Civil Rights movement that began directly after WWII in the United States. A brilliant visionary, shrewd political strategist, and deeply courageous man who had served his country with great honor, distinction, and bravery throughout Europe fighting fascism in the second world war, a 21 year old Medgar returned to the United States as did hundreds of thousands of his fellow African American veteran soldiers in 1945-46 absolutely determined to confront, challenge, and defeat the ruthlessly racist system of Jim Crow segregation that absolutely ruled his home state of Mississippi as well as the entire southern region of the country with an iron fist and the morally bankrupt sanction of the law--and tellingly in most of the rest of the country as well. Arriving back in his hometown of Jackson, it didn't take long for the ambitious and dynamic Evers to take full advantage of the higher educational opportunities provided by the GI bill that financially enabled an entire generation to attend college. Medgar immediately enrolled in and successfully completed a B.A. program in business administration at Alcorn State College, a well regarded historically black college where he met and soon married Myrlie Beasley in 1951. They had three children and raised a strong family together first in Mound Bayou, Missisippi, and later in Jackson, Miss. while Evers worked as a life insurance salesman for an independently successful black insurance company. Evers's boss T.R.M. Howard was a prominent civil rights activist in his own right and was local President of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL). Through its auspices Evers played a major role in organizing the RCNL's boycott of filling stations that denied black people use of the stations' restrooms. Over the next couple years from 1952-1954 Evers and his brother Charles were very active representatives and organizers of the RCNL's annual conferences which attracted thousands of local black residents.

In 1954 Evers became an even more high profile figure in the burgeoning--and very dangerous--Mississippi civil rights struggle when a highly qualified Evers in a NAACP sponsored legal test case applied to the then completely segregated University of Mississippi. Predictably his application was rejected but Evers's effort galvanized many other black activists throughout the country who were inspired by Evers's courageous example and emulated his activity in many similar anti-segregation cases in the United States. In late 1954 the NAACP officially named Evers its first field secretary in Mississippi. In this leadership capacity Medgar organized many boycotts and established many local chapters of the NAACP. Medgar was also at the epicenter of the heroic desegregation efforts of James Meredith to successfully enroll at the University of Mississippi in 1962 after major violence by enraged white Mississippi students and many local racist thugs who rioted both on and off campus in protest of Meredith's admission were confronted and disarmed by federal troops that President John Kennedy sent to quell the racist violence.

Evers continued as he always had as a dedicated local civil rights leader and organizer in Mississippi who also worked as an investigator in various civil rights cases and incidents around the issues of voter registration (which like in most of the south was still denied to African American citizens), education, and labor rights. For these and other activities Evers was targeted by the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and many other racist organizations throughout the region. For his important public investigations into the vile racist murders of 14 year old Emmitt Till in 1955 and his outspoken support for Clyde Kennard an innocent and brilliant black man (and also WWII veteran) who after trying vainly to transfer from the University of Chicago following his junior year after returned to his native Mississippi to aid a sick and infirm family relative and tried to enroll in a prominent and racially segregated all white Mississippi college. After leading an unsuccessful legal and political effort during the late '1950s to enroll in the school Kennard was framed and falsely imprisoned for burglary because he was seen as a local "troublemaker" for trying to enroll in the school. His case was later thrown out of court years later because of false arrest.

From this point in 1960 onward Medgar was a marked man by the Klan and others for his leadership and on May 28, 1963a Molotov cocktail bomb was thrown into the carport of his home and a week later on June 7, 1963 Evers was nearly run down by a car after he emerged from his Jackson, Mississippi NAACP office. Then just five days later only a few minutes past midnight on June 12, 1963 Medgar was assassinated by a well known KKK and white citizens council member and murderer by the name of Byron De La Beckworth. After being acquited in two all white male deadlocked jury trials in 1964 it would be another 30 years before De La Beckworth was finally convicted and sent to prison where he died at the age of 80 in 2001. It was the fiercely dedicated persistence and deep commitment by Medgar Evers's extraordinary wife and widow who was and is also a civil rights leader and organizer in her own right (and later chairperson during the late 1990s of the NAACP) who diligently fought for the successful reopening of his husband's case over a three decade period that led to finally bring Medgar's racist murderer to justice. At age 80 Mrs. Evers-Williams continues her now 50 year old fight to carry on and implement the tremendous legacy of Medgar's astonishing human and civil right activism on behalf of genuine justice, freedom, and equality today.

The following collection of original texts, videos, recordings, photographs and other pertinent archival information about Medgar Evers's inspiring life and work follows. We offer it all in humble recognition and deep appreciation for what Medgar fought for and achieved during his exceptional life and what now remains for all the rest of us to do both in his personal honor and on behalf of our own collective humanity. Long Live Medgar Evers!...

Kofi


https://mshistorynow.mdah.ms.gov/issue/medgar-evers-and-the-origin-of-the-civil-rights-movement-in-mississippi


Medgar Evers and the Origin of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi
by Dernoral Davis
Mississippi Historical Society

Medgar Evers
Medgar Evers (1925-1963) NAACP field secretary. 1963

Photo courtesy Library of Congress

Medgar Evers was buried with military honors at Arlington National Cemetery
Medgar Evers was buried with military honors at 

Arlington National Cemetery outside Washington, D. C.

Medgar Evers statue in Jackson 

Medgar Evers statue in Jackson.

USNS Medgar Evers
October 9, 2009: a dry cargo ammunition ship will be named 

the USNS Medgar Evers announced U. S. Secretary of the Navy 

Ray Mabus, a former governor of Mississippi. 

Courtesy, U. S. Navy.

 
Mississippi became a major theatre of struggle during the Civil Rights Movement of the mid-20th century because of its resistance to equal rights for its black citizens. Between 1952 and 1963, Medgar Wiley Evers was one of the state’s most impassioned activist, orator, and visionary for change. He fought for equality and fought against brutality.

Born July 2, 1925, in Decatur, Mississippi, Medgar was one of four children born to James and Jesse Evers. His father worked in a sawmill and his mother was a laundress. Evers’s childhood was typical in many ways of black youths who grew up in the Jim Crow South during the Great Depression of the 1930s and in the years preceding World War II. As a youth, Evers’s parents showered him with love and affection, taught him family values, and routinely disciplined him when needed. The Evers home emphasized education, religion, and hard work.

Among his siblings, Evers spent the most time with Charles, whom he idolized. As Evers’s older brother, Charles protected him, taught him to fish, swim, hunt, box, wrestle, and generally served as a sounding board for many of Medgar’s early experiences. He attended all-black schools in the dual and segregated public educational system of Newton County. Segregated public education meant long walks to school for the Evers children. The schools had few resources and operated with outdated textbooks, few teachers, large classes, and small classrooms without laboratories and supplies for the study of biology, chemistry, and physics.

Besides his under-funded public education, Evers on occasion saw and witnessed acts of raw violence against blacks. On these occasions, Evers’s parents and older brother could not shield him from the realities of a society built on racial discrimination. At about age 14, Evers observed to his horror the dragging of a black man, Willie Tingle, behind a wagon through the streets of Decatur. Tingle was later shot and hanged. A friend of Evers’s father, Tingle was accused of insulting a white woman.

Evers later recalled that Tingle’s bloody clothes remained in the field for months near the tree where he was hanged. Each day on his way to school Evers had to pass this tableau of violence. He never forgot the image.

A World War II soldier

At the end of his sophomore year of high school and several months before his eighteenth birthday, Evers volunteered and was inducted into the United States Army in 1942. The decision to volunteer was prompted by a desire to see the world and to follow Charles, who had enlisted a year earlier. During his tour of duty in World War II, Evers was assigned to and served with a segregated port battalion, first in Great Britain and later in France. Though typical at the time, racial segregation in the military only served to anger Evers. By the end of the war, Evers was among a generation of black veterans committed to answering W.E.B. Dubois’s clarion call of nearly three decades earlier: “to return [home] fighting” for change.

Upon returning home, the initial “fight” for Evers was to register to vote. For Evers voting was an affirmation of citizenship. Accordingly, in the summer of 1946, along with his brother, Charles, and several other black veterans, Evers registered to vote at the Decatur city hall. But on election day, the veterans were prevented by angry whites from casting their ballots. The experience only deepened Evers’s conviction that the status quo in Mississippi had to change.

A college student

Evers spent the next decade preparing to become part of the vanguard for change in Mississippi. He returned to school to complete his education under the military’s GI Bill, which was passed by Congress in 1944 to provide education to people who had served in the armed forces during World War II.

In 1946, he enrolled at Alcorn A&M College in Lorman, Mississippi, where he roomed with his brother Charles. At Alcorn, which had both high school and college courses of study, Evers first completed high school and remained to pursue a college degree with a major in business administration.

While in college, Evers met and courted Myrlie Beasley, an education major from Vicksburg. They were married Christmas Eve 1951. Myrlie remembers her initial impressions of Evers as a well-built, self-assured veteran and athlete. Soon afterward she realized he was a “rebel” at heart. “He was ready,” Myrlie recalls, “to put his beliefs to any test. He [even] saw a much larger world than the one that, for the moment, confined him; but he aspired to be a part of that world.”

During his years at Alcorn, Evers enjoyed reading and worked hard to pass all classes. Participation in extracurricular activities remained Evers’s real passion from his freshman year through his senior year. As a freshman he joined the debate team, the business club, played football, and ran track. As a junior he was elected president of his class and vice president of the student forum. By his senior year he had become editor of the Alcorn Yearbook, the student newspaper, the Alcorn Herald, and was named to Who’s Who Among American College Students.

The decision to attend college afforded Evers critical exposure and experiences that contributed to his development as an emerging activist and eventual leader of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi. A crucial experience occurred during his senior year when each month he drove to Jackson to participate in an interracial seminar jointly sponsored by then all-white Millsaps and all-black Tougaloo colleges. It was at one of the interracial seminars that Evers became aware of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which he subsequently joined.

An insurance agent

After Evers’s graduation, he and Myrlie moved to the all-black town of Mound Bayou, Mississippi, where he began work as an insurance agent for the Magnolia Mutual Insurance Company, selling life and hospitalization policies to blacks in the Mississippi Delta. The insurance company was owned by Dr. T. R. M. Howard, a black physician in Mound Bayou and a political activist. It was largely because of Howard’s influence that Evers, from 1952 to 1954, not only traveled his Delta route selling insurance, but organized new chapters of the NAACP. The NAACP organizing travels convinced Evers that Jim Crow rendered the state a virtual closed society and that mobilizing at the grassroots level was essential for building a movement for social change. Increasingly, too, Evers saw himself in the vanguard to put an end to Mississippi’s infrastructure of segregation. Other people in the still-young Mississippi Civil Rights Movement also began thinking of Evers as a leader.

The leadership prospects for Evers only increased when he volunteered to become the first black applicant to seek admission to the University of Mississippi. University and state officials reacted to Evers’s January 1954 application for admission to the law school in Oxford with alarm and sought to handle the matter with dispatch. His application was rejected on the “technicality” that it failed to include letters of recommendation from two individuals in the county (Bolivar) where he lived at the time.

NAACP state field secretary

The law school application soon catapulted Evers from relative obscurity to broader name recognition and to serious leadership consideration within the emerging state Civil Rights Movement. E.J. Stringer, president of the NAACP Mississippi State Conference, was so impressed with Evers’s leadership potential that he recommended him for the newly created position of state field secretary of the civil rights organization. The National Office of the NAACP voted in favor of Stringer’s recommendation.

In December 1954, Evers’s appointment as state field secretary was officially announced. The new position required that Evers move from Mound Bayou to Jackson and establish an NAACP field office. Evers negotiated with the NAACP National Office for Myrlie to be appointed as the office’s paid secretary. The Medgar Evers family, which now included two children, Darryl Kenyatta and Reena Denise, came to Jackson in January 1955 – the couple in 1960 had another son, James. Once in Jackson a residence for the family was quickly secured followed by the selection of the new NAACP office in the business hub of the local black community on North Farish Street. Evers relocated the field office ten months later to the Masonic Temple on Lynch Street.

When Evers assumed his position as state field secretary, he began an eight-year career in public life that was both demanding and frustrating. The 1950s proved frustrating and anxiety-laden as some white Mississippians responded with massive resistance to the civil rights activities of the NAACP and to the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision which declared segregated schools unconstitutional. There was widespread racial violence against blacks and from 1955 to 1960, Evers faced a range of daunting challenges. He investigated nine racial murders and countless numbers of alleged maltreatment cases involving black victims during the period.

And, Evers’s organizing efforts on behalf of the NAACP proved just as demanding. He worked to promote the growth of adult-lead chapters and to encourage involvement of younger activists in local youth councils across the state. The inclusion of youth, Evers believed, was critical to a winning strategy in the crusade against Jim Crow. In several areas of the state – Jackson, Meridian, McComb, and Vicksburg most notably – youth councils emerged and were quite active. Statewide membership in NAACP chapters nearly doubled between 1956 and 1959 from about 8,000 to 15,000 dues-paying activists.

In the 1960s the agitation for civil rights grew more radical and diverse in its protest strategies. The dominant protest strategies became direct action with civil disobedience, such as boycotts against white merchants. Evers had only limited knowledge of these protest strategies but willingly embraced them to advance the struggle.

On the morning of June 12, 1963, around 12:20 a.m., Medgar Evers arrived home from a long meeting at the New Jerusalem Baptist Church located at 2464 Kelley Street. He got out of his car, arms filled with “Jim Crow Must Go” T-shirts, and walked toward the kitchen door when a shot was fired from a high-powered rifle, striking Evers in the back. Myrlie heard the shot, ran outside with the children behind her, and saw Medgar lying face down in the carport. Next-door-neighbor Houston Wells heard the shot and called the police. The police arrived only minutes later and provided an escort as Wells drove Evers to the emergency room of the University of Mississippi Medical Center on North State Street. Evers died shortly after 1:00 a.m. of loss of blood and internal injuries.

In the initial police investigation, a rifle, which was thought to have fired the fatal shot, was discovered in a thicket of honeysuckle approximately 150 feet from Evers’s carport. White leaders publicly expressed shock and regret. Governor Ross Barnett called the shooting a “dastardly act.” On behalf of the city, Mayor Allen Thompson offered a $5,000 reward for the arrest of the shooter and added that he was “dreadfully shocked, humiliated and sick at heart.”

The day after Evers’s death, several demonstrations broke out in the local black community in reaction to the murder. Black ministers and businessmen joined other angry blacks as they surged out into the streets. Jackson police used force to stop the demonstrations.

On June 15, 1963, Evers’s funeral was held at the Masonic Temple, with Charles Jones, Campbell College chaplain, officiating the service. A special permit was obtained from the city in anticipation of a large funeral cortege and march from the site of the services to Collins Funeral Home. The permit prohibited slogans, shouting, and singing during the funeral procession. After the service about 5,000 mourners joined the procession from the Masonic Temple on Lynch Street, east to Pascagoula, then north onto Farish to the funeral home. When the cortege reached the funeral home, approximately 300 young mourners began singing and moving south in mass toward Capitol Street, the main street of the capital city. The police, who had been shadowing the cortege, responded to mourners by using billy clubs and dogs to disperse them. The crowd then began hurling bricks, bottles, and rocks. A potentially deadly incident was averted when several civil rights workers, and John Doar, a U.S. Justice Department lawyer, beseeched the mourners to stop, which they soon did.

The loss of Medgar Evers was a serious blow to the civil rights struggle across the state. Gone were his imposing presence, compelling oratory, and committed leadership. In a mere eight years, Evers had advanced the civil rights struggle in Mississippi from a fledgling organization to a formidable agent for change.

Medgar Evers is buried in Arlington National Cemetery. Despite the loss of Evers’s leadership, the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement forged ahead. The remaining years of the 1960s saw the emergence of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (1964), Freedom Summer (1964), James Meredith’s March Against Fear (1966), and other protests for racial equality.

On June 22, 1963, Byron De La Beckwith, a member of the White Citizens’ Council, was arrested and charged with the slaying of Medgar Evers. Beckwith was tried twice for Evers’s murder, first in February and later in April 1964. Both trials (before all-white male jurors) ended in hung juries. Beckwith was not retried for the Evers murder until 30 years later. In a two-week trial, held in February 1994 before a jury of eight blacks and four whites, Beckwith was found guilty of the murder of Evers, for which he received a life sentence. Beckwith served only seven years of his life sentence at the Central Mississippi Correctional Facility in Rankin County before dying of a heart attack January 21, 2001.

Dernoral Davis, Ph.D., is chairman of the history and philosophy departments, Jackson State University.

Posted October 2003

Bibliography:


Books:


Chafe, William. Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, North Carolina and the Black Struggle for Freedom. New York: Oxford University Press, 1980.


Delaughter, Bobby. Never Too Late: A Prosecutor’s Story of Justice in the Medgar Evers Case. New York: Scribner, 2001.


Dittmer, John. Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995.


Evers, Charles. Evers. New York: The World Publishing Company, 1971.

Evers, Myrlie (with William Peters). For Us the Living. New York: Doubleday, 1967. Reprint. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1996.


Johnston, Erle. Mississippi’s Defiant Years, 1953-1973. Forest, Mississippi: Lake Haber Publishers, 1990.


Lawson, Steven, and Payne, Charles. Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968. New York: Rowman, Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1998.


McMillen, Neil, ed. Remaking Dixie: The Impact of World War II on the American South. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997.


Mendelsohn, Jack. The Martyrs: Sixteen Who Gave Their Lives for Racial Justice. New York: Harper and Row, 1966.


Mottley, Constance Baker. Equal Justice Under Law. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1998.


Numan, Bartley. The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South During the 1950s. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969.


Payne, Charles. I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.


Salter, John. Jackson, Mississippi: An American Chronicle of Struggle and Schism. Malabar, Florida: Robert Krueger Publishing Company, 1987.


Articles


Crittendon, Denise. “Medgar Evers Killer Finally Convicted.” Crisis, April 8, 1994.


Evers, Medgar. “Why I Live In Mississippi.” Ebony, September, 1963, 44.


Evers, Myrlie. “He said he wouldn’t mind dying if.” Life, June 28, 1963, 35.


Mitchell, Dennis. “Trial for Honor.” Mindscape (Publication of the Mississippi Committee for the Humanities), 1986, 3-5.


Wynn, Linda. “The Dawning of a New Day: The Nashville Sit-Ins, February 13-May 10, 1960.” Tennessee Historical Quarterly, Vol 50 (1991), 42-54.

Pamphlet


National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). M is for Mississippi and Murder. New York: NAACP, 1955. This NAACP publication was based on the investigations of Medgar Evers, the newly appointed field secretary for the civil rights organization in Mississippi. The pamphlet provided details on three racial murders in 1955. The three victims were George W. Lee of Belzoni, Lamar Smith of Brookhaven, and Emmett Till, a 14-year-old teenager from Chicago who was visiting his grandfather in Money, Mississippi. At least ten other Black men were racial murder victims during the 1950s in Mississippi.


Mississippi Historical Society © 2000–2013. All rights reserved.


Remembering Medgar Evers: Writing the Long Civil Rights Movement (Mercer University Lamar Memorial Lectures)

by Minrose Gwin

University of Georgia Press, 2013


http://www.democracynow.org/…/medgar_evers_murder_50_years_…


Medgar Evers’ Murder, 50 Years Later: Widow Myrlie Evers-Williams Remembers "A Man for All Time"


WEDNESDAY, JUNE 12, 2013


Medgar Evers’ Murder, 50 Years Later: Widow Myrlie Evers-Williams Remembers "A Man for All Time"


Fifty years ago today — June 12th, 1963 — 37-year-old civil rights organizer Medgar Evers was assassinated in the driveway outside his home in Jackson, Mississippi. In the early 1960s, Evers served as the first NAACP field secretary for Mississippi, where he worked to end segregation, fought for voter rights, struggled to increase black voter registration, led business boycotts, and brought attention to murders and lynchings. We hear from Edgers’ widow, Myrlie Evers-Williams, on how she wants her husband to be remembered "a man for all time, one who was totally dedicated to freedom for everyone — and was willing to pay a price."


TRANSCRIPT:


NERMEEN SHAIKH: We end today’s show remembering the life of African-American civil rights activist Medgar Evers. In the early 1960s, Evers served as the first NAACP field secretary for Mississippi, where he worked to end segregation and fought for voter rights. It was 50 years ago today, June 12th, 1963, when the 37-year-old organizer was assassinated in his driveway.


AMY GOODMAN: I recently caught up with his widow, Myrlie Evers, at an NAACP dinner here in New York and asked her how people should remember her husband, for whom she sought justice for so many years.


MYRLIE EVERS-WILLIAMS: Well, what I would encourage young people to do is to go online and find out as much as they can about him, his contributions, to go, believe it or not, to their libraries and do research, and to say to them that he was a man of all time, one who was totally dedicated to freedom for everyone, and was willing to pay a price. And he knew what that price was going to be, but he was willing to pay it. As he said at one of his last speeches, "I love my wife, and I love my children, and I want to create a better life for them and all women and all children, regardless of race, creed or color." I think that kind of sizes him up. He knew what was going to happen. He didn’t want to die, but he was willing to take the risk.


AMY GOODMAN: Talk about where he was coming from that night that he was killed in your driveway.


MYRLIE EVERS-WILLIAMS: Medgar was coming from a mass rally that we had two or three times a week, actually. And there had been a meeting after that session, and he was on his way home. I know how weary he was, because he got out of his car on the driver’s side, which was next to the road where the assassin was waiting, and we had determined quite some time ago that we should always get out on the other side of the car. And that night, he got out on the driver’s side with an armful of T-shirts that said "Jim Crow must go." And that bullet struck him in his back, ricocheted throughout his chest, and he lasted 30 minutes after that. And the doctors said they didn’t know how he did. But he was determined to live. The good thing, his body is not here, but he still lives. And I’m very happy, proud and pleased to have played a part in making that come true.



AMY GOODMAN: Myrlie Evers, 50 years ago today, June 12th, 1963, her husband, the civil rights leader Medgar Evers, 37 years old, was assassinated in his driveway in Jackson, Mississippi.


Medgar Evers, Mississippi Martyr
by Michael Vinson Williams
University of Arkansas Press, 2011


Myrlie Evers-Williams On Medgar's Assassination:


The widow of Medgar Evers, Mississippi civil rights activist and former chairperson of the NAACP, Myrlie Evers-Williams talks about both the events leading up to her husband's assassination and the tragic incident itself in interview:


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ibJFzOBtmag


Myrlie Evers-Williams On Medgar's Accomplishments:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QlunCuiojAs
 
 
The Autobiography of Medgar Evers: A Hero's Life and Legacy Revealed Through His Writings, Letters, and Speeches


Edited by Myrlie Evers-Williams and Manning Marable

Basic Civitas Books 2006


PHOTO: MEDGAR EVERS

(b. July 2, 1925--d. June 12, 1963)
 

The Civil Rights Act of 1964: A Long Struggle for Freedom
Medgar Evers and the Jackson Movement: “Until Freedom Comes”

VIDEOS:

https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/multimedia/medgar-evers-and-jackson-movement.html

https://www.dailymotion.com/video/x8rlfuf
 
 

IMPORTANT NEW BOOK:

Medgar and Myrlie: Medgar Evers and the Love Story That Awakened America
by Joy-Ann Reid
Mariner Books, 2024

[Publication date:  February 6, 2024]

“Medgar Evers deserves a place alongside Malcolm X and Dr. King in our historical memory. Evers, with Myrlie as his partner in activism and in life, was doing civil rights work in the single most hostile and dangerous environment in America.”—from Medgar and Myrlie

By MSNBC's Joy-Ann Reid, a triumphant work of biography that repositions slain Civil Rights pioneer Medgar Evers at the heart of America's struggle for freedom, and celebrates Myrlie Evers's extraordinary activism after her husband's assassination in the driveway of their Mississippi home.

"I love this book. The empathic, brilliant, and wise Joy Reid has brought us the poignant, fascinating inside story of Medgar and Myrlie Evers, transformational leaders who confronted pure evil and risked their lives to ensure that all American children might grow up in a United States that was more just. As Reid shows us, that painful task is now more urgent than ever.” — Michael Beschloss

Myrlie Louise Beasley met Medgar Evers on her first day of college. They fell in love at first sight, married just one year later, and Myrlie left school to focus on their growing family.

Medgar became the field secretary for the Mississippi branch of the NAACP, charged with beating back the most intractable and violent resistance to black voting rights in the country. Myrlie served as Medgar’s secretary and confidant, working hand in hand with him as they struggled against public accommodations and school segregation, lynching, violence, and sheer despair within their state’s “black belt.” They fought to desegregate the intractable University of Mississippi, organized picket lines and boycotts, despite repeated terroristic threats, including the 1962 firebombing of their home, where they lived with their three young children.

On June 12, 1963, Medgar Evers became the highest profile victim of Klan-related assassination of a black civil rights leader at that time; gunned down in the couple’s driveway in Jackson. In the wake of his tragic death, Myrlie carried on their civil rights legacy; writing a book about Medgar’s fight, trying to win a congressional seat, and becoming a leader of the NAACP in her own right.

In this groundbreaking and thrilling account of two heroes of the civil rights movement, Joy-Ann Reid uses Medgar and Myrlie’s relationship as a lens through which to explore the on-the-ground work that went into winning basic rights for Black Americans, and the repercussions that still resonate today.

Dr. Peniel E. Joseph On the Ongoing Historical and Political Significance of 1963 in the United States

"What's Past is Prologue...
Opinion
Three days in 1963 that are still changing America
by Peniel E. Joseph
November 22, 2023
CNN


16 comments

[Editor’s note: Peniel E. Joseph is the Barbara Jordan chair in ethics and political values and founding director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy at the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is a professor of history. He is the author of “The Third Reconstruction: America’s Struggle for Racial Justice in the Twenty-First Century.” The views expressed here are his own.]

John F. Kennedy’s abbreviated presidency, while often overshadowed by his successor’s on this front, was a crucial component of America’s second Reconstruction.


PHOTO:  Dr. Peniel E. Joseph - Kelvin Ma/Tufts University/Kelvin Ma/Tufts University

As the world acknowledges the somber occasion, 60 years ago this week, of Kennedy’s assassination in Dallas on November 22, 1963, it’s important to reflect on Kennedy’s pivotal role in the civil rights revolution. Kennedy’s death stunned the world and shook our nation’s foundation — but his life, punctuated by three days in June 1963, was instrumental to a transformation of American democracy.

Kennedy’s death was the end of one era and the beginning of another. Although we popularly remember his presidency and its end as closing the door on a purported age of American innocence, this is untrue.

Kennedy entered office as a young president with the firm belief that his most consequential role would be as a commander in chief, waging a global war for freedom and democracy on the world stage against the Soviet Union. Instead, Kennedy presided over the early years of the nation’s most crucial period of Reconstruction since the end of the Civil War. This new reality jarred Kennedy’s moral sensibilities, tested his political nerve and emboldened his personal will. He became a more passionate speaker, interested reader and public champion of freedom at home and abroad based on the changing domestic and global landscape. Kennedy never stood still or remained static in his conception of America.

Kennedy’s tragic death came near the end of the most tumultuous year of his presidency. The youngest man ever elected president in 1960 at the age of 43, Kennedy had a vision of a “New Frontier” that would see the nation conquer space, defeat the tyranny of Soviet Union communism and export America’s dreams of freedom to Africa and the developing world, but it was complicated by the most significant domestic crisis in our history: the Civil Rights Movement.

During Kennedy’s first two years in office, civil rights leaders such as the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. criticized the young president and his younger brother and closest political adviser, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, for shortcomings in the pursuit of racial justice. The Kennedy administration’s allyship in the struggle had been cautious: at its best, exemplified by efforts in ending the mob violence against interracial Freedom Riders in 1961 and deploying federal marshals to help integrate the University of Mississippi in 1962.

The year that changed everything

When the racial crisis in Birmingham, Alabama, in the spring of 1963 galvanized America’s second Reconstruction, it prompted a decisive personal and political moment for Kennedy. The movement’s efforts to racially integrate the declining industrial steel city in Alabama met racist opposition from its commissioner of public safety, Eugene “Bull” Connor, a former sports radio announcer turned full-time segregationist terror. The state of Alabama was so hostile to civil rights that it had outlawed the NAACP.

King and local leader the Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth organized a series of demonstrations in April and May that landed them and fellow activist Ralph Abernathy in jail. There, King wrote his famous “Letter From Birmingham Jail,” which would not be published until after the crisis ended.

Meanwhile, the “Children’s Crusade,” launched by civil rights worker Jim Bevel, drew thousands of children as young as 7 to serve as shock troops of a peaceful movement to eradicate White supremacy in Birmingham. Connor’s police incarcerated thousands, unleashed dogs on nonviolent protesters and used water hoses from the fire department that were powerful enough to strip the bark from trees.

On Mother’s Day 1963, racial terrorists in Birmingham exploded bombs at the hotel of the city’s most successful Black business leader and movement supporter, AG Gaston, in an attempt to assassinate King. The blasts ignited a full-blown Black uprising that took hundreds of Alabama state troopers to quell and forced Kennedy to place the National Guard on alert. The violence also threatened to destroy a public truce between civil rights leaders and city officials that resulted in the formation of a biracial commission, the planned integration of public accommodations and the hiring of Black workers in department stores.

Kennedy faced another crisis when Alabama Gov. George Wallace, in defiance of a federal court order, vowed to prevent two Black students from entering the University of Alabama. Wallace’s infamous stand at the schoolhouse door made him a national hero to racial segregationists, far-right conservatives and believers in the Lost Cause. It propelled him to run for president in Democratic primaries the following year. It fueled an astonishingly successful campaign in 1968 that helped pave the way for more contemporary demagogues in the manipulation of White anger and resentment.

Kennedy’s pivotal words


Having tracked these violent developments from the White House, Kennedy responded to the spring crisis with a momentous set of statements and actions. Over three days in June, Kennedy embraced a vision of Black citizenship and dignity as the beating heart of American democracy.

He first did so in Hawaii on June 9 at a conference of mayors. Kennedy outlined that, for all the attention paid to the South, Northern race relations stood at a critical inflection point. Black Americans suffered double the unemployment rates as Whites, and the millions who migrated North and west to escape racial oppression found themselves living in racially segregated and economically depressed neighborhoods with poor schools, practically no social services and unaffordable, substandard housing. Kennedy challenged America’s mayors in Honolulu to offer summer jobs for Black youth and rid their local cities of racial injustice and ordinances that prevented access to equal opportunity.

The next day, Kennedy delivered the commencement address at American University. In a speech whose primary topic was world peace and finding common ground with Soviet adversaries, it’s impossible not to read into Kennedy’s words a deeper understanding of his growing consciousness about matters of race, especially lines such as his call: “Let us not be blind to our differences — but let us also direct attention to our common interests and to the means by which those differences can be resolved.”

June 11 was Kennedy’s finest hour. That evening, after Vivian Malone and James Hood successfully enrolled at the University of Alabama, Kennedy delivered an 8 p.m. televised address to the American people.


PHOTO:  On June 11, 1963, in his finest hour as president, Kennedy gives a televised address to the nation, vowing to send civil rights legislation to Congress. - Abbie Rowe/The White House/John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum

For nearly 17 minutes, Kennedy discussed the Civil Rights Movement the way King had urged him to do over the past two years. “We are confronted primarily with a moral issue,” Kennedy told the nation. He juxtaposed, throughout his address, the divergent life chances between Blacks and Whites from birth to death, pointing out that both groups served in the military, irrespective of race. Kennedy characterized the hundreds of demonstrations around the country supporting civil rights as “a revolution,” which could be violent or peaceful, depending on the country’s leadership. Kennedy vowed to bring comprehensive civil rights legislation to Congress within the week.

It was a bravura speech, the best of his presidency, certainly the most politically and morally significant. It left a legacy of a president who, despite being pushed in various directions by activists, his brother Bobby and the crisis of Birmingham, seized the time and stood on the right side of history.

An unfinished legacy

Early the following day, Medgar Wiley Evers, a charismatic 37-year-old military veteran and married father of three who served as the NAACP field secretary in Mississippi, was assassinated by a White supremacist. Evers’ murder triggered national waves of protests, mourning and outrage. Kennedy greeted Medgar’s wife, Myrlie, brother Charles, son Darrell Kenyatta and daughter Reena Denise at the White House after the funeral service at Arlington Cemetery.

Over the next five months, Kennedy would, at times reluctantly, fully embrace the struggle for civil rights as part of his legacy. Kennedy met with civil rights leaders after the August 28 March on Washington, hosting them with tea, coffee and sandwiches. “I have a dream,” he said to King as he shook his hand, offering congratulations for a timeless speech against the backdrop of the Lincoln Memorial.

Progress for Kennedy would always mean something other than perfection. After the September 15, 1963, bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Kennedy, to the disappointment of King and many others, refused to attend the funeral services for any of the six children killed that day. Carole Robertson, Addie Mae Collins, Cynthia Wesley, and Denise McNair all perished in the dynamite blast that ripped through the basement of the church. Three of the girls were 14, and one 11. Two other young people died in Birmingham that day. Two White Eagle Scouts murdered “Peanut” Ware as he rode on the handlebars of his brother’s bike, and police fired a shotgun in the back of Johnny Robinson in Birmingham during the unrest that came after the bombing.


PHOTO: The president rides with first lady Jacqueline Kennedy in Dallas on November 22, 1963. Bullets put an end to his evolution on matters of racial justice. - Bettmann Archive/Getty Images

Bullets put a brutal end to Kennedy’s evolution on matters of racial justice. He was shot to death in Dallas while riding in a convertible next to first lady Jacqueline Kennedy in an act of violence that also wounded then-Texas Gov. John Connally. The shock of Kennedy’s murder brought the world up short, sparking endless conspiracy theories — especially after the accused killer, Lee Harvey Oswald, was then shot and killed by Jack Ruby, himself a figure with underworld connections. While a presidential commission later identified Oswald as a lone shooter, questions remain, even six decades later.

His killing also placed him in a pantheon with the year’s other less celebrated victims— Medgar Evers and the Birmingham Six. Malcolm X, the revolutionary leader who embodied the Black resistance and parried with King over the meaning of democracy, infamously characterized Kennedy’s death as “chickens coming home to roost,” which resulted in his suspension and eventual departure from the Nation of Islam.

Though less well-known, writer James Baldwin’s response to the assassination is particularly instructive. Baldwin found himself too angry to mourn only Kennedy. He lashed out against the country that, in his estimation, did not sufficiently express grief for Medgar Evers or the lost children of Birmingham. “Evers was put to death by the southern oligarchy to preserve the southern power structure,” Baldwin said. “That’s why he died and that’s why nobody cares.” He continued. “That’s why six children died in Birmingham and nobody cares.”

The best compliment that can be paid to Kennedy’s unfinished legacy is that he evolved. That political evolution helped lay the groundwork for his successor, Lyndon Baines Johnson, and the magnificent achievements of the Great Society, including landmark civil rights legislation Kennedy proposed that was passed under Johnson. The ultimate lesson we can learn from Kennedy, 60 years after his death, is that this nation remains a work in progress. Kennedy’s vision, at its best, continues today in the pursuit of progress, the restless and relentless effort to achieve freedom and citizenship for all Americans so that the power of our example can reverberate hopefully throughout the world.


The Fundamental Crisis and Foundational Contradiction Facing the United States During the Upcoming Presidential Election Year of 2024: Fascism guided, informed, and enabled by the Doctrines and Practices of White Supremacy and Global Capitalism--PART 16

"What's Past is Prologue..."

https://www.thenation.com/…/this-is-what-white-supremacy-l…/

This Is What White Supremacy Looks Like

Don’t be confused. Trump’s voters didn’t vote against their own interests, they voted for the preservation of white privilege—their paramount interest.

by Damon Young
November 9, 2016
The Nation
Trump Confederate Flag
PHOTO: Trump supporters pose with a Confederate flag in Jacksonville, Florida.  (AP Photo / Matt Rourke)

There is an understandable inclination to believe that by voting for and ultimately electing Donald Trump, white people (particularly working-class white people) voted against their own self-interests. After all, this is a man who became a billionaire by swindling and defrauding and sometimes just outright not paying people exactly like them, and there’s no real evidence that a Trump presidency will be much different for them than the Trump industry has been.

A version of this post initially appeared on VSB.com.

This is not particularly untrue. But it misses the point—as I did.

In this election, they (white people) did not vote against their self-interests. They may have voted against a self-interest—several self-interests, actually—but not their most important one: the preservation of white supremacy.

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Don’t Just Grieve for Immigrants—Fight for Immigrants
by Aura Bogado


Retaining the value of a whiteness they believed to be increasingly devalued superseded everything else. Including their own livelihoods; their own intellects; their own physical and financial well-beings; their own Christianity; their own consciences; their own agency; their own money; their own educations; their own employment; their own neighborhoods; their own homes; their own futures; their own children’s futures, their own country’s legacy; their own country’s status with the rest of the world; their own environment; their own food, air, and water; their own planet; their own rights; their own dignity; their own integrity; and their own lives.

And please note that I am not including any qualifiers. For working-class whites. Or whites from Rust Belt cities. Or white men. Or white people who didn’t graduate from college—or rural whites, or Midwestern whites, or Southern whites. Or whites disillusioned with Washington. Or whites who hate Clinton. Or whites who felt ignored by politicians. This is on all white people—who are complicit even if they didn’t vote for Trump.

Yes, there exists a difference between allies and racial antagonists. They are not the same. But those allies obviously haven’t done enough collectively to repudiate the mindsets existing in their families and among their friends, possessed by their co-workers and neighbors, shared during private holiday gatherings and public town-hall meetings. Millions of white voters have shown us that nothing existing on earth or in heaven or hell matters more to them than being white, and whichever privileges—real or fabricated, concrete or spiritual—existing as White in America provides. I admit: I underestimated them. Of course, I knew of the presence of white supremacy and the appeal of perpetuating it. You cannot exist as a black person in America without at least a rudimentary and peripheral understanding of it. What I didn’t realize, however, was exactly how powerful this want to retain whiteness is.

I assumed, wrongly, that enough of them would value their own lives, their own humanity, more than the need for white supremacy to be preserved. But I failed to realize how intertwined these things are for them. There apparently is no point in even existing without existing as white. Whiteness is past an identity or status; it is their oxygen, their plasma, their connective tissue.

I’m trying very hard to find silver linings today, some source of comfort or consolation. But I cannot. Maybe I will eventually. But right now, this, the idea that white people are so possessed with clutching and cultivating and elevating white supremacy that they will endanger and outright sacrifice their own fucking lives to do so, is all I can think about. And if they feel that way about their own lives, why would they give a damn about mine?

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Damon Young is the editor-in-chief of VSB. He is also a contributing editor for EBONY.com and a columnist for EBONY Magazine.


...MEANWHILE a mere 11 months later...

“Tonight’s vote is a giant setback for every consumer in this country,” Richard Cordray, the director of the consumer bureau, said in a statement. “As a result, companies like Wells Fargo and Equifax remain free to break the law without fear of legal blowback from their customers.”

Add nytdirect@nytimes.com to your address book.The New York Times


Breaking News Alert
October 24, 2017

NYTimes.com »


BREAKING NEWS:

Mike Pence cast the deciding vote as Senate Republicans struck down a rule that would have let Americans sue banks and credit card companies


Tuesday, October 24, 2017

10:23 PM EDT


The overturning of the rule, with Vice President Mike Pence breaking a 50-to-50 tie, would further loosen regulation of Wall Street as the Trump administration and Republicans move to roll back Obama-era policies enacted in the wake of the 2008 economic crisis. By defeating the rule, Republicans are dismantling a major effort of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the watchdog created by Congress in the aftermath of the mortgage mess.

Read More »

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/24/business/senate-vote-wall-street-regulation.html

Business Day

Consumer Bureau Loses Fight to Allow More Class-Action Suits

by JESSICA SILVER-GREENBERG
October 24, 2017
New York Times



Senate Republicans voted on Tuesday to strike down a sweeping new rule that would have allowed millions of Americans to band together in class-action lawsuits against financial institutions.

The overturning of the rule, with Vice President Mike Pence breaking a 50-to-50 tie, will further loosen regulation of Wall Street as the Trump administration and Republicans move to roll back Obama-era policies enacted in the wake of the 2008 economic crisis. By defeating the rule, Republicans are dismantling a major effort of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the watchdog created by Congress in the aftermath of the mortgage mess.

The rule, five years in the making, would have dealt a serious blow to financial firms, potentially exposing them to a flood of costly lawsuits over questionable business practices.

For decades, credit card companies and banks have inserted arbitration clauses into the fine print of financial contracts to circumvent the courts and bar people from pooling their resources in class-action lawsuits. By forcing people into private arbitration, the clauses effectively take away one of the few tools that individuals have to fight predatory and deceptive business practices. Arbitration clauses have derailed claims of financial gouging, discrimination in car sales and unfair fees.

The new rule written by the consumer bureau, which was set to take effect in 2019, would have restored the right of individuals to sue in court. It was part of a spate of actions by the bureau, which has cracked down on debt collectors, the student loan industry and payday lenders...

The Fundamental Crisis and Foundational Contradiction Facing the United States During the Upcoming Presidential Election Year of 2024: Fascism guided, informed, and enabled by the Doctrines and Practices of White Supremacy and Global Capitalism--PART 15

 "What's Past is Prologue..."

https://www.cnn.com/.../black-history-month.../index.html

Black History Month exposes the fallacy of White 'discomfort'
by Peniel E. Joseph
February 2, 2022
CNN
Peniel E. Joseph - Kelvin Ma/Tufts University/Kelvin Ma/Tufts UniversityPeniel E. Joseph - Kelvin Ma/Tufts University/Kelvin Ma/Tufts University
This year, Black History Month commemorations will unfold alongside efforts in numerous states to ban the teaching of its content. Efforts that purport to bar the teaching of "Critical Race Theory" have evolved into a full-scale assault, with Republican lawmakers unleashing attacks on Black History under the guise of protecting White children from "discomfort.”
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who seems intent on riding anti-CRT sentiment all the way to the White House, has made national headlines by backing a bill that would prevent any content that would make students or state employees feel "guilt" about their individual identities. Meanwhile, Virginia -- home of the capital of the Confederate States of America -- also banned CRT.
And now, Glenn Youngkin, Virginia's first Republican governor in a decade (whose victory was largely orchestrated by his savvy participation in race-fueled culture wars), has now created a tip line for parents who object to the content being taught in public schools. Unsurprisingly, the line has already been flooded by memes using sarcasm to state the obvious -- this isn't about preventing teachers from making kids feel uncomfortable. This is about avoiding discussions of racism -- and by extension, Black history -- altogether.
Republican lawmakers in multiple states and counties have effectively set out to cancel histories that White parents may find uncomfortable and in the process are seeking to cancel Black History Month and discussion of other uncomfortable histories, including the Holocaust and murderous campaigns unleashed against indigenous peoples as a result of settler colonialism.
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Black history offers the nation an unvarnished origin story -- one that transcends the mythology of America's founding and conveys the lived realities of native peoples and Black Americans and their centrality to the United States we live in today.
Sharing these stories with school children in an age-appropriate manner is not something we should fear. But the erroneous narrative that teaching Black history provokes anxiety, discomfort, guilt or anger for White children has insidious roots. Let us not forget that the classrooms of White children have been a battleground before, and that the cry of parental rights and choice were the order of the day back then as well.
Today's children should have the chance to know and relate to the Black school children, mostly young girls, who braved White mobs during the 1950s and 1960s -- and experienced their own anxiety, fear and trauma. That history deserves to be reckoned with by new generations of school children, irrespective of the manufactured concerns of Republican Party officials or White parents.
CNN reporter asks GOP politician about statements on critical race theory. Hear his response
Efforts to cancel Black history because it's too uncomfortable also reflect mainstream media narratives centering the anger and indignation of White parents regarding the teaching of Black history in public education. This has largely erased the perspective of Black parents. As one Black mother of three from Charlottesville, Virginia, told the Washington Post, "They say, 'Our children are too young to hear about racism.' Who is 'our' children? I don't remember a day of my life when I wasn't taught about racism, or learning about it through just existing. Our children, meaning Black children, have had to be taught different ways to stay safe to maneuver through the world.”
This effort to block the teaching of histories that make White parents and children uncomfortable is the logical outcome of the manufactured controversy over Critical Race Theory, a theoretical concept taught in law schools that researches the persistence of structural racism in the law and legal policies. In essence, these latest efforts by Virginia and Florida -- not to mention those enacted by Mississippi and Tennessee show that what's afoot here is adult politics, not kids' educations.
As Tennessee Rep. Antonio Parkinson, a Democrat from Memphis and chair of the General Assembly's Black Caucus told the Associated Press, "Anything that tells the truth about our history, for whatever reason, their fragility comes into play and it is exposed.”
VIDEO: Hannah-Jones: Anti-CRT backlash designed to stoke white resentment 01:37
Tellingly, the sweeping new legislation introduced under the auspices of anti-CRT rhetoric and amplified by GOP politicians seeking to cancel Black History nationally, will do more than make it harder to teach about racial slavery, Jim Crow segregation, lynching and structural racism.
It will also deny students an opportunity to analyze and interrogate recent events, such as the 2017 violence in Charlottesville and the January 6 Capitol insurrection -- two events to which race was pivotal. Such censorship impoverishes our nation, dishonors the countless numbers of White, Black and multiracial activists who have struggled (and still struggle) to achieve equal citizenship and dignity for all people. To engage this debate on the GOP's terms sets us on a precarious road of having politicians decide what narratives are legitimate and which are considered unacceptable.
Black History Month has roots in "Negro History Week" created by Carter G. Woodson in 1926. The Harvard-educated Woodson founded the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History (now the Association for the Study of Afro American Life and History) in 1915 as a way to educate not only Black Americans, but the entire nation about the central role African Americans had played in the development of the United States, from slavery to freedom.
For centuries, we have imbibed Big Lies about the origins of American wealth, technological innovation, military strength and moral and political aspirations. By erasing the centrality of Black people -- their labor and intellectual genius in the face of state-sanctioned efforts to exploit them and deny their full citizenship -- we managed to create a national consensus around a story of American exceptionalism, one repeated by politicians and schoolchildren, preachers and professors, business leaders and diplomats for much of our history.
That false consensus is what lawmakers seek to preserve in their concerted efforts to suppress Black history in the classroom. What we are now witnessing is the latest White backlash against efforts to reimagine American democracy from the bottom up.
Black History Month is a rich opportunity to resist the small-minded thinking that rationalizes how children cannot -- or should not -- understand the United States as a nation whose history holds both pride and shame. As Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. reminded the nation, in his last speech, America's greatness remains rooted in the "right to protest for right!" This year, as we celebrate Black History Month, this truth is worth remembering now more than ever. 
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Peniel E. Joseph is the Barbara Jordan Chair in ethics and political values and the founding director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy at the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor of history. He is the author of "Stokely: A Life" and "The Sword and the Shield: The Revolutionary Lives of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr." The views expressed here are his own. View more opinion articles on CNN.”